UC-NRLF

B 3 D3M S3fi

C" C.C C

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.

OIKT OK

Deceived JAN 1895

Accessions

c qc ' C

C"<K" c

< <r< <

'< <£ CT

<c cc

xc c c

<<: <?~ c
ct C c c
cc e c c

cc <! c c

<c c c c

THE WORKS

OF

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT

THE WORKS

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT

VOLUME XVI

HISTORY OF THE

NOETH MEXICAN STATES AND TEXAS

VOL. II 1801—1889

SAN FRANCISCO
THE HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS

1889

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1889, by

HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

All Rights Reserved.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER L

TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES

1800-1810.

PAGE

Internal Condition of Texas — Society at San Antonia de Bejar—
Colonel Pike — The Provincial Government — Nolan's Inroad — His
Defeat and Death — Gambling for Life — Bean's Biography — Sale of
Louisiana to the United States — The Boundary Dispute — Preten
sions of the United States — Preparations for Hostilities — The Span
ish Troops Cross the Sabine — General Wilkinson Takes the Field —
The Spanish Retire — Wilkinson Marches to the Sabine — A Blood
less Campaign — The Neutral Ground Convention — Improved Condi
tion of Texas— Desperadoes Occupy the Neutral Ground— Their
Organization 1

CHAPTER II.

INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.
1811-1814.

Revolution in Favor of Independence — Zambrano's Counter-revolution
— Reestablishment of the Royalist Government —Bernardo Gutier
rez — Magee's Scheme of Conquest— The Americans Occupy Nacog-
doches — La Bahia Falls into their Hands — Governor Salcedo
Besieges La Bahia— Death of Magee— The Battle of Rosillo —
Defeat of the Spanish Army - Surrender of San Antonio— A Repub
lican Government Organized — Massacre of Salcedo and Other Pris
oners — Disgust of the Americans— Defeat of Royalists under
Elizondo — Toledo Takes Command of the Republican Army—
Approach of Arredondo — Battle of the Medina — Destruction of the
Americans — Elizondo's Executions — Pacification of the Province. . . 17

(v)

vi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER III.

PRIVATEERING, PIPACY, AND INVASIONS.

1815-1821.

PAGE

The Asylum of Mexican Refugees— Herrera's Privateering Scheme—A
Republican Government Established at Galveston — Havoc Inflicted
on Spanish Commerce— Arrival of Mina — Aury and Perry — The
Descent on Soto la Marina — Parry's March to Te.Tas — Destruction
of his Band — Aury at Matagorda Bay — He Leaves Texas for Florida
— The Pirate of the Gulf and the Barratarians — Galveston Occupied
by Lafitte — A Spurious Government — Piratical Depredations —
Lafitte Expelled from Galveston — His Biography — Lallemand's
Champ d'Asile — Settlement of the Boundary Question — Long's Inva-
vasion — Texas Declared a Republic — Destruction of the Expe
dition .... 33

CHAPTER IV.

COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM.

1819-1831.

Spain Relaxes her Exclusive Policy— Biography of Moses Austin — His
Colonization Scheme— He Petitions for a Land Grant in Texas — His
Sufferings and Death —Internal Affairs of Mexico— Beginning of
Austin's Colony — Difficulties, Dangers, and Losses — Stephen Austin
in the City of Mexico— Delay and Anxiety— Final Success of his
Petition — Discretionary Powers Granted Austin — Progress of the
Colony — Austin's Government — Greedy and Discontented Settlers —
Erroneous Idea about Immigrant Criminals— Scattered Settlements
— A New Contract — The Eoipresario System — Colonization Law of
Coahuila and Texas — Influx of Immigrants — Empresario Enter
prises—Their Partial Success— Progress of Texas 54

CHAPTER V.

THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.

1800-1839.

Despotism in Coahuila — Internal Government — Resources and Condition
of the Province — Character of the People — Coahuila during the
War of Independence — Formation of the State of Coahuila and
Texas — Organization of a Government — The State Constitution —
Election Laws— First Constitutional Congress— Viesca Elected,

CONTENTS. vii

PAGE

Governor— Poverty of the Treasury — Commercial Intruders — Offers
of the United States to Purchase Texas— The Slave Question in
Texas — The Colonists Angry — Condition of the Mexican Peon — The
Emancipation Law — Exception in Favor of Texas — Persecution of
Spaniards — Subserviency of the State to the National Government
— Administration of Justice — Education and Religion — Monopoly
Privileges Grant ed to Colonists 77

CHAPTER VI.

MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

1826-1832.

Hayden Edwards' Grant — His Difficulties and Want of Policy — Mexi
cans versus Colonists — Annulment of Edwards' Contract — John
Dunn Hunter — Discontent of the Cherokees — The Fredonian Revolt
— Covenant with Indian Tribes — Delusive Hopes — Red Men's Per
fidy — Murder of Hunter and Fields —Failure of the Revolt — Prog
ress and Condition of the Colonies — Mexico's Fears of Losing Texas
— Alaman's Propositions — Law of April 6, 1830 — Military Despotism
— Establishment of Custom-houses — Ports of Texas Closed — Demon
strations of the Colonists — Bradburn's Outrages — Hostilities at Ana-
huac — The Turtle Bayou Resolutions— Capture of Fort Velasco —
Mutiny at Anahuac and Flight of Bradburn — Resolutions of the
Ayuntainientos — Nacogdoches Evacuated — Tranquillity Restored
in Texas. . . 98

CHAPTER VII.

PROPOSED SEPARATION OF TEXAS FROM COAHUILA,

1832-1835.

Arguments in favor of Separation — The Texan Convention — A Seces-
sional Constitution — Political Affairs in the Mexican Capital — Santa
Anna's Craf tness— Austin Presents a Memorial to the Federal Gov
ernment — Its Reception — Austin Injudicious — His Arrest for Trea
son — Dragged from Court to Court — His Letter to the Texans —
Maillard's Book — Santa Anna Dictator — Affairs in Coahuila — Texas
Receives Redress — Saltillo versus Monclova — Adjustment of Differ
ences — Santa Anna's Decision on the Texan Petition — Almonte's
Report — Population of Texas — Fraudulent Sales of Public Lands —
Separatists and Anti-separatists 130

viii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VIII.

EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

1835.

PAGE

Coahuila and Texas Protests — The State Legislature Disbanded — Gov
ernor Viesca Arrested — Tenoria Ejected from Anahuac — Political
Fencing — Zavala — Agitators from the United States — Public Meet
ings — Arrest of Zavala and Settlers Ordered — Affair of the Correo
and San Felipe — Columbia's Call for a General Consultation — Aus
tin's Return — His Speech at Brazoria — Preparations for War — Gen
eral Cos Arrives at Be jar — A Disputed Cannon — The Affair of
Gonzalez — Warlike Enthusiasm — A Permanent Council Established
—Austin Takes the Field — Capture of Goliad — United States Sym
pathy—Land Frauds — The Consultation Assembles — Its Labors —
Organization of a Provisional G overnment ,.,,., , ,.,,,,,.,,,, 152

CHAPTER IX.

SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

1835.

Battle of Concepcion — The Grass Fight — Protracted Siege — Dissatisfac
tion of the Volunteers — Burleson Succeeds Austin — Orders and
Counter-orders — Milam's Call — Description of San Antonio — The
First Assault — Steady Advance of the Texans — Death of Milam —
His Biography — Confusion at the Alamo — Cos Surrenders — Terms
of Capitulation — The Volunteers Disband — Affiir at Lipantitlan —
The Tampico Tragedy — Discord in the Government — Financial
Matters — Houston's Proclamation — Governor Smith and the Coun
cil — Grant's Scheme — Descent on Matamoros Meditated — Smith
Suspended— The Effect of Discord , .,,,.,, 175

CHAPTER X.

THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

January-March 1836.

Apathy of the Texans — Santa Anna's Preparation and March — Descrip
tion of the Alamo — David Crockett — The Siege — Storming of the
A"lamo — The Assault — Hand-to-hand Contests — Death of Bowie — A
Holocaust — Victory Dearly Bought — Declaration of Independence
— Names of the Subscribers — Labors of the Convention — A Provi
sional Government Organized — The Constitution — Fannin's Prepar-

CONTENTS. ix

PAGE

ations at Goliad — Destruction of Grant's Party — Urrea's Movements
•. — Capture of San Patricio — Fannin's Force — King's Party Shot —
Assault on the Mission of Refugio — Capture of Ward's Command —
Houston at Gonzalez — Movements of the Mexican Forces — Fannin
Retreats toward Victoria — A Fatal Delay — Battle of Encinal del
Perdido — Surrender of Fannin — A Barbarous Massacre — Number
of the Victims. . . .201

CHAPTER XL

SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

1836-1837.

Houston's Retreat — His Biography — Panic of the Settlers — San Felipe
Burned — Santa Anna's Plans and Advance — His Impetuous Move
ments — Removal of the Government to Galveston— Harrisburg in
Ashes — Discontent of Houston's Army — Its Advance to the San
Jacinto — Santa Anna Burns New Washington — He Marches to
Engage Houston — Preliminary Skirmishing — Mexican Carelessness
in an Enemy's Front — Discussion on Houston's Tactics — Burning
of Vince's Bridge — Preparations for Battle — San Jacinto and
Slaughter — Santa Anna's Flight and Capture — Negotiations for
Life — Filisola's Retreat — Santa Anna's Dangerous Position and
Final Release . . .238

CHAPTER XII.

THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

1836-1838.

Filisola Superseded — Vain Threats— The Texan Navy— Commissioners
to the United States— Mortit's Report — General Gaines Crosses
the Sabine — Gorostiza's Protest — He Demands his Passports — Pas
sive Character of the War — Return of Austin — The Elections — •
Political Parties — Houston Chosen President — Meeting of the First
Congress — Houston's Inaugural Address — His Cabinet — Legislative
Acts of Congress — The National Seal and Flag— Death and Biogra
phy of Austin — Condition of the Republic— Recognition of her Inde
pendence by the United States — Reopening of Congress — The Slave
Question — Passage of the Land Law — Its Provisions — Brighter
Prospects — Indian Warfare — Financial Operations — Lamar Elected
President. . ,',". 7^. ". ~~\ , ..',,,, 279

x CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIII.

LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.
1838-1841.

PAGE

President's Views on Annexation — His Message to Congress — Origin of
the Texan Rangers — Financial Matters — Hamilton's Mission to
Europe— His Failure to Effect a Loan — Indian Warfare — The
Nacogdoches Revolt — Mexican Intrigues — The Mission and Death
of Flores — Expulsion of the Cherokees — Fight at San Antonio — An
Indian Raid — Massacre of the Comanches — The Federal Campaign
— Battle of Alcantro — Republic of the Rio Grande Proclaimed —
Treacherous Allies— Battle of Saltillo— The Santa Fe Expedition-
Its Object and Disastrous Result — The New Capital — Recognition
by France and England — Ralations with Mexico — English Media
tion Rejected — Houston Reflected President— Condition of the
Republic 314

CHAPTER XIV.

END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

1841-1846.

Houston's Second Admistration — Reduction of Expenses — Vasquez
Takes Bejar — Correspondence with Santa Anna — Operations of the
Navy — The Archive War — Regulators and Moderators — England's
Neutrality — Woll's Inroad — Dawson's Defeat — Somerville's Dubious
Conduct— Battle of Mier — Mexican Guile — The Charge on the
Guard — A Grievous Mistake — The Death-lottery — The Prisoners a.t
Perote — Snively's Expedition —Robinson's Diplomacy — The Armis
tice — Rivalry of the United States and England— Anson Jones
Elected President — Houston's Farewell Message— His Difficult Posi
tion— Annexation— The State Constitution . 344

CHAPTER XV.

TEXAS AS A STATE.

1846-1859.

Social Condition of the Texans — Population — Position of Malefac
tors — Simplicity of Households — The Literate Element — Governor
Henderson's Inauguration — Texans' Doings in the Mexican War—
Wood's Administration — Dispute about the Possession of Santa Fe —
Governor Bell— The Texan Debt— Pearce's Bill— The Santa Fe and
Public Debt Questions — Scaling the Debt — Pease's Administration

CONTENTS. xi

PAGE

— Prosperity — Indian Depredations — Native Colonies — Prospects of
Success — Vicious Indian Settlers — Angry Frontier-men — A Barbar
ous Massacre — Removal of the Indian Colonists — Final Adjustment
of the Public Debt — Financial Matters — Hostility to Mexicans — The
Cart War — Political Parties — Biography of Rusk — Administration of
Runnels — The Slavery Agitation— Houston Elected Governor 389

CHAPTER XVI.

CIVIL WAR.

1859-1862.

The North and the South — Houston's Message — Reports of Committees
on Resolutions of South Carolina — Knights of the Golden Circle —
Special Session of the Texan Congress Convened — A Convention
Illegally Called — Surrender of General Twiggs — Houston's Speech
at Galveston — Texas Secedes from the Union — Proceedings of the
Convention — Houston Deposed — His Protest — Clark Installed Pro
visional Governor — Indian Settlement on Trinity River — Cortina's
Insurrection — His Defeat and Flight — List of Senators and Repre
sentatives — Commencement of the Civil War — Military Operations
— Invasion, of New Mexico — Its Failure . . , , 427

CHAPTER XVII.

PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

1 862-1865.

Operations of the United States Navy — Recapture of Galveston by the
Texans — Military Despotism — Defeat of the Federals at Sabine Pass
— Death of General Houston — His Character and Policy — Murrah
Elected Governor — Operations of the Federals on the Gulf Coast — •
Attempt against Texas by Red River — Brownsville Taken by Cor
tina — Administration of Murrah — Financial Matters — The Conscrip
tion Laws — Lamentable Social Condition of Texas — Industrial
Progress — Cotton Planters -Reverses of the Confederate Arms —
The Last Engagement , , , 454

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

1865-1870.

Governor Hamilton — The Question of -Freedmen's Rights — Lawlessness
in Texas — Emancipation of Slavery Declared in Texas — Its Effect—
The State Convention — Throckmorton Elected Governor — A Bold
Message — Laws Passed by the Legislature — Discord between Presi-

xii CONTENTS.

TAGS

dent Johnson and Congress — A Rigorous Act — Texas under Military
Rule — Judicial Districts — Throckmorton's Difficulties and Removal
— His Views on the Position — Pease Appointed Governor — Changes
of Military Commanders — Registration Questions — The Reconstruc
tion Convention — Disagreements — The General Election — Amended
Constitution Ratified — Doings of the Legislature 478

CHAPTER XIX.

TEXAS RESTORED.

1871-1888.

Administration of Governor Davis — Message to the Legislature — Repub
lican Measures — Party Rivalry — Austin the Permanent Capital — •
Repeal of Obnoxious Laws — Condition of the Treasury — Republicans
versus Democrats — A Dangerous Crisis — Victory of the Democrats
— Coke Elected Governor — Condition of Affairs — The New Consti
tution—Coke's Criticisms — Governor Hubbard — The Salt War —
Finance — Governor Roberts' Policy — Indian Affairs — The Boundary
Question 501

CHAPTER XX.

INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

1835-1888.

Rapid Progress — Population — Social Advancement — Decrease of Crime
—The State Capitol— The Huntsville Penitentiary— Reform of
Abuses — Rusk Penitentiary — Charitable Institutions — Asylum for
the Deaf and Dumb — The Institute for the Blind — Insane Asylum
— Development of Education — Appropriations for the Establishment
of Free Schools — The Public School System— Statistics — Founding
of the Texas University — The Agricultural and Mechanical College
— First Protestant Churches — Marriage by Bond Legalized — Eccle
siastical Statistics— First Printing Press in Texas — Early News
papers—Texas Editorial and Press Association 528

CHAPTER XXI.

INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

1835-1888.

Physical Divisions — A Forest Region — The Level Prairies of the Gulf
Coast — Central Highlands — A Vast Cattle Region — The Panhandle
and Staked Plain — Climate and Rainfall — Cotton Production — The
Cereals — Progress of Agriculture — Cattle Statistics — Stock Trails

CONTENTS. xiii

PAGE

to the North — The Texas Fever — Wire Fence Troubles— Sheep and
Horses — Minerals — Manufacturing and Mechanical Industries — •
Foreign Commerce — Imports and Exports — The Postal Service-
Railroad Systems — The Oldest Lines — Houston the Natural Centre
— Narrow Gauge Lines — Liberality of the State Government — The
Strike at Fort Worth . . .551

CHAPTER XXII.

CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

1800-1845.

Redivision of Provincias Internas — Movements During the War of
Independence — Cruz Defends the Royal Cause — Durango Captured
by Negrete — Chihuahua and Durango Made Separate States — Party
Strife and Revolts — Liberals and Conservatives — Federal Coalition
in the North — Change of Governors in Durango — Apache Raids in
Chihuahua — Decline of Presidio Defences — Indian Warfare — Scalp
Hunting — Massacre at Janos —The Central Regime — Federal Oppo
sition — Durango Joins Paredes' Revolution 581

CHAPTER XXIII.

LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

1843-1888.

Preparations for War with the United States — Vidal Defeated by Doni-
phan — Battle of Sacramento — Doniphan Occupies Chihuahua — He
Marches to Saltillo— Siege and Fall of Resales — Frontier Defence-
Failure of Military Colonies — Indian Raids and Scalp Hunting — A
Coalition of States— Sale of the Mesilla Valley— Plan of Ayutla
Adopted — Cajen Invades Chihuahua and Durango — Victory of the
Liberals — Entry of the French — Juarez flees to Chihuahua — Brin-
court Occupies the City — Departure of the Invaders — Durango
Opposes the Juaristas — Murder of Patom — Revolution of Porfirio
Diaz — Lerdista's Movements — Sierra Mojada Territory Formed —
Suppression of Indian Raids . . 604

CHAPTER XXIV.

UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA.

1800-1830.

Progress of Settlements — Invasion by Hermosillo — Capture of Rosario
— Defeat of Hermosillo at San Ignaciode Piastla — Campaign against
the Apaches — Last Colonial Rulers — Uprising of the Opatas — The

xiv CONTENTS.

PAGE

Empire Welcomed— Sonora and Sinaloa Neglected— Petition for
Reforms — Federalism Favored — Separation of Sonora Ignored —
Form of Government — Grievances and Revolt of the Yaquis— Oper
ations of Banderas — Suppression of the Uprising — Expulsion of
Spaniards — Hardy's Visit — Separation of Sonora and Sinaloa —
Population , 628

CHAPTER XXV.

SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES*

1830-1851.

Sonora's First Legislature — Leading Towns — Indians versus Whites —
Banderas' Scheme — His Defeat and Death — War with the Yaquis
— Expeditions against the Apaches — Party Struggles— Governor
Gandara — Urrea Proclaims Federalism — He is Recognized by Sina
loa — Gandara's Counter-revolution — The Yaquis Roused by Gandara
— War between Federalists and Centralists — Alternate Successes —
Changes of Rulers — War with the United States — Guaymas Bom
barded — Americans Take Possession — Mazatlan Captured — Migra
tion from Sonora to California — Troubles with Apaches — Changes
in the Administration , 649

CHAPTER XXVI.

FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA.

1852-1854.

Raousset de Boulbon's Early Career — His Schemes — Pindray's Frontier
Colony — Raousset's Grant — Arrival in Sonora — Hostility of Officials
— Capture of Hermosillo — Raousset Attacked with Fever — Retires
to Guaymas— The Adventurers Capitulate — New Schemes of the
Frenchman — The Compania Restauradora — Raousset Goes to
Mexico — A Second Expedition Planned — The Return to Sonora —
Raousset Duped by Yanez — The Mexican Barracks at Guaymas —
Plan of Attack— Assault of the Filibusters— Their Defeat — Disposal
of the Prisoners — Execution of Raousset — His Character .,,,..,.,, 673

CHAPTER XXVII.

FRENCH OPERATIONS IN SONORA AND SINALOA.

1854-1866.

Effect of the Gadsden Purchase — Crabb's Colony Scheme — Gandara's
Revolt and Defeat— Crabb's Defeat at Caborca— The Whole Party
Shot — Jecker's Survey and Troubles —Conservative Reaction in

CONTENTS. x*

PAGE

Siiialoa — Frequent Revolutions — Triumph of Liberals in Sonora —
The French Occupy Guaymas — Gandara's Operations — Souora Held
by Imperialists — Struggles of the Liberals — Departure of the French
— Tanori Shot — Sonora Free — Lozadu Besieges Mazatlan — The
French Capture the Fort — Victory of Resales — Castagny's Opera
tions — Alternate Successes of Liberals and Imperialists — Loz Aids
the Latter— The French Reembark and Retire , 693

CHAPTER XXVIII.

REVOLUTIONS AND COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS.

1867-1887.

Party Quarrels — Uprising of the Yaquis — Vega's Piratical Raid on
Guaymas — Leyva's Revolution against Juarez— Its Failure — Revo
lution in Sinaloa and Sequel — Contest in Sonora Regarding the
Constitution — Mariscal Sent to Restore Order — The Lerdo Election
Troubles — Sinaloa Yields to the Porfirists — Mariscal Governor of
Sonora — Change of Governors — Appearance of Yellow Fever — Rev
olution in Sinaloa by Ramirez — His Defeat and Death — Marquez de
Leon Invades Sonora — Is Compelled to Retire — Withdraws to Cali
fornia — Wars with the Apaches — Their Final Subjugation, , , 700

CHAPTER XXIX.

LOWER CALIFORNIA.

1800-1848.

Separation from Alta California Decreed— Foreign Trade — Vessels Vis
iting the Coast — Cochrane's Raid on Loreto — More Liberty Granted
to Indians — Federal System Established — Political Divisions — Mis
sions Secularized — Party Factions — The Calif ornias Reunited —
Frontier Quarrels — Hardy's Pearl-fishing Scheme— United States
Designs — Americans Occupy La Paz — Selfridge Takes Mulege —
Patriotic Rising at San Jose del Cabo — Californians Attack La Paz
— The American Garrison Relieved— San Jose Besieged — Retreat of
the Californians — Battle of San Vicente— Burton's Operations-
Expedition to Todos Santos — End of the War — Lower California
Restored to Mexico , , 705

CHAPTER XXX.

LOWER CALIFORNIA.

\

1848-1888.

New Political Division— A Military Colony Established— Filibustering
Designs— Walker— His Plans against Sonora Thwarted— Enrollment

CONTENTS.

PAGE

of Men in California— Descent on Lower California — Proclaims a
Republic at La Paz — Walker Retires to Todos Santos Bay — Arrival
of Reinforcements — Capture of Santo Tomas — The Republic of
Sonora Proclaimed — Dissension Among the Filibusters — The March
into Sonora — Collapse of the Expedition — Political Matters — Con
vict Uprising — Strife for Power — Frontier Troubles — Arrival of
French Vessels — Colonization Plans — Orchilla Gathering — Revolt
against Governor Davilos — Change of Governors — Marquez' Revolt
—Prospects of Progress , , , , 71$ ' '

CHAPTER XXXI.

INSTITUTIONAL.
1800-1888.

Frontier Military Forces in Colonial Times — War for Independence —
Government — Officers and Districts — Revenue — Chihuahua, Du-
rango, Sinaloa, Sonora, and Lower California — Crime and Punish
ment — Fusion of Races — Aboriginal Peoples — Judiciary and Codes
— Colonization — Education , . , 740

CHAPTER XXXII.

RESOURCES AND COMMERCE.

Obstacles to Progress of Agriculture — Production and Crops — Stock-
raising — Mining — Effect of Indians on Development — Districts in
Different States — Metals, Minerals, and Precious Stones — Pearl
Fishing — Manufactures — Cotton Mills— Trade — Imports and Ex
ports — Smuggling — Coast Trade — Steamer Lines — Roads and
Canals— Railways . . * 748

HISTORY

OF

TEXAS

AND THE

NORTH MEXICAN STATES.

CHAPTER I.

TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES.
1800-1810.

INTERNAL CONDITION OF TEXAS— SOCIETY AT SAN ANTONIA DE BEJAR — COLO
NEL PIKE— THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT— NOLAN'S INROAD— His DE
FEAT AND DEATH— GAMBLING FOR LIFE — BEAN'S BIOGRAPHY— SALE OP
LOUISIANA TO THE UNITED STATES— THE BOUNDARY DISPUTE— PRETEN
SIONS OF THE UNITED STATES — PREPARATIONS FOR HOSTILITIES — THE
SPANISH TROOPS CROSS THE SABINE — GENERAL WILKINSON TAKES THE
FIELD— THE SPANISH RETIRE — WILKINSON MARCHES TO THE SABINE —
A BLOODLESS CAMPAIGN — THE NEUTRAL-GROUND CONVENTION — IM
PROVED CONDITION OF TEXAS — DESPERADOES OCCUPY THE NEUTRAL
GROUND — THEIR ORGANIZATION.

WITH the opening of the nineteenth century Texas
began to emerge from that slough of stagnation in
which she had been so long buried. Henceforth she
became an object of attention and a field of strife,
until finally she rose to the dignity of an independent
republic. But her elevation was not due to internal
development. It was the effect of external influences
and the advent of another race of men; the Anglo-
American element gained for her a name in the his
tory of the New World.

What the population of Texas was at the beginning
of this century cannot be definitely ascertained, but
according to reports published by the Tribunal del

VOL.IL L

2 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES.

Consulado, it was estimated to be about 21,000 in 1805,
its area being a little over 7,000 square leagues.1
Major Pike, who passed through the province in 1807,
says : " The population of Texas may be estimated at
7,000. These are principally Spanish Creoles, some
French, some Americans, and a few civilized Indians
and half-breeds."2 But this number did not include
the wild Indian tribes. It was, indeed, a desolate
country. The only settlements of any importance
were San Antonio de Bejar, with about 2,000 inhabi
tants ; La Bahia del Espiritu Santo — now Goliad—
about 1,400;3 and Nacogdoches, with 500 inhabitants.
Scattered in the interior were a few military stations,
and here and there a mission still existed,4 round which
were settled a few miserable Indian proselytes. What
little trade there was, was carried on with Mexico by
way of Monterey and Monclova, and with New Or
leans through Natchitoches, the latter being contra
band; nor was it until 1806 that Texas was allowed a
port, when the Bahia de San Bernardo was opened as
a puerto menor by royal order of September 28, 1805.5
The exchange for merchandise was specie, horses, and
mules.

lSoc, Hex. Geog., ii. 20.

*Exped., ap., part iii. 33. The author of the pamphlet Pretensiones de
los Anglo- Americanos, Mexico, 1820, pp. 7 — and who was probably the gov
ernor Cordero, since, while speaking of affairs in Texas in 1806, he says, ' Yo
mandaba entonces la frontera ' — states on page 3 that the Americans assigned
less than 6,000 inhabitants to the three settlements of San Antonio, La Bahia,
and Nacogdoches, and their districts. Pap. Var., 157, no. 4. Fernando Na-
varro y Noriega gives 3,334 as the number of inhabitants under the govern
ment of Texas in 1810. Soc. Mex. Geog., vii. 138. Arispe, Mem. Coah., 12, in
Pamphlets, i., gives 7,000 as the number in 1811.

3 Almonte gives these for the year 1806. Not. Estad. Tej., 25.

*Cancelada supplies the following list for 1811: Around the capital San
Fernando: Mission of la Concepcion, distant 1 1.; San Jose" de Agayo, 1 1. ;
San Antonio de Bejar, 2^ 1. ; San Juan. Capistrano, 3^ 1. ; San Francisco de la
Espada, 4 1 Around the Presidio of Espirito Santo: Mission of the Rosario,
distant l.j 1.; Ilefugio, 12 1. There were also 16 ranchos, 'que sin dexar de
obedecer a las Antoridades no viven en continua sociedad. ' 'ihe total popula
tion of all these places is given as 4,000 of both sexes; that of the wild Indian
tribes as over 14,000. Ruina de N. Esp., 41. Arispe mentions only four
missions as existing in the above-named year; namely, San Jos6, de la Espada,
San Bernardo, and el Ilefugio. Mem. Coah., in Pamphlets, i. 11. In 1812
the missions were suppressed by the Spanish government, and the Indians
dispersed. Shea, Hist. Cath. Mis., 87.

^J)isposic. Var., i. f. 132.

SAN ANTONIO SOCIETY. 3

Most of the inhabitants, even those in the capital,
San Antonio, were of roaming inclinations, induced
by love of the chase. The buffalo and wild horse
abounded in great numbers, and the pursuit of them
was a source of both pleasure and profit. The gov
ernor, Antonio Cordero — who succeeded Juan Bau-
tista Guazabal in 180G — checked, however, in some
degree this disposition to lead a wandering life, and
compelled attention to agriculture.6 Yet in this small,
rough community there was not wanting somewhat of
the amenities, and even refinement, of civilized society.
This was to be found among the Spanish residents,

6 By restricting the buffalo hunts to certain seasons, and obliging every
man of family to cultivate so many acres of land. Pike's Exp., ap., part iii.
34. This writer, Major Zebulon Montgomery Pike, of the 6th regiment of the
U. S. infantry, was commissioned under instructions of Pres. Jefferson to ex
plore the sources of the Mississippi, in which undertaking he was engaged
from August 1805 to April 1806. In July of the latter year he was sent by
Gen. Wilkinson to explore the Arkansas and Red rivers, his party consisting
of 23 persons. The commandant of Nacogdoches became informed of the
projected expedition while Pike was making his preparations at St Louis, and
a strong force of 100 dragoons and 500 mounted militia was sent by the gov
ernment at the Mexican capital to intercept him. Pike, however, had got
lost, and was undiscovered by the Spanish troops, though they descended the
Red River 600 miles. Meantime the explorer had made his way to the Rio
Grande, where he and his party were taken by the authorities of New Mexico
and conducted to Santa Fe\ He was thence sent to Chihuahua, where Nemesio
Salcedo, the captain-general of the provincias interims, resided. After an in
vestigation into the object of his expedition and some detention, he was sent
with a portion of his party to Natchitoches, in Louisiana, then in possession
of the U. S. On his arrival in the U. S. he published, in the form of a jour
nal, an account of his expeditions, under the title: An Account of Expeditions
to the Sources of the Mississippi, and through the Western Parts r\f Louisiana to
the Sources of the Arkansaw, Kans, La Platte, and Pierre Jaun Rivers; per
formed by order of the Government of the United States during the years 1805,

1806, and 1807. And a Tour through the Interior Parts of New Spain, when
conducted through these provinces by order of the Captain-General in the year

1807. Philadelphia, 1810. 8vo, pp. 277, with 3 appendices, pp. 65, 52, 87.
lables. This work was reprinted in London in 1811, in 4to, pp. 436, under
the title: Exploratory Travels through the Western Territories of North Amer
ica, etc. It was also translated into French in 1811 by M. Bresson, 2 vols,
8vo; and into Dutch at Amsterdam in 1812, 2 vols, 8vo. Pike gives a good
description of the countries through which he journeyed, and their resources,
as well as of the manners, morals, and customs of their inhabitants. With
regard to New Spain, he appears to have been somewhat partial, owing to the
kindness and hospitality which he received from the people. He says: ' Those
reasons have induced me to omit many transactions, and draw a veil over
various habits and customs which might appear in an unfavorable point of
view, at the same time that I have dwelt with delight on their virtues. ' Pike
was born at Lamberton, N. J., Jan. 5, 1779; in 1813 he was made brigadier-
general, and appointed to command the land forces in the expedition against
York — now Toronto. On April 27th he attacked the place, and after carrying
one battery, was mortally wounded by the explosion of the British magazine.

4 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES.

many of whom had come from leading cities in Spain,
or from the viceregal court ; and though most of the
inhabitants of San Antonio dwelt in miserable houses,
with mud walls and grass-thatched roofs, the upper
class enlivened social intercourse by dinner-parties and
balls, at which refinement of manners was noticeable,
and cheerful, bright conversation gladdened the enter
tainments/ The example of this class was not with
out effect. A degree of politeness was infused into
the Creoles and half-breeds, modifying the tendency to
ruffian bearing and coarseness, which are the products
of a wild frontier life and isolation from the world.

The province of Texas, as also that of Coahuila,
was subject to the government of the commandant
general of the provincias internas, who resided at Chi
huahua, and whose powers were independent of the
viceroy. Each province was ruled by a military and
political governor, who by his delegated powers had
cognizance of all causes, being dependent, as regards
military matters, on the commandant general. In
fiscal affairs he was subject to the intendant at San
Luis Potosi, with recourse to the supreme council of
finance at the city of Mexico. In regard to his ad
ministration of justice, appeals could be made only to
the audiencia of Nueva Galicia.8 The consequences
of this arrangement are self-evident. So great were
the distances of the places where appeals could be
made that recourse to these could be had but by few
persons; and as the magistrates — generally military
men — had no legal adviser, justice could not be prop
erly administered even under the best disposed gov
ernor, while the system afforded every opportunity
for the exercise of tyranny. In ecclesiastical matters

7 Pike regarded San Antonio as one of the most delightful places that he
visited in the Spanish provinces. /</., ap., part iii. 34.

8 Arispe, Main. Co<i/i., 9, in Pamphlet*, i. In 1803 Juan Bautista Guaza-
bel was appointed governor of Texas, succeeded in 1806 by Antonia Cordero,
who had previously been governor of Coahuila. Pike says of this latter prov
ince: ' Military and ecclesiastical power is all that is known or acknowl
edged. . .1 he governor's civil salary is 4,000 dollars per annum.' Expcd., ap.,
part iii. 29.

INCOMING AMERICANS. 5

the same difficulty presented itself, questions that
arose having to be referred to the episcopal chair in
Nuevo Leon.9

But the time had approached when the first indica
tions of a distant influence that was to bear on the
future destiny of Texas were manifested. The spirit
of adventure which led Daniel Boone into the wilder
ness of Kentucky was abroad on the margins of those
unknown lands that lay beyond the frontier settle
ments of the United States, and the Anglo-American
race was pushing westward and southward. Bold,
restless men, impelled by the fascination of wild adven
ture, made their way into new regions, reckless of
danger and hardships. As the settlers in their on
ward course approached the Spanish possessions, it
was not likely that these would long remain a closed
garden of Hesperides to such spirits. The uncom
promising exclusion of foreigners only served as an
incentive,10 and before the close of the eighteenth cen
tury Americans had entered Texas and gained a foot
hold. The contraband trade carried on with New
Orleans, and connived at by the Spanish authorities,
opened a gateway to these intruders.

Probably the first of these adventurers was Philip
Nolan, an Irishman by birth, who was engaged in
this illegal trade between San Antonio and Natchez
as early as 1785. Whether it was that this traffic
did not yield profits large enough or quickly enough,
under the exactions imposed upon it, or whether No
lan really had the secret intention of making discov
eries in reputed gold-bearing regions in Texas, as

9 Arispe, Mem. Coali., 9, et seq., in Pamphlets, no. i. As this is an official
report to the king by the deputy to the Spanish cdrtes from Coahuila, it may
be regarded as affording a true representation of the government of these
provinces and real grievances. The writer makes suggestions as to what
ought to be done for the better administration of them, such as the establish
ment of juntas, courts of appeal, etc.

10 All foreigners found on Spanish territory unprovided with passports
were arrested and thrown into prison, where they often lingered for years.
Especial rigor was observed toward American citizens.

6 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES.

some writers allege,11 is not certain; but in 180012 he
organized an armed expedition at Natchez, ostensibly
for the purpose of capturing wild horses in Texas.
The adventurers, twenty-one in number including
their leader, crossed the Mississippi at Nogales — Wal
nut Hills — and having advanced forty miles in the
direction of the Washita, they fell in with a patrol of
fifty Spanish horsemen sent from the fort on the river
to intercept them. The determined bearing of Nolan
and his followers, however, deterred them from attack
ing him, and he proceeded without interruption.
Avoiding Fort Washita, the party crossed Red River,
and continuing their westward course passed the
Trinity, and reached the Brazos, spending much time
in hunting. On their arrival at the Brazos they
erected an enclosure, and penned about 300 wild
horses. By invitation of the Comanches they visited
the Indian chief Necoroco, whose village was situated
at the south fork of the Red River, where they re
mained a month. After their return to camp they
w^ere attacked, March 2 1,13 1801, by a troop of 150
Spaniards sent against them by Salcedo and com
manded by Lieutenant Musquiz.14 Nolan's outpost
of six men — one American and five Spaniards — was
captured before daylight, and as soon as morning

11 ' Estimulados ' — i. e., Nolan and his followers — ' de las noticias de haber
en las montanas de la provincia de Tejas, muchas y abunclantes minas de ora
y plata. ' F'disola, Mem. Hist. Gnerra Tejas, i. 39. Kennedy says it was
supposed that the leader of the expedition cherished the secret intention of
making discoveries in the reputed gold regions of the Comanches. Texan,
i. 237.

12 Kennedy, relying upon a manuscript supplied him by Lamar, president
of Texas, gives the date 1789, ' or thereabouts. Filisola also assigns that year
to the expedition; but Ellis P. Bean, who accompanied Nolan, and wrote a
full account of the expedition and his own subsequent acts, distinctly states
that the adventurers left Natchez in October 1800. Yoakum supplies a revised
copy of Bean's narrative in appendix 110. ii. Hist. Tex., i. 403-4.

13 According to the diary of Musquiz, translated and published in the Texas
Almanac, Sept. 18G8, 60-4.

u Bean states that the party at this time numbered only 18, three of the
company having been lost at the beginning of the journey while out hunting.
Nolan's force at starting comprised 14 Americans, 5 Mexicans, and one negro.
The lost men made their way back to Natchez. Bean's Mem., in Y oakums
Jf!M. Tex., 405, 407. Musquiz, however, says that there were ' 14 Americans,
1 Creole of Louisiana, 7 Spaniards or Mexicans, and 2 negro slaves at the log
pen when he attacked it.' Texas Almanac, Sept. 1868, 62.

WAR AND DEFEAT.

dawned the Spaniards opened fire with grape from a
swivel -gun upon the remaining twelve, who were
inside an enclosure of logs, which had been built as a
protection against Indians. Nolan fell early in the
contest, shot through the head.15 Bean then took
command, and the fight was continued for some time
longer, two of the Americans being wounded and one
killed. At nine o'clock the besieged effected their
retreat to a neighboring ravine, where they stubbornly
defended themselves till two in the afternoon, when
the Mexicans hoisted a white flag. A parley followed,
and the Americans' ammunition having failed' a treaty
was made, by which it was agreed that the Americans
should be sent back to their own country ; that both
parties should proceed to Nacogdoches in. company ;
and that the Americans should not be regarded as
prisoners, but should retain their arms. On their
arrival at Nacogdoches, however, they were detained
a month waiting for Salcedo's order for their return
to the United States. His instructions, when they
arrived, were the reverse of those hoped for; the
adventurers were heavily ironed and sent to San
Antonio; thence to San Luis Potosi, where they
languished in prison sixteen months. From this city
they were removed to Chihuahua and tried, their
cases being referred to the crown. After five years
of anxious waiting the king's decision arrived. Every
fifth man was to be hanged. As the survivors at this
time were only nine in number, a single life was
deemed sufficient to meet the stern requirement of
the royal sentence. The unfortunate captives were
made to throw dice blindfolded on a drum-head.
He who threw the lowest number was to suffer, and
Bean, the author of the narrative from which the
above account is taken, cast the lowest but one. On

15 Nolan was killed by a cannon-ball, the Mexican troops having brought
up a mountain gun on muleback. After the surrender, the negroes asked
permission to bury their leader, which was granted ' after causing his ears to
be cut off, in order to send them to the governor of Texas.' Id., 63.

8 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES.

the following day the victim was executed in the pres
ence of his more fortunate comrades.16

Such was the result of the first inroad by Ameri
cans into Spanish territory in which the invaders
sought to sustain themselves by force of arms. Mean
time other Americans had effected a peaceful entrance
into this forbidden land, and had settled along the

16 The nine who cast lots, according to Bean, were : E. P. Bean, David Fero,
Tony Waters, Thomas House, Charles King, Robert Ashley, Joseph Reed,
the negro Caesar, and one whose name is not given by Bean. Thrall, without
quoting any authority, says the lot fell on Ephraim Blackburn: Pict. Hint.
Tex., 107. Bean, after numerous attempts to escape, which always resulted
in his recapture and imprisonment, was offered his liberty when a revolution
was in progress in 1811-12, if he would enlist in the royal army. To this he
consented, but on the first opportunity he deserted and joined Morelos,
under whom he fought with distinction, and was in command of the troops
that captured Acapulco. In 1814 Bean was sent as republican agent to the
U. S., and took part in the battle of New Orleans. Being well known to
General Jackson, the command of a battery was given to him in this engage
ment. Concluding that war-time was unpropitious to the Mexican cause in
the U. S., Bean returned to Mexico, but in the following year went back in
company with Herrera. He again returned to Mexico some time afterward,
to find the independent cause all but lost. During his stay in that country
on this occasion, he married Anna Gorthas, a Mexican whose family, once
wealthy, had been impoverished by the war. In 1818 he visited Tennessee
and spent some time at the place of his birth. He finally settled in Texas as
a colonist, and remained there many years. After the termination of the
Mexican revolution his wife recovered her property, and the last years of his
adventurous life were passed in peace on her estate near Jalapa. Bean was
born in 1783 and died Oct. 3, 1840. Mem., in Yoakums Hist. Tex., i. 415-52;
Thrall's Pict. Hist. Tex., 499-500. Kennedy's account of this expedition is
greatly at variance with Bean's narrative. He states that after Nolan's
death his followers surrendered at discretion, and were taken to Chihuahua,
where with few exceptions they were shot. House and Ashley effected their
escape, Bean was pardoned on account of his youth, and Stephen Richards —
not mentioned by Bean — was compelled to enter the Spanish army. Texas, i.
238. 1 hrall's statements are equally contradictory. Utsup., 100-7. Accord
ing to the Texas Almanac, Sept. 1808, 03-4, the following is the list of those
who were destined to draw for the death-lot: Luciano Garcia, Jonah Walters,
Solomon Cooley, Ellis Bean, Joseph Reed, William Danlin, Charles King,
Joseph Pierce, Ephraim Blackburn, and David Fero. But Pierce having
died before the royal decree — that each fifth man should be hanged — -could be
carried into execution, the presiding judge, with commendable mercy, decided
that one victim would be sufficient. According to the report of the adjutant
inspector, the lots drawn were the following, each gambler for his life throwing
in precedence according to his age: ' Blackburn, 3 and 1, making 4; Garcia, 3
and 4, making 7; Reed, 0 and 5, making 11; Fero, 5 and 3, making 8; Cooley,
6 and 5, making 11; Walters, 0 and 1, making 7; King, 4 and 3, making 7;
Bean, 4 and 1, making 5; Danlin, 5 and 2, making 7.' Ephraim Blackburn,
having thrown the smallest number, was hanged at the Plaza de los Urangas in
the town of Chihuahua, on the llth of November, 1807. ' Ihe diary kept by
Nolan and many of his letters, which are in my possession ' — J. A. Quintero
— 'show conclusively that he was not only a gallant and intelligent gentle
man, but an accomplished scholar. He was thoroughly acquainted with
astronomy and geography. He made the first map of lexas, which he pre
sented to the Baron de Carondelet oh returning from his first trip.

SETTLEMENT. 9

San Antonio road, on both sides of Nacogdoches.
Among these may be mentioned Captain Dill and his
son-in-law, Joseph Darst, Samuel Davenport, and
Robert Barr, all of whom established themselves in
Texas at the close of the last century or in 1800.17
This privilege had only been obtained by swearing
allegiance to the Spanish king. Hitherto neither
these settlements nor Nolan's inroad had any political
significance ; they were merely the results of private
enterprise; but the time was close at hand when
throughout the United States attention was drawn to
this unknown country. The causes of this were the
sale of Louisiana to the government at Washington—
which involved a dispute with Spain as to the owner
ship of Texas — and Aaron Burr's conspiracy to in
vade and revolutionize Mexico, exciting thereby a
wide-spread interest in this border province.

When France, in November 1762, ceded Louisiana
to Spain in order to prevent it falling into the hands
of the English, the western boundary line between
the Spanish and English possessions in North Amer
ica was clearly defined by the treaty concluded in the
following February.18 But in October 1800 Spain
ceded back the territory to France in exchange foi
Tuscany, on the understanding that its extent should
be the same as it had been during the former posses
sion of it by that nation. The boundary line, how
ever, between Louisiana and Texas had never been
definitely settled, though Spain had always claimed
that Red River, or rather its tributary Arroyo Hondo,

17 Barr and Davenport had a settlement two miles east of the Angelina,
and later established a large cattle-ranch east of the Trinity. YoaJcum, at
sup., 136-7; Thrall, ut sup., 686.

18 The treaty was signed at Paris, between the kings of Spain and of France
on the one side, and the king of Great Britain on the other. In art. 7 the
limits were ' fixed by a line drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi,
from its source to the river Iberville, and from thence by a line in the middle
of that stream and of the lakes Manrepas and Pontchartrain to the sea.'
Gayarre's Hist. Louisiana, Fr. Dom., ii. 93; Claiborne, in Mayer's Mex., MS.,
no. 25.

10 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES.

was the western limit of the French possessions,19 and
when, in 1803, Napoleon sold Louisiana to the United
States,20 its western limits at once became a ground
of dispute with Spain. The government at Washing
ton, in its aggressive policy, claimed all the country
east of the Bio Grande,21 which included the whole of
Texas arid the best portion of New Mexico — a pre
tension, as far as the French were concerned, long
obsolete. But for the time the acquisition of Florida
was of more paramount importance, and Monroe and
Pinckney, ambassadors at the court of Spain, were in
structed, April 15, 1804, to propose to the Spanish
government that the territory lying between the
Sabine and Colorado rivers should be considered as
neutral ground for a period not longer than twenty
years, under the stipulation that Florida should be
ceded to the United States for a sum not exceeding
$2,000,000. This concess'-.-n of its assumed right
to Texas, however, soon appeared too liberal to the
United States government, and in July following its
representatives were instructed to propose the terri
tory between the Colorado and the fiio Grande as
the neutral ground.22 These proposals, though long
discussed, met with no result.

19 The Arroyo Hondo was about seven miles west of Natchitoches. A con
ventional line seems to have been recognized for many years by both nations.
This ran between the rivers Mermeiito and Carcasien, along the Arroyo Hondo,
passing between Adaes and Natchitoches, and terminated in the Red River —
a boundary often violated by encroachments of the French toward the Sabine
River. Pap. Far., 162, no. i., p. vii. Consult vol. i., Hist. North Mex. States
and Texas, this series; Monettes Hist. Val. Mississippi, ii. 460.

20 Upon the cession of Louisiana by Spain to the French, it was privately
stipulated that the territory should not be sold to the U. S., and when the
sale was effected, Spain, recognizing that a protecting barrier between her
American possessions in North America and the U. S. was removed, protested.
Overawed by Napoleon, she withdrew her protest. Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i.
119; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tex., i. 43-4; Annals of Cong., 1804-1805,
ap. 1268. A curious story is told by Ashbel Smith, who frequently met the
Prince of Peace, Manuel Godoy, in Paris. The latter told him that Charles IV.
of Spain bestowed on him the province of Texas, to be an apanage of the
house of Godoy. Preparations were made to send thither 2,000 soldiers and
a number of females, but the invasion of Spain by Napoleon put an end to
the whole scheme. Reminis. Tex., 27.

21 Founding the claim on La Salle's unsuccessful attempt to colonize Texas.
See vol. i., 395-412, this series.

22 Annals of Cong., 1 804-1805, ap. 1338^7.

ATTITUDE OF SPAIN. 11

But Texas had become a land of mark, and enter
prising pioneers kept pushing forward into the disputed
territory. Spain's attitude toward the United States
and American intruders exhibited a growing hostility,
and she showed herself determined to maintain her
ancient system of exclusion of foreigners. To oppose
the encroachments which she clearly foresaw her ag
gressive neighbor in America would attempt, she made
vigorous preparations by the introduction of troops and
colonists into Texas,23 hoping thereby to interpose a
powerful state as a protection on the Mexican frontier.
Viceroy Iturrigaray, being determined to attack the
Americans if they crossed the Arroyo Hondo, took
active measures to increase the military strength of
Texas. Nacogdoches and other places were fortified
and provisioned; companies of militia were moved
from Nuevo Leon and Nuevo Santander to San An
tonio, and detachments stationed at Matagorda, the
mouth of Trinity River, and elsewhere.24 At the be
ginning of 1806, there were about 1,500 soldiers in
Texas, placed under the direction of Simon Herrera,
the governor of Nuevo Leon, Antonio Cordero, the
newly appointed governor of Texas, being second in
command.

In view of this warlike attitude, the United States
government, which, though disinclined to take any
step that might preclude a peaceful settlement of dif
ferences, was resolved that the Spanish troops should

23 John Sibley reported to the U. S. sec. of war, in a letter dated Natchi-
toches, July 2, 1805, that 500 families had arrived at San Antonio, all settlers,
with a strong reenforcement of troops; and Capt. Turner, at Natchitoches,
informed General Wilkinson, Sept. 3, 1805, that Comandante General Grima-
rest from Spain was presently expected to arrive at San Antonio, accompa
nied by seven companies of soldiers; 600 families, coining from Spain to settle
Matagorda, had put into the Canary Islands. Id., 1805-1806, ap. 1206-7. A
scheme for the establishment of military colonies at all important points in
Texas was designed, professedly for the purpose of repelling Indians. Real
Orden de SO de Mayo de 1S04, in Mayer's Mex., MS., no. 3, vuelta. Ihe
projected colony, placed under the direction of Grimarest, was to have con
sisted of 3,000 persons. It was on the point of sailing from Cadiz, when the
capture of the four Spanish frigates took place in 1804; and subsequent hos
tilities rendered the scheme impracticable. Ward's Mex. in 1827, i. 556.

24 President's message of Dec. 6, 1805, in Annals of Cong., 1805-1806, p.
18-19; arid Id., ap. 1207-9.

12 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES.

not encroach beyond the Sabine,25 had issued orders
November 20, 1805, to Major Porter, commanding at
Natchitoches, to repel any such attempt. On receipt
of these instructions, Porter required of the command
ant at Nacogdoches an assurance that he would not
cross that river, and received, February 4, 1806, his
refusal to comply with such a demand. A detachment
of twenty men, under Ensign Gonzalez, had already, in
fact, been advanced to the old abandoned post of Adaes,
and on the 1st Porter had despatched Captain Turner
with sixty men to enforce their withdrawal. This was
effected with some little trouble, but without blood
shed.26

The news of this forcible ejection, together with the
alarm excited at this time in the Mexican capital by
reports of a scheme of invasion meditated by Aaron
Burr,27 caused the Spanish authorities to push forward
their forces to the disputed ground. A reenforcement
of 800 militiamen was sent by the viceroy to Herrera,2S
and about the 1st of August that commander, at the
head of 1,300 men, crossed the Sabine, and advanced
to within a few miles of Natchitoches, At this time
Colonel Gushing was in command there, and on Au
gust 5th he addressed a communication to Herrera,
demanding his immediate retirement to the west side
of the Sabine. Herrera replied on the following day,
stating that he had crossed the river with orders from
his captain-general "to keep the territory from all hos
tile attempts, as belonging, from time immemorial, to
the king."

Meantime Governor Claiborne had called out the
Louisiana militia, and arrived in person during the

25 President's message of March 20, 1806, in Annals qf Cong., 1805-1306,
p. 190.

26 Annals of Cong., 1806-1807, ap. 913-15.

27 For references to Burr's proposed raid into Mexican territory, see the
index to Amer. State Papers, xx. Consult also Annals of Cong., 1807-1808,
pp. 386-778; Amer. Reg., ii. 88-90, 91-103; and Royal Orders of May 14,
Apr. 12, 1807, and Jan. 15, 1808, in Mayers Hex., MS., nos 4, 5, and 5.J.

28 Of these 600 were -undisciplined. The king disapproved of sending such
men on an expedition which required good soldiers. Royal Order of March
24, 1807, in Mayers Mex., MS., no. 4.

TERRITORIAL BOUNDARY. 13

last week of August at Natchitoches, with a consid
erable force. Correspondence was now resumed, Clai-
borne assuring Herrera that the consequences would
be serious if the Spanish forces persisted in their un
just aggressions, and bringing before his notice several
acts of outrage and unfriendliness toward the United
States lately committed by Spanish troops.29 Herrera
entered into an explanation with regard to the charges,
and assured Governor Claiborne that the Spanish
forces would commit no hostility that would frustrate
the negotiations pending between the two govern
ments, but at the same time declared his intention,
if provoked, to preserve the honor of his troops and
fulfil his obligations.

Shortly after the exchange of this correspondence,
General James Wilkinson arrived at Natchitoches with
reinforcements, and took command. On September
24th he addressed an ultimatum to Governor Cordero,
at Nacogdoches, informing him that the United States,
pending the settlement of the question, had adopted,
"with pretensions far more extensive," the Sabine
River as the most obvious, natural, and least excep
tionable temporary boundary; and that the presence
of Spanish troops on the east side of it was regarded
as an actual invasion of their territorial rights, and
would be resisted. He then reiterated in decisive
tone the demand for the withdrawal of the troops of
Spain to the west side of the river, in order to avoid
the effusion of blood. This final communication was
immediately forwarded to Nemesio Salcedo, the cap
tain-general of the eastern provincias internas, Cordero
not feeling himself authorized to decide on so serious
a matter.

Each commander was loath to be the initiatory
cause of hostilities, and while Wilkinson remained in-

29 Namely, the prevention of a scientific exploration up Red River under
Col Freeman; cutting down the American flag in the Caddo Indian village;
the seizure of three Americans within 12 miles of Natchitoches; and the asy
lum afforded three fugitive negro slaves at Nacogdoches. Ib.; Annals of Cong. t
1806-1807, ap. 918-19.

14 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES.

active, awaiting Salcedo's decision, Herrera retired
beyond the Sabine. On October 21st the American
general wrote to the secretary of war, enclosing a copy
of a note received from Cordero, by which all doubt
was removed as to the unyielding pretensions of the
Spaniards to the disputed territory, and announcing
his intention to advance to the Sabine on the follow
ing morning. He moreover stated that he purposed
proposing to the Spanish commander that they should
respectively withdraw their troops to the point of
occupancy at the time of the surrender of Louisiana
to the United States.30

Accordingly on the 24th the American army took
up a position on the left bank of the Sabine, in front
of Herrera's forces, which occupied the west side of
the river, and Wilkinson without delay opened nego
tiations. It has never been clearly understood what
were the motives which induced the Spanish general
to accept, on his own responsibility, the proposal of
Wilkinson that the territory lying between the Arroyo
Hondo and the Sabine should be regarded as neu
tral ground till the boundary question was settled.31
Nevertheless such was the case. It is, however, more
than probable that Wilkinson so excited the fears of
Herrera by exaggerated accounts of Burr's contem
plated invasion, and by representing at the same time
that the movement could only be suppressed by the
whole power of the American army, that the Spanish
general was willing to take the risk of incurring his

. 5 -i . -i 09

superiors displeasure. *

30 All the correspondence above referred to will be found in Id., 1806-1807,
ap. 915-25.

31 According to Pike, writing in 1807 at San Antonio, Herrera held a coun
cil of war, ' yet, notwithstanding the orders of the viceroy, the commandant
general, governor Cordero's and the opinion of his officers, he had the firmness
(or temerity) to enter into the agreement with General Wilkinson, which at
present exists relative to our boundaries on that frontier.' Expeditions, 270-1.

32 Wilkinson was well informed of Burr's designs against Mexico. While
at Natchitoches Samuel Swartwout, a secret envoy from the latter, visited
him at the beginning of October and placed in his hands a letter in cipher from
Burr. He moreover disclosed to him verbally full particulars of the plot.
An interpretation of the letter in cipher and Swartwout's disclosures will be
found in Annals of Cong., 1806-1807, ap. 1013-16. It was suspected later

HOSTILITIES ENDED. 15

With regard to Wilkinson's action in taking upon
himself the responsibility of making such an agree
ment in face of the instructions he had received to
claim positively territory as far as the Sabine, it is
not unreasonable to conjecture that he was influenced
by the important disclosures made by Burr's emissary.
If the whole of his letter of October 21st to the secre
tary of war,33 and a former one alluded to in it, were
published, it would probably be seen that such were
the reasons which he gave to the government for his
meditated proposal to the Spanish commander.

Having completed his arrangements with Herrera
and Cordero, Wilkinson withdrew his forces on the
6th of November, and hastened to New Orleans to
make preparations to oppose Burr. The agreement
entered into met with the approval of both govern
ments.34

After the conclusion of this bloodless campaign,
owing to the diversion caused by the war in Europe,
and Spain's recognition that the flag protected the
cargo,35 the relations between the two governments

O ' O

were marked by an interval of calm. The angry
demonstrations that had lately occurred were not
without benefit to Texas, and by the temporary con
centration of troops and the introduction of new col
onists an unwonted activity had been awakened, and an
improvement in the condition of the country effected.
The American settlers, moreover, were introducing
some little agricultural energy, cramped though they
were by the suspicious apprehensions which their

that Wilkinson even succeeded in obtaining a large sum of money from the
Spanish commander, on the understanding that he would undertake to frus
trate Burr's designs. For fuller particulars, consult Kennedy's Texas, i. 244;
Monette's Hist. Val. Mississippi, ii. 463-5; Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 145, note;
Martins Louisiana, ii. 272-5.

33 Only an extract of it is given in Annals of Cong., 1806-1807, 924.

34 Real Orden de 14 de Mayo de 1807, in Mayer's Mex., MS., no. 4; Presi
dent's Message, Dec. 2, 1806, in Annals of Cong., 1806-1807, 11. Herrera re
ceived the thanks of the viceroy. Pike's Exped., 271.

35 Spanish men-of-war had till then ravaged the commerce of the U. S.
to a great extent, both in the Mediterranean and the West Indian seas. See
Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 127, 133-4.

16 TEXAS CLAIMED BY THE UNITED STATES.

presence aroused, and consequent oppressive treat
ment.36

An unforeseen evil, however, arose out of the late
compact. The neutral territory quickly became the
asylum of a large number of desperadoes and maraud
ers, who organized themselves into a community under
a system not dissimilar to that of the old buccaneers.
These land pirates preyed upon all who came in their
way, the traders between the Texan settlements and
Natchitoches, where horses and specie were" exchanged
for merchandise, being their especial mark. They
had their rules and regulations, their headquarters,
and their outposts. Their bravery and audacity were
unsurpassed, and their fidelity to each other was in
flexible.37 Traders were convoyed across the territory
of these outlaws by military escorts, which, however,
were frequently attacked. The Spanish authorities
made every effort to eject them, and twice the forces
of the United States drove them off and burned their
houses. But these measures failed to suppress them.

36 ' The oppressions and suspicions they labour under prevent their pro
ceeding with that spirit which is necessary to give success to the establish
ment of a new country.' Pike's ExpecL, ap., part iii. 33.

37 Yoakum relates a striking instance. Two of a gang of 13 robbers, who-
had attacked an escort and carried off a large amount of treasure, were cap
tured by Lieut Magee in command of some troops from Natchitoches. Ihe
men were immediately tied to trees and flogged, to make them disclose who
were their associates. As this punishment failed to elicit a word of betrayal,
a live coal of fire was passed along their already tortured backs, but still no
disclosure could be obtained. Hist. Tex., i. 152.

CHAPTER II.

INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.
1811-1814.

REVOLUTION IN FAVOR OF INDEPENDENCE— ZAMBRANO'S COUNTER-REVOLU-
TION — REESTABLISHMENT OF THE ROYALIST GOVERNMENT — BERNARDO
GUTIERREZ — MAGEE'S SCHEME OF CONQUEST — THE AMERICANS OCCUPY
NACOGDOCHES— LA BAHIA FALLS INTO THEIR HANDS— GOVERNOR SALCEDO
BESIEGES LA BAHIA— DEATH OF MAOEE— THE BATTLE OF ROSILLO—
DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH ARMY— SURRENDER OF SAN ANTONIO— A REPUB
LICAN GOVERNMENT ORGANIZED— MASSACRE OF SALCEDO AND OTHER
PRISONERS — DISGUST OF THE AMERICANS — DEFEAT OF ROYALISTS UNDER
ELIZONDO — TOLEDO TAKES COMMAND OF THE REPUBLICAN ARMY — AP
PROACH OF ARREUONDO — BATTLE OF THE MEDINA — DESTRUCTION OF THE
AMERICANS — ELIZONDO'S EXECUTIONS — PACIFICATION OF THE PROVINCE.

IN 1810 Manuel de Salcedo1 was made governor of
Texas, Cordero, whose administration had been emi
nently beneficial, having been appointed to the more
populous province of Coahuila. In September of this
year Hidalgo raised the standard of independence, and
during the long and bloody struggle which followed,
Texas, remote though she was from the more active
seats of war, was made the scene of deeds as horrify
ing as Hidalgo's massacre of his prisoners, and Ca-
lleja's atrocities at Guanajuato. By January 1811 the
revolutionary wave had reached Texas, and on the 22d
of that month Juan Bautista Casas, a captain of the
militia, having seized the persons of the governor, of
Simon Herrera — who was still residing at San Anto
nio de Bejar as comandante of the auxiliary troops—
and of other officers, proclaimed in favor of Hidalgo

1 Son of Nemesio Salcedo, the comandante general of the internal prov
inces. Gonzalez, CoL Doc. N. Leon, 153

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 2 < 17 )

18 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.

and constituted himself governor. But Casas soon
disgusted many of the revolutionary' party by his
despotic and disorderly administration, and the cura
Juan Manuel Zambrano formed the design of restor
ing the old order of things. Concealing his real in
tention, he hoodwinked those of the dissatisfied whom
he approached on the matter, by giving them to
understand that his only object was to depose Casas
and correct the disorders of the government. He
was, moreover, favored in his designs by the oppor
tune arrival of the unfortunate Aldama, who with a
large amount of bullion was proceeding to the United
States as envoy of the independents, there to solicit
aid in arms and men. Zambrano cunningly caused
the report to be spread among the lower orders that
Aldama was an emissary of Napoleon — a statement
the more readily believed on account of his uniform
being similar to that of a French aide-de-camp. Noth
ing aroused the indignation of the common people more
than the idea of their being surrendered to the French.
By casting the gloomy shadow of that danger over the
minds of his Indians, Hidalgo had lately caused the
Grito de Dolores to be raised and rung through
the land;2 and now this wily priest used the same
guile in Texas to advance the royalist cause. Thus
the populace and many in the ranks of the revolu
tionists in San Antonio, and many inside the barracks,
were unwittingly on his side. On the night of March
1st, with only five of those compromised to support
him, Zambrano sallied from his house and raised the
signal cry. Possession was obtained of the barracks
immediately, and before morning dawned Casas was
a prisoner, and Aldama confined under guard in his
lodging. Zambrano and his party now proceeded
with caution, nor did they prematurely let their real
design be known. A governing junta of eleven vot
ing members, with Zambrano as president, was elected

2 See Hidalgo's address to his flock Sept. 16, 1810. Hist. Max., iv. 117,
this series.

EXPEDITION OF GUTIERREZ. 19

by the principal inhabitants of San Antonio and the
vicinity, and measures were adopted to secure the
province without creating alarm. The Europeans
who had been imprisoned by Casas were released;
his appointees were removed from office, a force of
500 reliable men was placed in marching order to be
ready for any emergency; and captains Jose Munoz
and Luis Galan were despatched as commissioners
to any royalist chief whom they might be able to
approach, to solicit aid. In a short time the viceregal
government was again firmly established in Texas,3
and Salcedo was reinstalled as governor. Aldama
was sent to Monclova, in Coahuila; there tried, con
demned to death, and executed.

An expedition, however, organized in the following
year by a young officer in the United States army, in
conjunction with a Mexican refugee named Bernardo
Gutierrez de Lara, almost succeeded in annihilating
the royalist power in Texas. This Gutierrez had fol
lowed the occupation of a smith in the city of Revilla
—now Guerrero — and at the outbreak of the rebellion
possessed great wealth, owning large estates and other
property in the neighborhood, besides an important
commercial house. He attached himself ardently to
the independent cause, and being a man of much sa
gacity and energy, had been made lieutenant-colonel
by Hidalgo, whom he met at the hacienda de Santa
Maria, near Saltillo, when that leader was about to
start on his ill-starred journey to Monclova. Gutier
rez was, moreover, commissioned as envoy to Wash
ington, whither, in spite of the disasters that shortly
afterward befell the independent chiefs, he proceeded
by land, performing a journey of four months under

3 The account of this revolution and counter-revolution is obtained from
Oaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 1087-91; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., ii. 96-7, i70-2; Busta-
mante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 157-00; Zerecerc, Rev. Mex., 196. Morelos, in a letter
dated Yanhuitlaii, Feb. 17, 1813, and addressed to the intendente Ignacio
Ayala, mentions that he had sent two commissioners, David and lavares, to
cede Texas to the U. S. about this time. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 341. The
commission, however, failed to reach its destination. Id., 343.

20 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.

great difficulties and dangers. But his position in the
United States was rather that of a fugitive than an
envoy, and his credentials were not recognized by the
government. Being a fervent patriot, he went to New
Orleans, where he began to organize an expedition for
the invasion of Texas, which scheme was facilitated
by his former commercial relations with that city.4

In 1812 Lieutenant Augustus Magee5 was sta
tioned at Natchitoches, and had been employed in
breaking up the gangs of outlaws on the neutral
ground. Young and romantic, he conceived the idea
of conquering Texas by the aid of the banditti whom
he had just subdued. These readily listened to his
scheme, and having formed his plans and appointed a
place of rendezvous, Magee proceeded to New Orleans
to obtain supplies and volunteers. Here he met Gu
tierrez,6 and eagerly entered into an arrangement with
him to unite their enterprises. Magee nominally
yielded the command to Gutierrez,7 recognizing the
policy of letting the Mexican population believe that
the expedition was under the direction of one of their
own countrymen.

Having resigned his commission in the army. June
22, 1812, Magee proceeded to act. Gutierrez went
in advance to the place of rendezvous, on the east
side of the Sabine, where 158 men were assembled.
Magee remained at Natchitoches to bring up reen-
forcements of volunteers. Gutierrez presently crossed
the Sabine, engaged the Spanish forces on the Salitre
prairie, and easily defeating them, pursued them to

4 Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 329-30; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tex., i.
50-1; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geoy., ix. 515; Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 449; Guerra,
Rev. N. Esp., ii. 712, note; ThralVs Pict. Hist. Tex., 548. This last author
says that Gutierrez made Natchitochea his home in the U. S.

5 Magee graduated at West Point Jan. 23, 1809, and received the appoint
ment of second lieut of artillery. Yoakunis Hist. Tex., i. 152, note.

GSuch is Brackenridge's statement. Holley's Texas, 304. Yoakum, i. 153,
says that Gutierrez went to Natchitoches, where he met Magee, whom he
greatly interested and influenced by his accounts of Mexico.

7 Mexican writers regard Gutierrez as the inspirer and promoter of the en
terprise, which is natural, as all proclamations were published in his name,
and he was appointed commander-in-chief. It was, however, essentially an
American enterprise. See N lies' Key., iii. 104, v. 87-8.

GOVERNOR SALCEDO. 21

Nacogdoches, which was abandoned on the approach
of the Americans, who took possession of the town
without firing a shot. The Spanish soldiers fled to
the Trinidad station. This took place August 11,
18 12.8 Magee kept sending reinforcements to the
front, and with their numbers increased to nearly 500
men,9 the Americans marched to Trinidad, which was
evacuated as soon as they appeared in sight. Here
they remained till the middle of October. Meantime
Magee arrived, and the forces, now numbering nearly
800, were organized. In this work he was assisted by
Kemper, Lockett, Perry, Ross, and Gaines. Magee
was elected colonel, though virtually commander-in-
chief ; Kemper was chosen major, and the others made
captains.

Governor Salcedo had, however, been making vig
orous preparations to repel the invaders. Assisted
by Cordero, who sent him such troops as could be
spared from Coahuila, he joined his forces with those
under Herrera,10 and took up a position at La Bahia
with 1,500 men. The Americans now continued their
march, directing their course to that town. When Sal
cedo became aware of their intention to attack him, lie
marched out with 1,400 of his men, whom he placed
in ambush at the crossing of the Guadalupe River ;
but Magee, being informed of this movement, changed
his course, and crossing the river at a lower point,
passed Salcedo by night, reached La Bahia before day,
and captured the place without difficulty. The mili
tary chest and a great quantity of stores fell into the
hands of the victors.

After this disaster Salcedo laid siege to La Bahia,

8 Called by the Americans Spanish Bluff.

9 'Con los cuales ' — American adventurers — 'en ntimero cle unos cuatro-
cientos y cincuenta, ocupd a principles de Agosto de 1812, la villa de Nacog
doches.' Alaman, Hist. Mcj., iii. 408-1. 'Reunid cerca de quinientos hom-
bres.' FiUsola, ut sup., i. 51.

10 Herrera, after having been governor of N. Leon for 15 years, was given
the command in 1810 of a corps of observation in Texas. In his absence
during his governorship his brother Pedro acted as lieut-gov. Gonzalez, Col.
Doc. N. Leon, 153.

22 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.

and repeatedly but ineffectually assaulted the fortifi
cations, in the last of which attempts he lost 200 men.
During the siege Magee died,11 and the command de
volved upon Kemper, who was promoted to the rank
of colonel. Finding his efforts to storm the place un
availing, Salcedo, having suffered severe loss from the
deadly marksmanship of the Americans, was compelled
to raise the siege about the end of February, 1813.12
The invaders, relieved from the extremities to which
they had been reduced by a siege of nearly four months,
having obtained supplies and received additional ree'n-
forcements,13 pursued their march toward San Antonio.
Viceroy Venegas had in the mean time found means of
sending aid to Salcedo, and when the latter received
information of the advance of the Americans, he again
marched to meet them, in the hope of surprising them,
by means of an ambuscade. Taking up a position with
a force of about 2,000 men and six pieces of artillery,14
nine miles from San Antonio, he awaited the enemy's

11 Yoakum, on the authority of a manuscript narrative by Capt. McKim, an
old citizen of rlexas, who joined Gutierrez at the Sabine and continued in
service during the whole campaign, relates the following inexplicable conduct
of Magee: Previous to the last assault, a three days' truce had been agreed
upon, during which time Magee dined with Salcedo. While in Salcedo's
quarters a compact was made by the two commanders, by which Magee
agreed to deliver up the fort, the Americans to return home without their
arms, but to be supplied with provisions on their march by Salcedo. On his
return to the fort Magee paraded the troops, informed them of what he had
done, and took their vote for approval. The treaty was unanimously voted
down, and Magee retired to his tent. Meantime a note arrived under a flag,
from Salcedo, reminding Magee of his honor, and calling attention to the fact
that the fort was not surrendered, though the hour agreed upon was long
past. The letter was read to the army and the flag sent back without reply.
Salcedo then made a furious assault upon the place, but the Americans under
Kemper, the next in command, repulsed the assailants with severe loss.
Magee died that night, shortly after twelve o'clock, and it was said by his
own hand. Hist. Tex., i. 1G4-5. Col Hall, who knew Magee well, states that
there is not a word of truth in all this. Baker's Tex., 227.

12 Alaman gives Feb. 1st as the date. iii. 483. Filisola, about the 22d or
23d. Ut sup., i. 54-5; and Yoakum, March 12th. Utsup., i. 105. Bustamante
states that Salcedo lost more than one fourth of his troops, while the loss on
the part of the besieged was only fourteen. Cuad. Hi*t., i. 330.

1JFroin Nacogdoches 170 recruits, 25 Cooshattie Indians from the old mis
sions, and 300 Lipan and 1 wocookana Indians, whom Capt. McFarland had
obtained as auxiliaries. Id., 165-6.

14 Yoakum says 1,500 regulars and 1,000 militia, with 12 cannon. Id.,
166. Kennedy gives the number 1,200. Texas, i. 279. Filisola states that
Salcedo had nearly 900 men of all arms, with six cannon. Ut sup., 56. Guerra
places the figure at 2,000. _Hist. Rev. N. Esp., ii. 712, note.

DEFEAT OF THE ROYALISTS. 23

approach to the Salado creek, a confluent of the San
Antonio River. A ridge of high land lies between
these streams, and in the dense chaparral which cov
ered the side facing the Salado, Salcedo concealed
his men. They were, however, soon discovered by
the American sharp-shooters, who were sent along the
crest of the ridge, and the invaders having already
crossed the Salado, the Spanish general advanced to
give them battle on the open ground below, placing
his artillery in the centre of his line. Kemper imme
diately made his dispositions for the fight. A select
body of riflemen, under Lockett, were directed against
the enemy's cannon, with orders to pick off the artil
lerymen ; Kemper and Ross with the remaining Amer
icans occupied the right and left wings respectively.
The general order was to fire three rounds, reload, and
then charge. The engagement which followed was a
one-sided affair. The Spanish artillerymen were shot
down before they had inflicted any damage, and their
guns captured. All along the line the Spanish troops
dropped fast before the unerring aim of the Americans,
and when the latter charged, they broke and fled.
The victors pursued with relentless eagerness, killing
great numbers. In this battle the royalists lost nearly
1,000 men in killed and wounded, while the casualties
on the side of the invaders were insignificant.15 The

O

battle of Rosillo, as it has been called, was fought
March 29, 1813. 18

Gutierrez, who was still nominal commander, now
moved on to San Antonio, and demanded an uncon
ditional surrender of the city. Nor was there any
alternative; on April 1st the triumphant army took

15 Kennedy states that the loss of the Spaniards was 400 killed, a greater
number wounded, and 73 taken prisoners; that of the victors, 9 killed and 25
wounded. Texas, i. 279. Bustamante and Alamau say that few of the Span
ish troops escaped to San Antonio. Cuad. Hint., i. 330-1; Hist. Alej., iii. 483.
These writers depend for their statement on a manifesto published by Gutier
rez in Monterey, 1827; Carnpanas de Calif ja, 178; Cavot Tres Siylos, iv. 91.
(ruerra, ut sup., asserts that out of the 2, 000 veterans and militiamen, collected
from the provinces of Coahuila, N. Leon, and N. Sautander, only 300 escaped.

*6 Yoakum calls it the battle of Rosalis, and states that the locality cannot
be identified.

24 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.

quiet possession of the place, Salcedo and Herrera,'
with their staff-officers, yielding themselves as prison
ers of war on condition that their lives should be
spared.

A provisional government was now formed, consist
ing of a junta composed of thirteen members elected
by a popular vote, Gutierrez being appointed general
issimo and governor.17 The first question to be de
cided was the disposal of the prisoners, whose blood
was loudly clamored for in expiation of the executions
of Hidalgo and his companions, in whose capture
Salcedo and Herrera had taken an active part. It
was decided that they should be tried by court-martial,
and as this was composed of members bitterly hostile
to the royalist chiefs, the result was certain. They
were all condemned to death. Nevertheless the
horror and repugnance with which this sentence was
received by the Americans rendered the open execu
tion of it a hazardous proceeding. So secret assassi
nation was resorted to ; under pretext of sending them
to Matagorda for shipment to the United States, the
prisoners, to the number of seventeen, escorted by
seventy Mexicans, were marched out of San Antonio,
and about a mile and a half below the town were
stripped and bound in the bed of the stream and their
throats cut. This butchery took place on the 5th
of April.18

17 Two members, Masicot and Hale, were Americans, the remainder
Mexicans. Filisola, ut sup., 57.

18 The odium of this atrocity has fallen upon Gutierrez, who endeavored
to justify his action in the matter by explaining that a popular demonstra
tion against the prisoners was promoted by the intrigues of Jose' Alvarez de
Toledo — of whom more anon — and that they were delivered up by the guard
in obedience to an order of the junta, without waiting for his instructions,
and indeed, withoiit his knowledge. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 332-3. The
American accounts are very different. Gutierrez is charged with having
secretly delivered up the captives, and with afterward defending his con
duct by classifying the murderous deed as a just reprisal for the loss of
friends and relatives put to death by the royalists. Yoakum, ut sup., i. 169—
70. Consult also Footes Texas, i. 188; Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 455-6; Gon-
zalcz, Col. Doc. N. Leon, 259-60, in which last authority a list of the victims
is found by Gonzalez among the papers of Alejandro de Uro y Lozano.
According to this document the date of the massacre is April 3d, and the
number of victims that given in the text, though other less reliable authori
ties state that only 14 were put to death. Foote, followed by Yoakuin, falls

FURTHER FIGHTING. 25

When the atrocious deed became known to the
Americans, all but the most hardened of the ruffians
from the neutral ground were horrified and disgusted.
They did not relish fighting in behalf of a people who
had no respect for the usages of war, no feelings of
common humanity. Kemper and Lockett abandoned
the enterprise immediately and returned home, fol
lowed soon afterward by Ross. They were accompa
nied by a considerable number of the better class of
volunteers. As for Gutierrez, he was arraigned before
a tribunal and deposed. After the departure of Ross,
Captain Perry, being highest in rank, took command.
The Americans, now greatly reduced in numbers, were
unable to continue active operations, and for a time
gave themselves up to indolence and all kinds of dis
sipation. From these excesses they were suddenly
aroused by news of the approach of another army
sent against them under command of Colonel Ignacio
Elizondo, the renegade who had betrayed Hidalgo.

In this emergency Gutierrez, whose influence over
the Mexican insurgents could not be neglected, was
nominally reinstated in his command. Elizondo took
up a position on a rising ground in sight of the city
and near the little river Alazan. Contrary to the
instructions to wait which he had received from Colo
nel Arredondo, who wras also hastening up with the
intention of operating in combination with Elizondo,
the latter advanced against San Antonio alone. His

O

force consisted of 1,500 men, besides a number of
irregular troops of the country. Perry, to whom the
command was intrusted, decided to attempt a surprise.
Silently marching out of the city on the night of the
19th of June, he approached Elizondo's encampment,
which had been fortified by earthworks, and broke in
upon it just at dawn, while the Spaniards were at

into an error in stating that Cordero was one of those put to death. His
name does not appear in this list, nor that of Col Navarro — see Yoakum, ut
sup., 169, note — which comprises 14 names, 10 only of which correspond
with names given by Gonzalez. The truth is, Cordero was in Coahuila at
the time, being governor of that province.

26 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.

matins. The pickets were surprised, and the works
mounted before the alarm was given in the camp.
Then, however, a furious contest ensued, in which the
Spaniards displayed great firmness and bravery. But
the Americans, supported by 700 Mexicans under the
command of a native named Menchaca,13 after an
obstinate struggle, overpowered them and drove them
in flight from the field. In this engagement a large
number of Elizondo's men fell, his army was badly
dispersed, and he escaped with but a handful of
followers. The loss on the side of the victors was
small,20 while the spoils in horses, mules, baggage, and
munitions of war was very great. After this victory
Gutierrez was again deprived of his command, doubt
less owing to the influence of the American officers,
though he attributes his disgrace to the intrigues of
Jose Alvarez de Toledo,21 who arrived at San Antonio
about this time, and to whom Gutierrez surrendered
the command by order of the junta.

Toledo was born in the city of Santo Domingo, of
Spanish parents, and had been a deputy from the
island of that name to the Spanish cortes at Cadiz.
His republican principles, however, got him into dis
grace, and he escaped to the United States, where,
espousing the patriot cause, he occupied himself in
promoting its interests in that country. In July 1813
he proceeded to San Antonio, and having been ap
pointed to the chief command, he reorganized the

19 Menchaca was a man of vigor, bold and resolute, but rude and unedu
cated. He possessed great influence with the natives.

20 Bustamante, with the manifesto of Gutierrez before him, says the royal
ists lost more than 400 men; the revolutionists 22 killed and 42 wounded.
Cuad. Hist., i. 331. Yoakum, on the authority of McKim's manuscript, puts
the loss of the Americans at 47 killed, and as many more wounded who after
ward died of their wounds. Ut sup., i. 172.

21 Bustamante, ut sup., 333-4; Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1145. Gutierrez
retired to Natchitoches, and remained about the neutral ground till 1816,
when he went to New Orleans. Bean saw him at San Carlos, Tamaulipas,
in 1825. In 1830 he was keeping a small saddlery store at his native town,
then called Guerrero. Yoakum, ut sup., note. Thrall makes the unwarrant
able statement that Gutierrez captured Iturbide when he landed at Soto la
Marina, and executed him in accordance with the decree of congress. Hist,
Tex., 548; consult Hist. Max., iv. 806-10, this series.

ARREDONDO'S MOVEMENTS 27

junta and restored some degree of order to the civil
government. Meantime the American division of the
republican army had received considerable reenforce-
ments; for despite the unfavorable impression caused
in the United States by the news of the late barbar
ous deed, the signal victories obtained over the enemy
did not fail to attract adventurers. Thus the num
bers of the foreign element had been raised to its pre
vious standard, while the ranks of the native Mexicans
were largely increased. The invading army was,
moreover, amply supplied with weapons, artillery, and
ammunition, which had fallen into its hands. Thus
the prospects of the enterprise were cheering. But
the unseen hand of destruction was already raised
in the distance.

At the time of Elizondo's defeat, Arredondo, who
had been appointed by Calleja, then viceroy, pro
visional comandante general of the eastern internal
provinces,22 was at Laredo, whence, on receipt of the
news of the late disaster, he issued orders to the dis
comfited commander to collect his dispersed troops
and await his arrival. On July 26th he commenced
his march from Laredo, and being presently joined by
Elizondo with about 400 men, his army amounted to
a total of 1,930 men, 735 of whom were infantry,
the rest cavalry. He had also eleven pieces of artil
lery.23

When intelligence of Arredondo's movements
reached San Antonio, Toledo, whose appointment as
commander-in-chief was approved by the American
officers, marched out with all his forces to meet him.
His army numbered over 3,000 men, and was com
posed of 850 Americans, about 1,700 Mexicans, and
600 Indian allies.24 Moving along the road to Laredo,

22 In 1813 the provincias interims were again divided into the eastern and
western.

23 Arredondo's report to Calleja, of Sept. 13, 1813, in Gaz. de Mex., 1813,
iv. 1 139, 1 148. Yoakum gives the exaggerated number of 4,000 as the amount
of his force. Ut sup., 174. Filisola adds to Arredondo's numbers 80 artillery
men, making a total of 2,010. Mem. Hist. Guer. Tex., 67.

24 Ib.; Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 925, 1144.

2S INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.

on tlie 18th of August, he came upon the advance
troops of the Spanish army shortly after crossing the
river Medina, and the engagement began.

Now Arredondo was fully informed by his scouts
of the enemy's movements, and had leisurely and care
fully formed his plans. Elizondo was sent with a de
tachment well in advance, under orders hot to enter
into any serious engagement, but by simulating flight,
lure the enemy within the Spanish lines, which, in
that case, would be conveniently drawn up to receive
him. He was to keep Arredondo promptly informed
of all that took place in front. The ruse was fatally
successful.

Toledo's position as commander-in-chief was not an
enviable one, it would seem. There appears to have
been much jealousy and ill feeling displayed toward
him on the part of Menchaca, whose influence with
the Mexicans was unbounded. Toledo was regarded
as a Spaniard, and looked upon with disfavor by the
Mexicans, who bore it with ill grace to be commanded
by a gachupin. It had been his wish to wait for the
enemy on the left bank of the Medina, the advantage
of which position was obvious ; but he had been out-
ruled by both the Mexican and American officers,
who, flushed with their ]ate victories, were eager for
the fray. There was thus evidently a want of har
mony and confidence between the general and the
native portion of his army, and perhaps this was the
cause of his making a grievous mistake in forming his
line of battle. Placing the Mexicans in the centre,
he divided the Americans, and posted them on his
right and left wings, under Perry and Taylor.

When the opposing forces met, a smart fire of mus
ketry was sustained for a brief time, and then Eli
zondo, according to instructions, began to retreat,
sending an aid at once to Arredondo, informing him
of the position of affairs. The Spanish commander
then sent a reinforcement with two small pieces of
artillery under command of the reverend Lieutenant-

DESPERATE BATTLE. 29

colonel Juan Manuel Zambrano,25 who, however, re
ceived similar instuctions to confine his operations to
decoying the enemy into the net that was being spread
for him. Arredondo now drew up his column in line
of battle.

The ground, thickly wooded on each side of his line
of march, favored his design, and his position was
completely concealed. His troops w^ere disposed in
the form of an angle, with the open space presented
to the enemy, his wings extending well in front and
almost facing each other.26

When Zambrano arrived on the scene of action the
royalists rallied, and for a short time the tide of battle
seemed arrested. But they soon gave way again and
retreated precipitately, abandoning their guns. The
republicans, now confident of victory, and believing
that they had engaged the whole royalist force,
pressed hurriedly forward in disorderly pursuit. In
vain Toledo, rightly fearful of an ambush, had ordered
a halt and expressed his apprehensions to Menchaca
and the American leaders; his wiser judgment was
again overruled.

As the flying troops kept concentrating themselves
toward the apex of the ambuscade, the impetuous
pursuers were soon drawn well within the fan-shaped
lines of the enemy. Then burst forth on right and
left of them a blaze of fire, leaping from levelled mus
kets and pointed cannon which struck them down by
scores. Erelong most of the Mexicans were in full
flight, but not before Menchaca had fallen on the

25 It seem that Zambrano had this military rank bestowed upon him in
recognition of his services in conducting the counter-revolution at San An
tonio in 1811.

26 Yoakum states that Arredondo threw up a breastwork in the form of
the letter V, with the apex in the road and the open end in the direction of
San Antonio, and that this defence was concealed from view by an artificial
chaparral constructed of branches. Ut sup., 174. No allusion to such a pro
tection is made in Arredondo 's report of the battle, nor any Spanish authority
that I have met with. Bustamante, on the contrary, says that the patriots
came upon Arredondo's troops with such impetuosity that they had hardly
time to form in line. Cuad. Hist., i. 348.

30 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.

field.27 The brunt of the battle was now borne by the
Americans and their steadfast Indian allies. And
bravely they bore themselves in that death-struggle.
It is all very well to call them outlaws, cutthroats,
desperate adventurers, and savages, but the blood of
their respective races was in them, and they scorned to
yield. For four hours they maintained the unequal
fight, and strived in vain to turn the enemy's flank.
When nearly all were slain, a remnant of the obsti
nate band escaped from the field of slaughter — when
their ammunition was spent ! Out of the 850 Ameri
cans who entered that gorge of death, only 93 effected
their escape to Natchitoches.28 Among those who
saved their lives were Perry, Taylor, and Captain
Bullard, who had acted as aid to Toledo during the
battle.29 The loss on the part of the royalists cannot
be accurately ascertained. Arredondo, in his returns,
reports 55 killed, 178 wounded, 2 missing, and 175
hurt by contusions; but considering the obstinacy
with which the Americans maintained the fight for

O

four hours, and their skill in the use of the rifle, I
hesitate to accept these numbers as worthy of credit.30
This defeat was a death-blow to the republican cause
in Texas, and it was attended with all the horrors
ever observed by the royalists on the occasion of a

27 American writers fall into many errors by relying too implicitly on the
versions of their countrymen on Texan affairs, without consulting Mexican
authorities. Young boldly states — Hist. Mex., 97 — that Menchaca — called by
him and other American authors Maiichaco — at this crisis drew off his men
and retired, and that afterward, ' unable to bear the reproaches heaped upon
him — or acting upon a concerted plan — went over to the Spaniards with such
information relative to the condition of Toledo's force as precluded the possi
bility of attempting to continue the war.' Now Arredondo, in his report,
makes especial mention of Menchaca as one of the dead found on the battle
field. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1143. I call attention to this error as an illus
tration of others committed by him and American historians of Texan affairs,
and which are far too numerous to be specially noticed.

28 Arredondo says that more than 1,000 corpses were counted on the battle
field, the greater portion being Anglo-Americans — 'la mayor parte anglo
americanos.' Ib.

29 17 'oakum, ut sup., 175. The authorities consulted for the description of
this ' battle of the Medina ' are numerous, but more general reliance has been
placed on Arredondo's full report of it to the viceroy, copy of which will be
found in Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1139-51.

30 Bustamante says: 'Este gefe perdid en muertos y heridos inucha gente.'
Cuad. Hist., i. 349.

DEFEAT OF THE AMERICANS. 31

victory during the war of independence. In the pur
suit every fugitive overtaken was ruthlessly sabred or
lanced ; the captured were immediately shot,31 and for
weeks an exterminating persecution was carried on.

Toledo, badly wounded, made his escape to the
United States, where he still endeavored to further
the patriot cause, which resulted in his being indicted
for attempting to inaugurate another expedition
against Mexico. Defeated in other attempts against
Spain, he finally submitted to the king, reentered his
service, and was appointed ambassador to the court of
Naples by Ferdinand VII.32 It has been charged
against Toledo that he had a secret understanding
with the Spanish minister at Washington, that the
removal of Gutierrez was owing to his intrigues, and
that this triumph of the royalists was achieved through
his perfidy.33 But Alaman, with more justice, con
siders such accusations groundless, and believes that
Toledo acted in good faith.34

When victory had declared itself for the royalists,
Elizondo was sent in advance with 200 cavalrymen to
occupy San Antonio, whence many of the families had
fled on receiving news of the disaster to the republi
can cause. Arredondo entered on the following day,
and then despatched Elizondo with 500 men against
Naco2fdocb.es, and in pursuit of the fugitives. He

o J_ O

held his way as far as Trinidad, whence he sent a de
tachment to Nacogcloches. Having thoroughly swept
through the country, capturing and shooting a large
number of unfortunates,30 he commenced his return to

31 Arredondo, writing from the field of battle at four o'clock in the after
noon, states that about 100 had been captured and already shot, most of them
Americans. Gaz. de Mex., ut sup., 926.

32 Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 491-2. Toledo, before his defection, had been
an officer in the Spanish navy. Id., 487.

33 ' Este triunfo . . . fu6 tlebido a la perversidad de aquel malvado '—
that is, Toledo. B: stimante, Cuad. Hist., i. 334. This author evidently did
not regard Toledo with favor. See his note on the following page.

34 Hist. Mij., iii. 488.

35 Elizondo, in his report to Arredondo, states that he shot 71 insurgents,
and brought with him 100 prisoners and as many women. Gaz. de Mex., 1813,
iv. 1162-3. Bustamante places the number of those shot at 74. Cuad. Hist.,
i. 349.

32 INVASION OF TEXAS BY AMERICANS.

San Antonio, and reached the river Brazos about Sep
tember 12th. But the hand of retribution was raised
to strike him. The severity of his executions and
the frequency of them had so affected the mind of
Miguel Serrano, a lieutenant of his troop, that he lost
his reason. Possessed of the idea that Elizondo in
tended to shoot him also, on the arrival of the division
at the Bra.zos, he assailed him and his cousin, Isidro
de la Garza, while reposing in their tent, killing the
latter immediately, and mortally wounding Elizondo.
Conveyed in a litter, he reached the river San Marcos,
where he died, and was buried on its banks.36

Arredondo remained for several months at San
Antonio, his attention being principally directed to
the subjugation of hostile Indians. In October, Colo
nel Cayetano Quintero was sent to Nacogdoches
against the Lipans, and attacking their village of
more than 300 lodges, constructed of hides, routed
them, and captured most of their household goods.
Successful excursions against other tribes were also
undertaken; and Arredondo, having appointed Cris
tobal Dominguez governor of the province, left there
about March 1814, and took up his headquarters at
Monterey. For some time, all the other northern
provinces having also been pacified, Texas remained
undisturbed by revolutionary attempts.37

36/6.; Soc. Max. Geog., 2a ep., ii. 630-1.

zlGaz. de Mex., 1814, v. 27-31, 37-9, 804-5, 814-16, 820-1. In order to
prevent other similar invasions of Texas by U. S. citizens, Oov. Claiborne of
Louisiana issued a proclamation at New Orleans, March 23, 1814, prohibiting
such illegal proceedings. Id., 871-2. Filisola asserts that Benito Arminan
was made governor. Mem. Hist. Guerra Tej., 79. I have taken Alaman as
my authority. Hist. Mej., iii. 493.

CHAPTER III.

PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.
1815-1821.

THE ASYLUM OF MEXICAN REFUGEES — HERRERA'S PRIVATEERING SCHEME
— A REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT ESTABLISHED AT GALVESTON — HAVOC
INFLICTED ON SPANISH COMMERCE — ARRIVAL OF MINA — AURY AND
PERRY — THE DESCENT ON SOTO LA MARINA — PERRY'S MARCH TO
TEXAS — DESTRUCTION OF HIS BAND — AURY AT MATAGORDA BAY — HE
LEAVES TEXAS FOR FLORIDA — THE PIRATE OF THE GULF AND THE
BARRATARIANS — GALVESTON OCCUPIED BY LAFITTE — A SPURIOUS GOV
ERNMENT — PIRATICAL DEPREDATIONS — LAFITTE EXPELLED FROM GAL
VESTON— His BIOGRAPHY— LALLEMAND'S CHAMP D'ASILE — SETTLEMENT
OF THE BOUNDARY QUESTION— LONG'S INVASION — TEXAS DECLARED A
REPUBLIC — DESTRUCTION OF THE EXPEDITION.

AFTER this rushing blow, the condition of Texas
was deplorable. Many of the inhabitants had fled
and taken refuge on the frontier of Louisiana, Daven-

o

port1 and other United States settlers had left the
country; their crops were destroyed, their cattle car
ried off, and their houses burned. The spirit of in
surrection was suppressed for years, and it was only
by the advent of a new race that vitality was again,
inspired into the province.

Besides those revolutionists who escaped from Texas,
other refugees from different parts of New Spain
made the United States their home during their exile,
and there tried to further the independent cause by
collecting troops and arms for another invasion. Nor

1 In the indulto which was proclaimed Oct. 10, 1813, the settlers Daven
port, Dortolaii, and Gerard were excepted, as also Toledo, Gutierrez, and
others. rlhe government would reward those who put them to death. Gaz.
deMex., 1813, iv. 1248.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 3 i 33 )

84 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.

was the field of these indirect operations an ill-chosen
one. A wide-spread sympathy with the patriots in
Mexico prevailed in the United States, and but for
the vigilance of the government, thousands of volun
teers would have accepted the invitation of these
refugees. Even as it was, there were not wanting
numbers of bold men ready to take all risks and en
gage in the illegal enterprise of invading such a land
of promise. Conspicuous among them was Colonel
Perry, with whom the reader is already acquainted,
and who published a proclamation in the New Orleans
papers in 1815, to the effect that an expedition was
in preparation to invade Texas; that 1,000 men were
ready to engage in the enterprise, and setting forth
the worthiness of the cause, and the honor and profit
that would attach to those who would fight for the
Mexican patriots. Of this the United States gov
ernment appears to have taken notice, and September
1st of the same year President Madison issued a
proclamation prohibiting such unlawful enterprises.2
Although any important undertaking was prevented
by the watchfulness of the authorities, Perry escaped
their vigilance, and late in the autumn made his way
beyond the Sabine with a small party which formed a
nucleus.

At this time Jose Manuel de Hererra, who had
been appointed minister to the United States by
Morelos, was residing in New Orleans, and in con
junction with other partisans of the revolutionists,
conceived the idea of preying upon the commerce
of Spain by a questionable system of privateering.
Aware of the suitability of Galveston harbor for his
purpose, and recognizing the advantages it offered as
a rendezvous for future expeditions in aid of the inde
pendent cause, he sailed thither September 1, 18.1G,

2 Niles' Reg., viii. 436; ix. 33-4. During the same year also Toledo, Julius
Csesar Amazon!, Vincent Gamble, John Robinson, Remain Very, Pierre Saeme-
son, and Bernard Bourdin were indicted in the U. S. district court of Loui
siana for attempting to violate the neutrality of the Union. Amer. State
Papers, xi. 307.

AURY AS GOVERNOR. 35

with Luis de Aury,3 whom he appointed commodore
of the fleet of the republic of Mexico. At a meeting
held at Galveston, September 12, 1816, Herrera, by
virtue of his office as minister plenipotentiary of the
republic of Mexico to the United States, formed a
government. Commodore Aury was made civil and
military governor of the province of Texas and the
new establishment, and took the oath of allegiance to
the Mexican republic; the several branches of public
administration were arranged ; Galveston was declared
the established port of the republic, and the flag
hoisted; and on the 16th Herrera appointed the
necessary authorities, and established a treasury. By
October the 20th their system of government wTas
completed, Aury being authorized to form regulations
for the navy, as well as to move the new establish-

«/ *

ment and his seat of government to Matagorda, or
any other more suitable place, in case of necessity. A
court of admiralty, moreover, was formed, which adju
dicated in the matter of captured vessels.

The royalists in Texas were in no position to oppose
the proceedings of Aury ; there were not more than
200 men stationed in the different posts throughout
the province, and the insular situation of the invaders
rendered them unassailable. Perry soon joined with
nearly 100 recruits, and other reinforcements arriving,
the community before long numbered 400 men. The
privateers, sent out to cruise in the gulf, inflicted great
havoc upon Spanish commerce, and as the prizes were
generally richly laden, the adventurers wanted for
nothing. General Bernardo Gutierrez, being stationed
as their agent at Natchitoches and liberally supplied
with money, rendered valuable aid.

Among the followers of Aury were many of the old

3 Aury entered the service of the republic of New Granada as lieut of the
navy in May 1815, and was appointed commandant general of the naval
forces stationed at Cartegena, Aug. 10th of the same year. During the siege
and blockade of that place he rendered signal services by saving the lives of
nearly 3,000 persons, and a portion of the naval force, by breaking through
the royalist squadron, Dec. G, 1815.

36 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.

Barratarian freebooters, who were not always particu
lar as to the nationality of the vessels they attacked.
Moreover, no few Spanish slavers were captured, and
though the introduction of slaves into the United
States was illegal, it was effected by aid of the Barra-
tarians — so well acquainted with the outlets of the
Mississippi — and the cooperation of citizens in Louisi
ana,4 who would repair to Galveston and select and
purchase their lots of human merchandise, which were
punctually delivered. Many of the privateers which
swept the gulf during this period, and brought their
prizes to Galveston, were owned by United States
citizens.

In November, Javier Mina5 arrived with over 200
men and supplies of ammunition in three vessels, which
increased the fleet to over a dozen sail. The advent
of this unfortunate leader was attended with disastrous
results to Aury's undertaking, and the shadow of his
ill-starred fate fell on many of the adventurers at Gal
veston. But it is invidious to weigh his destiny with
those of others. Had the chiefs at Galveston been in
accord with him, his enterprise might have succeeded.
But jealousy broke out among them. Perry, bold
and headstrong, dazzled by the greatness of Mina's
undertaking, was ready to join him in the invasion of
Mexico, while Aury, who had raised his force for the
conquest of Texas, would not yield hearty cooperation.
The disagreement between Aury and Perry daily in
creased, till at last the latter, disclaiming the authority
of the former, wished to place himself and his company
of 100 men under Mina. Bloodshed was threatened;
but as Perry's men stood firmly by him, Aury deemed
it prudent to yield.

Four months were passed in organizing and drilling

4 Beverly Clew, the collector at New Orleans, writes to the secretary of
state, Aug. 1, 1817: 'I deem it my duty to state that the most shameful
violations of the slave act, as well as our revenue laws, continue to be prac
tised with impunity, by a motley mixture of freebooters and smugglers, at
Galveston, under the Mexican flag.' Id., 347. See also pp. 352, 354-5, 377.

5 For particulars of Gen. Miua's career, consult Hint. Mex., iv. 659 et seq.,
this series.

MINA'S OPERATIONS. 37

the troops, and then, some correspondence having been
intercepted on board a Spanish vessel from Tampico,
Mina decided, from the information thereby obtained,
to make a descent upon Soto la Marina. Having
burned down what buildings they had erected, they
weighed anchor April 6, 1817.6 When they arrived
at Soto la Marina, Aury, chagrined at the position
which had been imposed upon him, having landed
Mina's force, detached himself from the expedition and
again turned his prows toward Texas.7

Soto la Marina fell into Mina's hands without op
position. His future operations down to the time of
his capture and execution at Los Remedios have been
fully narrated in another volume,8 and as those events
are not connected with the history of Texas I shall
not repeat them. It may be interesting to the reader,
however, to know the fate of Perry.

When Mina had made every preparation to march
into the interior, Perry, convinced of the rashness of
making the attempt with a force amounting to dnly
300 men, also abandoned the foredoomed leader, and
with his usual recklessness determined to force his
way back to the United States by land. With Major
Gordon, and about fifty others of his company whom
he induced to join him, he commenced his dangerous
march, and, incredible though it seems, reached La
Bahia in Texas. Though his force was reduced to
forty in number, he did not hesitate to demand the
surrender of the place. The appearance, however, of
a squadron of more than 100 cavalrymen, sent in pur
suit of him, compelled him to retire in the direction
of Nacogdoches. Being overtaken by the enemy, he

6 In a memorial addressed to the president of the United States by Vicente
Pazos, relating to Aury's operations, this is the date given. Amer. State Papers,
xii. 409. Other authors give March 27th, but Pazos' date is in every proba
bility correct. Consult Zamacois, Hist. Mej., x. 265, note.

'For this account of Mina's arrival at Galveston, the dissensions of the
chiefs, and other particulars, consult A laman, Hist. Mej. , iv. 553 et seq. ;
Robinsons Mex. Rev., i. 121-5; Gonzalez, Col. Doc., N. Leon, 353-5; Kennedy's
Tex., i. 292-3; Yoahim's Hist. Tex., i. 182-5; Amer. State Papers, xi. 346,
xii. 408.

8 Hist. Mex., iv., ch. xxviii., this series.

PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.

took up a position at nightfall in a wood called El
Perdido, and when summoned to surrender, declared
that he and those with him would all die first. At
dawn an attack was made. Though surrounded on
all sides, the dauntless band twice repulsed the enemy
and fought its way to a rising ground on the banks
of a stream. And here, when their ammunition was
exhausted, they fell, Perry blowing out his brains
with a pistol at the end of the fight,9 rather than sur
render to the foe.

When Aury reached the Texan coast, he put into
Matagorda Bay, and throwing up wooden buildings on
an islet lying between the isla de la Culebra and the
isla del Bergantin, appears to have remained there
about two months. During this period he probably
sent out cruisers, which from time to time brought in
prizes.10 In July, however, he received news of the
undertaking directed by General McGregor against
the Floridas,11 and decided to cooperate with him.
Accordingly, having destroyed seven of his vessels,12 he
returned to Galvestoii, which port he reached about
the middle of July. On the 21st of the same month

9 This account is taken from the report of the encounter to the viceroy
Apodaca, by Antonio Martinez, in command of the Spanish troops. Martinez
states that after the fight was over, 26 men lay dead on the field, 12 wore
mortally wounded, and 2 were unhurt. Ihese last were shot. He enumer
ates the weapons taken, consisting of 27 muskets, 4 escopetas, 12 bayonets,
1 pistol, 4 sabres; also 11 cartridge-boxes; but he makes no mention of any
ammunition. As he remarks that all the wounded were 'atravesados de
lauza,' it would seem that Perry's men were nearly all killed by the lance
after their ammunition had failed. Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 787-9. Linn's
account of the death of Perry is incorrect; I regard the report of the Spanish
commander as conclusive.

10 Antonio Martinez, who had siicceeded Dominguez as governor of Texas,
on the report of Aury's arrival, sent out a corps of observation, and 13
vessels were counted anchored in the bay. /(/., 1817, viii. 987-8.

11 Amer. State Papers, xii. 409. Sir Gregor McGregor was a general of
brigade in the service of the revolted provinces of New Grenada and Vene
zuela. On March 31, 1817, he received his commission to undertake the
conquest of the Florklas. Copy of translation will be found in Id., xii.
421-2.

12 Doubtless his useless prizes. Juan de Castaneda, who had been sent
with 30 men to examine the destroyed craft, reported July 21st that all were
utterly demolished except two which were dismasted and full of -water. One
of these was loaded with cotton and dye-wood, and the other with material
of war. See the report in Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 987-9.

THE PIRATE OF THE GULF. 39

he addressed a note to Manuel Herrera — who had
long before returned to New Orleans — in which he
stated that to make a diversion for the benefit of the
cause they were supporting, he had determined to
abandon the establishment at Galveston, and that he
should take with him the judge of the admiralty
court, the administrator of the customs, and all con
stituted authorities. He moreover notified him that
all proceedings after July 31st were to be considered
as having taken place without his consent and con
trary to his will, and that therefore every transac
tion not signed by Pedro Rousselin, the collector, who
would accompany him, was to be held as illegal.13
Aury adds that he would have left a lieutenant-gov
ernor and a deputy collector, but he feared that they
would not have force sufficient to maintain order or
prevent the commission of acts in violation of the law
of nations.14 A few days after, he spread his sails,
bound for the Floridas.15 He had found the island
occupied by Lafitte, the Pirate of the Gulf.

Jean Lafitte, the eldest of three brothers, is reputed
to have been born in Bordeaux, France, about 1780.
So varied and contradictory are the accounts given of
his early life that no credence can be attached to any
of them. It is not until the smugglers, or pirates, if
such you choose to call them, had well established
themselves on the island of Barrataria that his career
is known with any certainty. This island, formerly
called Grand Terre,16 is situated at the mouth of a
lake about sixty miles west of the delta of the Missis-

13 He addressed a note of the same tenor, July 28th, to Beverly Clew,
collector of customs at New Orleans; and a duplicate of it on the 31st, dated
at sea. Amer. State Papers, xi. 355.

u See copy of letter in Id., xii. 423-4.

15 After serving the cause of the patriots for some years, Aury returned to
New Orleans, and being a man of fine appearance, married a rich widow, from
whom, however, he was separated some time afterward. As late as 1845 he
was residing at Habaiia. Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 194; United Service Journal,
1852.

16 It received the name Barrataria, derived from barat, an old French word,
from which also is derived barratry.

40 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.

sippi. About the year 1810 it became the rendezvous
of smugglers, freebooters, and desperadoes of different
nationalities, who found an easy disposal of their ill-
gotten goods at New Orleans. Among these Lafitte
soon became preeminent, by reason of his superior tal
ent in conducting their nefarious enterprises, and his
power over the other chieftans became almost absolute.
Governor Claiborne, in view of the demoralizing effect
which the traffic had upon the commercial community
at New Orleans — for many large houses were in col
lusion with them — issued, in March 1813, a proclama
tion ordering them to disperse. This had no effect,
so he placed a reward of 500 dollars on the head of
Lafitte, which the latter treated with such contempt
as to offer thirty times the amount for the governor's
head. Claiborne then tried force, and again was un
successful. Lafitte surrounded the troops sent against
him — and dismissed them, loaded with presents!

This state of affairs being reported to President
Madison, Commodore Patterson of the United States
navy was ordered to destroy this hornets'-nest, and
in June 1814 he arrived before Barrataria with gun
boats and the schooner Caroline. The pirates, in
seven fine armed cruisers and a felucca, manned by
nearly 1,000 men, at first made a show of resistance,
but finally abandoning their vessels, made for the
land and dispersed among the swamps. Patterson
took the surrendered vessels and all the spoils of Bar
rataria to New Orleans.

This broke the backbone of the community, whose
leading spirit was the Pirate of the Gulf. But he was
still at large, and as the outlying cruisers kept return
ing, business was still carried on secretly. When the
British approached New Orleans, in the autumn of
this year, overtures were made to Lafitte, with most
tempting offers of rank in the British navy and a large
sum of money, if he would join the service. Lafitte
asked for time to consider, which was granted, and he
sent without delay the written proposals which he had

LIFE OF LAFITTE. 41

received to Governor Claiborne, with an offer of his
services to the United States, on condition that he
and his followers should be no further molested. His
offer was accepted ; and at the battle of New Orleans,
he and his men did such good service, that a pardon
was granted them by President Madison.17

Little is known of Lafitte's movements during the
next two years. Precluded from carrying on depre
dations with his headquarters on United States terri
tory, he seems to have cruised about the gulf, and
endeavored, though unsuccessfully, to establish him
self at Port au Prince.18 A few days, however, after
the departure of Aury from Galveston for Soto la
Marina, Lafitte appeared at the island with his pri
vateers. The number of his followers was then about
forty, and on the 15th of April, 1817, these freebooters
proceeded to establish a government, with the object
of " capturing Spanish property under what they called
the Mexican flag, but without an idea of aiding the
revolution in Mexico, or that of any of the Spanish
revolted colonies." It seemed good, however, to
imitate the policy of Aury in order that their lawless
captures might be introduced into Louisiana with less
trouble. Accordingly the captains of the cruisers met
and elected the different members of their government.
Louis Derieux was made governor and military com
mandant; A. Pironneau, adjutant commandant; J.
Ducoing, judge of the admiralty ; Pedro Rousselin,'20
collector of customs; Raymon Espagnol, secretary
of the treasury and notary public ; and Jean Jannet,
marine commandant. That no formality might be
wanting, the oath of fidelity to the Mexican republic
was taken. The governor was first sworn by Luis

"Dated Feb. 5, 1815. Consult Yoahim's Hist. Tex., i. 186-90; Babe Mar-
bois, Hist. Louis., 382-4, Eng. ed.; Kennedys Tex., i. 288-9; Gayarre, Hist.
Louis., Am. Dom., 289-90, 302-6, 312-16, 356-7, 411, 504; Democratic fieview,
vi. 34.

lsAmcr. State Papers, xi. 351.

19 Raymon Espagnol's testimony, in Id. , xi. 359.

20 Rousselin was Aury's collector, and had been left by him with an advice
boat to report arrivals of privateers to him.

42 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.

Iturribarria, and the others then took the oath to the
governor.21 On the 20th of the same month, other
craft having arrived, the captains and owners of them,
to the number of seventeen, were convened on board
the schooner Jupiter. The appointments were con
firmed, and regulations made concerning the disposal
of the duties that should accrue from prizes. The
proceedings were drawn up and signed by those pres
ent before the secretary pro tern, Lafon.

Under the auspices of this worthy administration,
Galveston soon became the asylum of refugees from
justice and desperadoes of every nationality and dye.
By the end of the year, Lafitte's followers numbered
nearly 1,000 men, and their depredations in the gulf
were carried on to such an extent that Spanish com
merce was almost swept from that sea. But this was
not all; the vessels of other nations became the prey
of these pirates. The United States government
would have broken up the nest but for the opposition
of the Spanish minister Onis. The boundary question
had not yet been settled, and it was feared that if the
government at Washington dispersed the buccaneers
from Galveston by armed force, it wTould retain pos
session of the island.22 Thus for years the Pirate of
the Gulf remained unmolested. On the site where the
city of Galveston now stands he erected a fort, and
built himself a house, around which numerous other
edifices soon sprung up, forming a busy settlement,
which he named Campeachy. On the 9th of October,
1819, Galveston was declared a port of entry of the
republic of Texas, which had lately been proclaimed
by the leaders of another expedition into the country,
and Lafitte was made governor of the place. Shortly
afterward one of his followers, named Brown, robbed
an American vessel near the Sabine, and being pur-

21 Id., xi. 358-9, 386-7. It will be noticed that Lafitte's name does not
appear. But there is evidence that he was present. Consult Id., xi. 349.
He probably did not choose, from policy, to have his name used. Ihis is
Yoakum's opinion.

'-"See the objections raised by Onis, Dec. 6, 1817, when informed of meas
ures taken by the president to suppress these marauders. Id., xii. 11.

AFFAIRS AT GALVESTON. 43

stied by the United States schooner Lynx, Captain
Madison, he abandoned his boats and escaped with
the crews to land. The Lynx sailed to Galveston, and
Lafitte summarily hanged Brown. Madison was
satisfied with this prompt measure, and with the dis
position shown by Lafitte to bring the other culprits
to justice.23 But in the following year another Amer
ican vessel was taken by one of Lafitte's cruisers and
scuttled in Matagorda Bay. The government at
Washington sent a commission to inquire into the
case, and the report being unfavorable to Lafitte, the
Enterprise, Lieutenant Kearney, was sent early in
1821 to break up the Galveston establishment.
Kearney visited the freebooter in his home, where he
was hospitably entertained. Lafitte, aware of the in
flexible determination of the United States govern
ment, proceeded to obey its orders. He destroyed
his fortifications, paid off and disbanded his men, and
on board his favorite vessel, the Pride, sailed away
forever from the shores of Texas.24

23 See the correspondence on this matter between Capt. Madison and
Lafitte, in Niles Rey., xvii. 395-6; also A Day with Lafitle, in Democratic
Review, vi. 40.

24 Lafitte persistently maintained that he only made war on Spanish ves
sels. According to an account given by an officer of the Enterprise, who
accompanied Kearney on a visit to Lafitte, the freebooter gave at table the
following sketch of his life as a pirate, and the cause of his adopting this
career: he stated that 18 years before he had been a merchant at Santo
Domingo, and that having become rich, he wound up his affairs, sold his
property, bought a ship, and freighted her with a valuable cargo, including a
large amount of specie. Having set sail for Europe with his wife on board,
he was captured, when a week at sea, by a Spanish man-of-war, and robbed
of everything he possessed. The Spanish captain had the inhumanity to set
him and the crew ashore 011 a barren sand key, with provisions for a few days
only. Ihey were taken off by an American schooner and landed at New
Orleans, where his wife died in a few days from fever, contracted by hardship
and exposure. Lafitte, in desperation, joining some daring fellows, and hav
ing purchased a schooner, declared eternal vengeance against Spain. ' For
fifteen years, ' he said, ' I have carried on a war against Spain. So long as I
live I am at war with Spain, but no other nation. I am at peace with all the
world except Spain. Although they call me a pirate, I am not guilty of
attacking any vessel of the English or French. ' Id. , 42. The same writer
describes Lafitte ' as a stout, rather gentlemanly personage, some five feet ten
inches in height, dressed very simply in a foraging cap and blue frock of a
most villanous fit; his complexion, like most Creoles, olive; his countenance
full, mild, and rather impressive, but for a small black eye, which now and
then, as he grew animated in conversation, would flash in a way which im
pressed me with a notion that "II Capitauo " might be, when roused, a very

44 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.

After the fall of Napoleon, a number of French
officers who had followed his fortunes retired to the
United States, where they were kindly received. On
the 3d of March, 1817, congress bestowed on these
refugees a grant of 92,000 acres of choice land in Ala
bama, on the condition that the settlers should intro
duce the cultivation of the vine and olive. The terms
of the grant were so favorable25 as to make it equiva
lent to a gift. Nevertheless, the colonists being mili
tary men failed of success, and most of them sold
their portion of land for a mere trifle. Thus the gen
erous intention of the United States congress to ben
efit a number of unfortunate persons and promote
their welfare resulted in the enriching of a few spec
ulators.26 Some of the grantees attributed their failure
to the climate, and sought for more genial localities.
Among these were generals Lallemand and Rigault,
who believed that they would find in Texas all the
requirements for the establishment of a successful
colony. Having addressed to the court of Spain a
note declaring their intention, and having received no
reply to their communication, which could only be
regarded as impertinent,27 they proceeded to carry out
their design.

Accordingly, in March 1818, Lallemand, leaving a
younger brother, Dominique, at New Orleans to for
ward supplies, sailed with 120 settlers, and having

"ugly customer." His demeanor toward us was exceedingly courteous.'
Later he remarks: 'He was evidently educated and gifted witli no common
talent for conversation.' Lafitte continued to cruise on the Spanish main for
several years. Occasionally he visited Sisal, and the island of Margarita,
near the mouth of the Oronoco. He died in 1826 at Cilain — properly written
Dilam, and incorrectly Silan, as in the American Cyclopaedia, sub nom. Latitte
• — a town in Yucatan, and was there buried in the campo santo. Yoakum, ut
sup., 204; De Boivs Reiriew, Oct. 1851.

a5The land was sold to them at $2 per acre, payable in 14 years without
interest. Niks' Rey., xiv. 393.

26 One speculator was said to have made between $500,000 and $1,000,000
by these land transactions. Id.: Le Champ d'Asile, 14-15.

27 They wrote thus : ' Que si la cour d'Espagne acquies9ait a leurs demande,
elle pouvait compter sur leurs services et leur fidelite. Que, dans le cas
contraire, ils protiteraient du droit que la nature accorde a tout homme de
fertiliser des solitudes incultes, et dont personne n'est autorise a lui disputer
la possession. . .Qu' enfin ils e"taient determines, quelque chose qui arrivat, a
se fixer dans la contree du 'xexas.' /t/., 18-19.

COLONIZATION. 45

entered the bay of Galveston, selected a spot on the
Trinity River, about twelve miles above its mouth,
and began to fortify the post. On May 1 1th a decla
ration was issued by the colonists, in which they set
forth that, having been driven from their country by
a series of calamities, they had determined to seek an
asylum, and that finding lands unoccupied, they con
sidered that they had the right to establish themselves
thereon. They proceeded to state that their inten
tions were peaceable, but that, if persecuted, they
would justly defend themselves; the land they occu
pied would see them prosper or bravely die. The
colony, to which they gave the name of Champ d'
Asile, was essentially an agricultural and commercial
one, but for its preservation it wrould be conducted
under a military system.28 Such were their senti
ments and intentions, but the soldier does not make
a good agriculturist. Moreover, a drought set in
and rendered abortive their first efforts. Neverthe
less, as game was abundant, they managed to subsist
for a time, and established a petty traffic with the
Indians; but wrhen a Spanish force marched against
Champ d' Asile, the feeble colony, reduced by priva
tions, was in no condition to resist/9 and retired to
Galveston. Lallemand returned to the United States,
but the fate of his followers is unknown. It is prob
able that most of them cast their lot with Lafitte's
desperadoes, a few only reaching the United States.

During the period from 1809 to 1815 no diplomatic
relations existed between the United States and Spain.
In June of the first-named year Luis de Onis had
been appointed envoy extraordinary to Washington
by the Spanish suprema junta central, a provisional
government which the United States could not ac
knowledge, nor was it until December 1815 that Onis

28 Copy of declaration will be found in Id., 44-7, and a translation in N ties'
R<y., xiv. 394.

"Barbe Marlols, Hist. Louis., 396-8; Notidoso Gen., Feb 12, 1819,4.

46 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.

was formally recognized.30 Relations having then
been restored, the Louisiana boundary question be
came a matter of serious consideration. The settle
ment of the dispute between the two powers as to the
right of ownership to Texas became involved with
the negotiations that had taken place for the cession
of the Floridas to the United States, and the two
questions were now to be treated in combination.
The discussions which ensued were very lengthy,
extending over three years, and numerous proposi
tions and counter-propositions were made.31

Terms of agreement were finally arranged, and on
February 22, 1819, a treaty was signed by Onis and
the American secretary of state, by which the Flori
das were ceded to the United States, and Spain
retained possession of Texas. The boundary line
between the United States and the Spanish posses
sions, as defined in the third article of the convention,
was as follows : it was to begin at the mouth of the
river Sabine, continuing north along the western bank
of that river to latitude 32°; thence by a line due
north to the degree of latitude where it strikes Red
River; then following the course of that river west
ward to longitude 23° west from Washington ; crossing
said river, it was to run by a line due north to the
Arkansas, following the southern bank of that river

30 Onis, Mem. Negoc., 1-2; Amer. State Papers, xi. 54.

31 The correspondence and documents relating to the opposing claims to
the possession of Texas will be found in Annals of Cong., 1819, ii. 1629-2131.
rihe claims of the U. S. that Texas formed apart of Louisiana were based on
the possession taken and establishment made by La Salle in 1685 at San Ber
nardo Bay; the charter of Louis XIV. to Crozat in 1712; the geographical
authority of De Lisle 's map, and more especially that of Tomas Lopez,
geographer to the king of Spain, published in 1762; the map of Homann,
published at Nuremburg in 1712, and a British official map published by
Bo wen in 1755, intended to point out the boundaries of British, Spanish, and
French colonies in North America; also on geographical works and narra
tives, especially the accounts of Hennepin in 1683; of Fonti in 1697; and
of Jontel in 1713 — pp. 1757-8. Onis endeavors to show that these supports
were without foundation, claiming priority of discovery, and the establish
ment of the province of Texas in 1690. Mem. Neyoc., 48-57. A long review
of the U. S. claims to Texas, wherein the author seeks to prove that Texas
never formed any part of Louisiana, and that the cry of 're-annexation,'
raised 20 years later, was an attempt at a ' gross infraction of a previous
treaty,' will be found in Grattans Gen. Amer., 254-82.

TREATY WITH SPAIN. 47

to its source in latitude 42° north; and thence by
that parallel to the Pacific.32

The king of Spain, however, failed to ratify the
treaty within the six months prescribed, and when he
ratified it, October 24, 1820, the controversy was
renewed, the United States being strongly disinclined
to recognize the late convention. The treaty had
from the first caused wide-spread dissatisfaction, and
there was a strong party which not only regarded the
cession of Texas for the Floridas, as the exchange of
a valuable territory for an inferior one, but as a vio
lation of the fundamental principle of the United
States never to relinquish territory. The demurrers
to the treaty, insisting on the justice of the claim to
Texas, considered the action of the government in
making the convention unconstitutional, and that the
equivalent to be given by Spain was inadequate.33
Another year having been passed in profitless discus
sion between the two governments, congress, on the
19th of February, 1821, consented to and advised
the president -to ratify the treaty. On the 28th of
the same month John Quincy Adams informed the
Spanish envoy that President Monroe had accepted
the ratification.

The reader will not have failed to observe with
what signal want of success all attempts to occupy or
colonize Texas by force of arms were attended. I
have still to record another instance of like failure.

In Natchez the angry feeling aroused by the treaty
of February 1819 was exhibited in a practical man
ner. A meeting of the inhabitants was held, for the

32 Annals of Cong., 1819, ii. 2130 et seq., where a copy of the treaty will
bs found.

33 Henry Clay, a few days before, April 3, 1820, submitted the following
resolutions to the house: "lhat the constitution of the U. S. vests in con
gress the power to dispose of the territory belonging to them, and that no
treaty purporting to alienate any portion thereof is valid without the con
currence of congress;' and 'that the equivalent proposed to be given by
Spain to the U. S. in the treaty . . . for that part of Louisiana lying west of
the Sabine was inadequate; and that it would be inexpedient to make a trans
fer thereof to any foreign power, or renew the aforesaid treaty.' Annals of
Cong., 1820, ii. 1719. Arguments in support follow.

48 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.

purpose of organizing an expedition in aid of the rev
olutionary party, and James Long34 was appointed
leader of the enterprise. Long entered into the un
dertaking with enthusiasm, and in June started from
Natchez with about seventy-five followers for Nacog-
doches. His numbers were rapidly increased, and
soon after his arrival at that place he could muster
over 300 men, among whom may be mentioned Ber
nardo Gutierrez and Samuel Davenport. He imme
diately proceeded to establish a civil government,
under the control of a supreme council invested with
legislative powers. The council was composed of
Horatio Biglow, Hamlin Cook, W. W. Walker, Ste
phen Barker, John Sibley, Samuel Davenport, John
G. Burnett, J. Child, Pedro Procello, and Bernardo
Gutierrez. General Long was chosen president. On
June 23d the supreme council declared the province
a free and independent republic.35 In the preamble
it was set forth that the citizens of Texas had long
indulged the hope that, in the settlement of the boun
dary question, they would be included within the limits
of the United States. The recent treaty, however,
with Spain had dissipated this illusion, and they saw
themselves abandoned to the dominion of the crown
of Spain. They had therefore resolved, under the
blessing of God, to be free. I must remark that these
' citizens of Texas ' were comprised of a few American
settlers, who had gradually encroached upon the ter
ritory and been unmolested. Various laws were next
enacted for the organization of the new republic, and
the raising of revenue by the sale of public lands.36

31 James Long was born in Virg nia, and having studied medicine, was at
tached to the medical staff of Carroll's brigade. He was a favorite of Gen.
Jackson, and distinguished himself at the battle of New Orleans. Having
married Jane H. Wilkinson, a niece of Gen. Wilkinson, he retired from the
army, and after trying agriculture, settled at Natchez as a merchant. From
Gen. Mirabeau Lamar's narrative, in Footes Tex., i. 201-2.

33 Interesting extracts from this declaration of the independence of Texas,
which was published in the Louisiana Herald, will be found in Wiles' Reg. ,
xvii. 31.

36 A bill was passed for the sale of lands on the Atoyac and Red rivers,
the minimum price for those on the first-named stream, which was an atllueut

LONG'S EXPEDITION. 49

The adventurers, or patriots as they styled them
selves, made military dispositions to occupy the coun
try. David Long, a brother of the general, was
despatched with merchandise to the upper crossing of
the Trinity to traffic with the Indians ; Johnson was
sent on a similar expedition to the Brazos; Major
Smith, with forty men, was stationed at the Cochattee
village on the Trinity ; and Walker with twenty-eight
men fortified a position on the Brazos at the old La
Baln'a crossing. These arrangements having been
completed by the end of September, Long, who had
already been in communication with Lafitte, now
governor of Galveston under the republic, decided to
pay him a visit, in the hope that by a personal inter
view he would be able to induce that chieftain to
assist him in his undertaking. Leaving Major Cook
in command at Nacogdoches, he therefore proceeded
toward Galveston, but on arriving at the Cochattee
village, he received tidings, brought in by the Indians,
that the royalists were rapidly approaching. A Span
ish force, 700 strong, under Colonel Ignacio Perez,
was advancing to drive out the invaders. Long at
once sent orders to Cook and his outlying detachments
to concentrate at the Cochattee village, and hastened
on to Galveston. But Lafitte, though expressing his
best wishes for Long's success, regarded the enter
prise as far too hazardous, and so told Long, calling
his attention to the many attempts which had failed
through want of the large force necessary for an in
vasion by land. Disappointed at not receiving the
desired aid, Long returned without delay to the vil
lage, where he learned that sudden and most ruinous
calamity had fallen on the embryo republic.

Of all the expeditions to Texas, not one experienced
a more speedy collapse or swifter ruin than that of
Long. Cook was of all men the most unfit to hold

of the Naches, being $1 an acre, payable one fourth down and the remainder
in three annual instalments. The lands 011 the more distant Ked River were
rated at from 12^ to 50 cents an acre. Footes Tex., i. 205.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 4

50 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS.

the responsible position in which he had been placed.
Of intemperate habits, on the departure of Long from
Naeogdoches, he gave way to drunkenness and dissi
pation, and the garrison, following his example, fell
into disorder. Meantime the royalist troops, October
llth, surprised Johnson's detachment on the Brazos,
taking eleven prisoners, and dispersing the rest.
Johnson with six others escaped to Walker's fort,
which was assailed on the 15th; the republicans were
compelled to seek safety in flight, destitute of every
thing. David Long's post at the upper crossing on
the Trinity was next attacked. Long was killed, and
his men fled to Naeogdoches. Smith at the Cochat-
tee village had been joined by Johnson and Walker,
with other fugitives; and when Perez approached, he
retreated forty miles below the village. But attempt
ing to elude the enemy, a skirmish was brought on, in
which several fell on both sides. The republicans
were again defeated, and made their way in canoes to
Point Bolivar on Galveston Bay, which Long had pre
viously appointed as a place of rendezvous in case of
disaster, and had already made preparations to fortify.
When the fugitives from David Long's post reached
Naeogdoches the wildest confusion prevailed. Not
for a moment was a thought of resistance entertained ;
the garrison and inhabitants alike hurried out of the
place to seek safety on the other side of the Sabine ;
and when Long, who had hastened forward at full
speed, arrived at Naeogdoches, he found a silent and
deserted town. He himself barely escaped capture at
the hands of a detachment of royalists which pres
ently came up in pursuit, and succeeded in taking
many of the fugitives prisoners before they crossed
the saving river. After his escape, Long passed down
the Calcasien and repaired to Point Bolivar, where
he found the remnant of the republican forces.87

37 1 he above account of this expedition is taken from the narrative of Gen
eral Mirabeau Lamer, president of Texas, and which he placed in the hands
of Foote, who gave it to the public in his Texas and the Texans, i. 198-21(5.

SAD CONDITION OF AFFAIRS. 51

Recognizing that the expedition was utterly broken
up, Long retired to New Orleans, where he appears
to have formed the acquaintance of the Mexican pa
triots Milain and Trespalacios. In the spring of
1821 an expedition was organized by these indepen
dent leaders, and Point Bolivar occupied. Provided
with a commission by Trespalacios, who styled him
self lieutenant-general of the Mexican army and pres
ident of the supreme council of Texas,3^ Long landed
at the mouth of the San Antonio, and with 51 men
marched against La Bahia, which he took possession
of without opposition October 4, 1821. He was com
pelled, however, to surrender a few days afterward to
Colonel Perez, and was sent as a prisoner with his
followers to San Antonio de Bejar. Representing
that he had undertaken the expedition in the cause
of independence, he and his fellow-captives were
treated with leniency.39 Long was conveyed to the
city of Mexico, and the independence of which he
professed himself a supporter having been achieved,
he was granted his liberty. In 1822, wishing to enter
the barracks of Los Gallos, and being refused admis
sion, he struck the sentinel, who thereupon shot him
dead.40

Perez was complimented by the king for his success. Gaz. de Mex., 1820, xi.
1190.

** Niks' Reg., xx. 191, 223-4, 383.

39 Report of Gaspar Lopez, acting commandant general of the internal
provinces, to Iturbide, dated Saltillo, Oct. 19, 1821, in Gac. Imp. Mex., i.
129-32; N lies' Re<j., xxi. 375; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 239, 478-9.

40 Tornel y Mendivil, Breve ftesena, 147; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 85;
Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tex., i. 110-11. Foote's account is very differ
ent from that given in the text, and is incorrect. He states that Long held
possession of La Bahia till the achievement of independence by Iturbitle; that
he was then invited by the new government to visit the capital, ' that he
might receive appropriate honors as one of the champions of civil liberty; '
that he became an object of suspicion to Iturbide, and that secret orders for
his assassination are supposed to have been issued. Being on a visit to a gov
ernment officer, he was shot by a soldier from an adjoining piazza while pro
ducing his passport to the guard at the gate. The reader can form his own
opinion as to the probability of an assassination being perpetrated under
such circumstances and so openly. Tex., i. 216-17. Kennedy, Texas, i. 301,
erroneously states that 180 prisoners were taken at La Bahia and sent to
Mexico; and that they were released by the interference of the American en
voy Poinsett. Yoakum also asserts that the men were released and sent
home Nov. 11, 1822, at the instance of Poinsett. Ihis statement is based on

52 PRIVATEERING, PIRACY, AND INVASIONS

The condition of Texas in 1821 was deplorable.
After the expulsion of Long in 1819 every intruder
who had settled in the country was driven off, his
buildings were destroyed, and his cattle driven away.
Vast regions were destitute of inhabitants, and the
populated districts did not contain 4,000 civilized be
ings.41 Agriculture was almost entirely neglected,
and provisions were so scarce even in San Antonio as
to be the subject of frequent report by Governor
Martinez to the commandant general at Saltillo/2
while the traveller ran a dangerous risk of perishing
by hunger. The north-eastern borders had become
the asylum of criminals, and the abode of bands of
armed desperadoes engaged in smuggling; villanous
gangs of ruffians from Lafitte's piratical establishment
drove their troops of Africans with impunity through
the land, introducing them into Louisiana for sale ; 4S
and savage Indians hovered on the outskirts of the
interior towns. But this was the most gloomy period
in the history of Texas — the darkest hour of her ex
istence. The dawn was already about to break.44

a remark made by Poinsett, in his Notes on Tex., 164-5, with date Nov. llth,
to the effect that he ' had asked and obtained the liberty of 39 men, who were
imprisoned in Mexico on charge of conspiring against the governor of Texas.
About one half of them are American citizens.' There is 110 doubt that these
men belonged to Long's expedition. See McHenry's account, in Linns Rem-
inis., 68-74.

41 The author of Pretensiones de los Anglo- Americanos, writing in 1820, says,
page 7, note 1 : ' En el dia no tiene la provincia cuatro mil almas de poblacion. '

42 The commandant general, writing to Iturbide Oct. 19, 1821, says that
Long and his fellow-prisoners were removed from San Antonio to Saltillo ' en
consideracion de ser aquel pueblo ' — San Antonio — ' sumamente escaso de
recursos, segun lo que coiistantemeiite representa el Sr Gobernador.' Qac.
Imp. Mex., i. 131.

^ Niks' Reg., xxi. 48, 400.

44 The following authorities have been consulted for the history contained in
the preceding chapters: Zavala, Rev. Mex., i. 285, 384-5; Gonzales, Coleccion
N. Leon, 253-60, 353-5; Cancelada, Ruina N. Expand, 39-43; /(/., Tel. Mex.,
432-5, 455-6; Ditspoaic. Varias, i. 132; Gac. de Mex., (1812) iii. 1087-91; (1813)
iv. 925-7, 970-1, 1139-51, 11C9-63, 1247-9; (1814) v. 27-31, 37-9, 804-5, 814
-16, 820-21, 871-2; (1817) viii. 787-90, 807-9, 987-9, 1167-8; (1818) ix. pas
sim; (1819) x. 144, 1363; xi. 1190; Duvallon, Colonie Esp. du Miss., 51-63;
Youngs Hist. Mex., 93-8, 127-77; Edinb. Review, no. 147, pp. 254-5; Gainer,
Corresp. sobre Paso delSabina, pp. vii.-xv. ; Cavo, Tres 8iglos, iii. 219; iv. 92-
5; Hartmann, Le Texas, 1-24, 45-7, 100-49, 172-236; Guerra, Rev. N. Esp.,
ii. 370, 372, 711-13; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 123, 262, 329-50; iv. 157-60;
Id., Cabin ete Mex., ii. 25-6; Id., Campanas de Calleja, 44, 178-85; FiMsola,
Mem. Hist. Guerra Texas, i. 32-4, 39-40, 44-86, 109-10; Maillard's Hist. Texas,

AUTHORITIES. 53

19-27; Mexico in 1842, 154; Pretensiones Anglo-Amer., 2-7; Tornel, Tejas
y los EE. UU., 21-5, 80-8; Tornel y Mendivil, Hist. Mex., 137-47; Loire*
naudi&re, Mex. et Guat., 228-9; Onis, Mem. sobre Negoc., passim; ThralCs
Hist. Tex., passim; Moffit's Report, in Thompsons Pec. of Mexico, 175-6;
Jay's Mex. War, 10-11, 19-20; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 196; Suarez y Navarro,
Hist. Mex., 84-5; Pinart Coll, Chih. Book, i. 15-24; Bentons Abr. Debates
Cong., vi. 122, 458; Revue Amir., ii. 534, 549; Holletfs Texas, 302, 304-9;
Velasco, Son., 249; Jenkins' Mex. War, 30; S wisher's Am. Sketch Book, vi., no.
5, pp. 359-65; Direct. San Ant., 1877-8, 10-28; Conder's Mex. and Gnat.,
101-17; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 268; ii. 382-3; Pino, Nuevo Mexico, 40-1;
Mosaico Mex., i. 80; ii. 270, 419; Guthrie's Univ. Geog., i. 396; Blanchard et
Dauzats, San Juan de Ulua, 527; Willsons Amer. Hist., 624-30, U. S. Govt
Docs, 8th Cong. 2d Sess., Sen. Jour., 413; McCabe's Comprehensive View, 757-
8; Melines 2,000 Miles on Horseback, 234-^5; Domeneclis Miss. Adv., 20; Id.,
Jour., 23; Arispe, Memorial, passim; Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 822; Footers
Texas, i. 149-68, 185-217, 392-400; Le Champ d'Asile, passim; Texas Aim.
1861, 70-3; Hutchisons Rem., 196-8; Gomez del Campo, Apuntes Hist.;
Estrellade Occid., Sept. 4, 1868, p. 4; Pike's Expl. Travels, 364-70, 391-436;
Torrente, Revol. Hisp. Am., ii. 101-2; Abad y Queipo, Informe; Nouv. Annales
Voy., xlvii. 6-1], 23; Petersons Milit. Heroes, ii. 68; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog.,
ix. 515-17; x. 274-5, 289; ap. i. 139; Almonte, Not. Ext. Texas, 13; Amer.
State Pap., xx. passim; Grattans Civilized Amer., 254-82; Kennedy's Texas,
passim; Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., ii. 6; vii. 138; xi. 90; 2da ep., ii. 630-1;
Hidalgo, Apuntes Hist. Proy. Monarq. en Mex., 33-5. Abneifs L'fe and Adv.,
83-90, 125-41; Agileyo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Texas, 437; Gac. de Pan., Aug.
11, 1870; Brackenridges Mex. Letters, i., letter 2; Baker's Hist. Texas, 30-1;
Barbers Hist. West. States, 656-7; Falconers Discov. Miss., 41-52; North Am.
Review, xliii. 234-43; Diario Mex., 235; Democ. Review, vi. 33-42; Noticioso
Gen., July 23, Sept. 12, Oct. 27, 1817; Nov. 30, 1818; Feb. 12, 1819; Mex.,
El Vircy de N. Esp., 2-5; Id., Apuntes Hist. Guerra, 6-16; Mora, Rev. Mex.,
iv. 269-70, 449; Loreto Mission Records, MS., 45-6; Varios Impresos, 2, no.
vi. 25-50, 67-8, and table no. 4; L' Heroine du Texas, 1-118; Murray's Hist.
Acct and Discov. in N. Am., i. 479-87; Revista Mexicana, 416, 421-3; Sheas

Cath. Miss., 87; Amer. Antiquarian Journal, Oct. 21, 1881; Amer. Reg., ii.
88-103; Freeman and Custis' Acct Red River in La, 1-63; Monette's Hist. Dis
cov. and Settlement Valley Miss., ii. 454-84; Papeles Varios, no. cvi., pt 1; no.
cxlix., pt 10; no. clvii., pt 4; no. clxii., pt 1; no. ccxv., pt 2; Mayer, MSS.,
nos 3, 4, 5, 5A, 25, 30; Claiborne, Extract Letter to Sec. of State of U. S., Dec.
27, 1803; Real Orden, 30 de Mayo de 1804; Id., 12 de Abril, 14 y 24 deMayo
de 1807; Id., 15 de Enero de 1808; Robin, Voy. dans la Louisiane, iii. 117-36;

ii. 1629-2131; 1820, ii. 1719-82; 1820-1, app. 1337-1469; Alaman, Disert., in.
373-5; Id., Mej., i. 296-7; ii. 96-7, 170-2; iii. 67, 479-94; iv. 553-9, 566-7,
693-4, 711-13; v. 478-9; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 86-8; vii. 194-201, 216-19;
viii. 530, 599-600; ix. 85-8, 202-24; x. 251-2, 260-2, 271, 278-80; Yoakums
Hist. Texas, i. 1-208, passim; Niles Reg., iii. 34, 64, 104, 144, 272, 352; iv.
120, 248, 280, 313; v. 87-8, 104, 152; viii. 436; ix. 33^; x. 402; xi. 32, 206;
xiii. 253, 287-93, 301-4, 335, 338; xiv. 65-88, 393-±, 408, 424; xv. 6-7; xvi.
42-6, 347, 365-6, 384, 440; xvii. 31-2, 175, 208, 240, 304, 352, 395-6; xviii
273; xix. 112, 191, 396-7; xx. 155, 191, 223-4, 383; xxi. 48, 375, 400

CHAPTER IV.

COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM.
1819-1831.

SPAIN RELAXES HER EXCLUSIVE POLICY — BIOGRAPHY OF MOSES AUSTIN —
His COLONIZATION SCHEME — HE PETITIONS FOR A LAND GRANT IN
TEXAS — His SUFFERINGS AND DEATH — INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF MEXICO
— BEGINNING OF AUSTIN'S COLONY — DIFFICULTIES, DANGERS, AND LOSSES
— STEPHEN AUSTIN IN THE CITY OF MEXICO — DELAY AND ANXIETY —
FINAL SUCCESS OF HIS PETITION — DISCRETIONARY POWERS GRANTED
AUSTIN — PROGRESS OF THE COLONY — AUSTIN'S GOVERNMENT — GREEDY
AND DISCONTENTED SETTLERS — ERRONEOUS IDEA ABOUT IMMIGRANT
CRIMINALS — SCATTERED SETTLEMENTS — A NEW CONTRACT — THE EM
PRESARIO SYSTEM — COLONIZATION LAW OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS — IN
FLUX OF IMMIGRANTS — EMPRESARIO ENTERPRISES — THEIR PARTIAL SUC
CESS — PROGRESS OF TEXAS.

IF the reader will glance back at the history of
Texas, he will find that no advance in the colonization
of that fertile country was made during the period of
Spanish domination. The reason of this, apart from
the exclusion of foreigners, lay mainly in the aversion
of the Spanish Creoles to agriculture, and the dangers
to which settlers were exposed. Enterprise in New
Spain was chiefly directed to the development of
mines, while the cultivation of the soil was performed
for the most part by the passive Indians. In Texas
— an essentially agricultural province — the conditions
were reversed. There were no mines to be devel
oped, nor were there peaceable natives who could be
made to till the ground. It therefore offered no in
ducements to Spanish Americans to migrate from safe
and settled districts to a remote region where a few

(54)

SPAIN'S POLICY. 55

ill-garrisoned presidios could afford little or no protec
tion to the cultivator against the stealthy attacks of
hostile Indians. Thus the colonization of Texas was
confined to the establishment of a few settlers in the
immediate vicinity of these military posts. Two of
these only, San Antonio de Bejar and La Bahia del
Espiritu Santo, developed into towns of any consider
ation. Later attempts of Spain to colonize the coun
try at the beginning of the present century met with
no success. The undertaking projected by the Span
ish government and placed under the direction of
General Grimarest l failed of accomplishment on ac
count of the breaking-out of hostilities between
Spain and England; nor did other settlers who were
introduced into Texas about this time effect any ex
pansion of the community. It remained for peaceable
immigrants from the United States to accomplish a
work of progress which Spain had proved herself in
competent to perform, and which had been beyond
achievement by force of arms on the part of adven
turers.

I have already related how anxious Spain was to
people Texas, im mediately after the purchase of Lou
isiana by the United States, and so protect herself
against encroachments by occupancy of the country.
Her intentions, however, were frustrated by the
dreadful wars in which she soon became engaged, and
the revolutions which broke out in her colonies. In
the emergencies to which she was reduced she relaxed
her exclusive policy, and official proclamations were
published inviting colonists of all classes and national
ities to settle in her American dominions. The treaty
of amity of February 22, 1819, having confirmed her
in the possession of Texas, Spain felt herself in a
position to remove the exclusion of Anglo-Americans
as colonists on her territory,2 which hitherto had been

1 The colony was to have consisted of 3,000 persons, natives of Old Spain.
Kennedy, Tex., i. 309.

2 Although settlers of other nationalities were admitted as colonists, Anglo-
Americans were rigidly excluded from obtaining grants of lands. See Whites
Col. Laws, ii. 401-3, and Cortes Act. Orel., 1813, i. 404.

56 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAKLO SYSTEM.

insisted upon in all colonization schemes. At the
same time the royalist power at this period seemed
to be firmly reestablished in Mexico, the revolution
having been wellnigh suppressed, and the pacifica
tion of the country almost consummated. It was
reasonable, therefore, to suppose that the Spanish
government would give satisfactory assurances to
Anglo-Americans who might wish to obtain in a legal
manner grants of land in Texas. The first American
who availed himself of this new order of things was

Q

Moses Austin, who in December 1820 made an ap
plication for permission to introduce a colony of 300
families into the province.

Moses Austin, a native of Durham, in the state of
Connecticut, was born about the year 1764. At the
age of twenty he married Maria Brown in Philadel
phia, and soon afterward established a commercial
house in Richmond, Virginia, in partnership with his
brother Stephen, who was at the head of a large im
porting business at Philadelphia. The two brothers
a few years later purchased conjointly the Chissel
lead mines, on New River, Wythe county, Virginia,
where they established smelting- works and factories
for the manufacture of shot and sheet lead. Adven
turous speculation, however, brought reverses upon
the houses in Philadelphia and Virginia, and Moses
Austin, who was a man of enterprise and perseverance,
obtained, in 1797, a grant from Baron de Carondelet,
governor-general of Louisiana, conferring upon him
one league of land, including the Mine-a-Burton,
afterward called Potosi, situated forty miles west of
St Genivieve. Having closed his affairs in the United
States,' he removed thither with his family in 1799,
and laid the foundation for the settlement of what is
now Washington county, Missouri. Austin resided
for many years at Mine-a-Burton, where he won the
respect of the early settlers by his upright conduct
and public spirit. But the very qualities which gained
for him the affection of all who knew him occasioned

MOSES AUSTIN. 57

another reverse of fortune. He had become a large
stockholder in the Bank of St Louis, and when, in
1818, that institution was involved in ruin, Austin
surrendered the whole of his property for the benefit
of the creditors. But adversity did not damp his
ardor or depress his enterprising spirit, and although
now in his 55th year, he conceived the bold idea of
undertaking to establish an extensive colony in Texas,
of the resources and fertility of which country he had
long been aware.

In turning his attention to the settlement of the
wildernesses of Texas, Austin was not moved by the
spirit of adventure which had originated previous at
tempts to occupy Texas. His intention from the first
was to proceed legally, and after careful inquiry as to
the best mode of making application to the Spanish
government for a grant of land, having been advised
to lay the subject before the Spanish authorities in
New Spain, he undertook the long and dangerous
journey from Missouri to San Antonio de Bejar with
that object. Having taken into council and concerted
plans with his son, Stephen Fuller — by which it was
arranged that the younger Austin should proceed to
New Orleans to make preparatory arrangements for
the transportation of emigrants — Moses Austin pro
ceeded on his journey, and arrived at San Antonio at
the beginning of December 1820. At first he only
met with rebuff and disappointment. Although in
1799 he had become a naturalized Spanish subject in
upper Louisiana, he had failed to provide himself with
the necessary passport before starting on his journey,
and when he presented himself before the governor,
he was peremptorily ordered to leave the province
immediately. In bitterness of heart he left the gov
ernor's house to make preparations for his departure,
but on crossing the plaza he met Baron de Bastrop,3

3 Felipe Henrique Neri, Baron de Bastrop, was a native of Prussia, and
served as a soldier of fortune under Frederick the Great. He afterward
entered the service of the king of Spain, who sent him on a special mission to
Mexico. While Louisiana was under the dominion of Spain, lie obtained a

58 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM.

with whom he had been acquainted many years before.
Bastrop interested himself in Austin's undertaking,
and by his influence a second interview was obtained
with Governor Martinez, who, after some deliberation,
forwarded Austin's memorial to Arredondo, the com
mandant general of the eastern internal provinces,
with a strong recommendation in its favor from the
local authorities of the province.

Leaving the matter thus pending, Austin started
on his return in January 1821. The privations and
sufferings which he underwent on this journey were
most severe. He was frequently obliged to cross the
swollen rivers and creeks by swimming or rafting,
and as the country between San Antonio and the
Sabine was then a desolate wilderness, all settlements
having been destroyed after Long's inroad in 1819,
he was pinched with hunger. The exposure, hard
ships, and fatigue broke down his health. He reached
Natchitoches in an exhausted condition and afflicted
with a cold which had settled on his lungs. After
recruiting his strength somewhat, he resumed his
journey and arrived at Missouri in the spring. But
his constitution was undermined; the cold on his
lungs terminated in inflammation; and on June 10,
1821, he breathed his last, having received a few days
before information that his petition had met with
success. He was in his 57th year when he died.4

In order better to understand the difficulties and

grant of 30 miles square between the Mississippi and Red rivers, 400,000
acres of which he ceded to Aaron Burr, on which the latter intended to plant
a colony as a nucleus for his meditated expedition against Mexico. When
Louisiana was re-ceded to France, Bastrop became a citizen of San Antonio de
Be" jar, in which city he was one of the alcaldes when Austin visited it. In
1824 he became land commissioner, and in that year as well as in 1827 he
represented Texas in the legislature of the state of Coahuila and Texas. He
died in 1828 or 1829. Thrall's Hist. Tex., 498.

4 This sketch of the life of Moses Austin is mainly derived from the account
given by his son Stephen in 1829, to the settlers in 'Austin's colony,' copy of
which will be found in Whites Col. Laws, i. 559-01. Kennedy, having had
before him the Biographical Nottce oj Moses A ustin, by Mirabeau B. Lamar,
supplies some few particulars not noticed by the son. Texas, i. 310-13, 316-
18. Mrs Holley and subsequent writers add nothing of importance to the
biography of Moses Austin obtained from the above authorities.

AMERICANS IN TEXAS. 59

delays which attended the establishment of this first
Anglo-American colony in Texas, it is necessary to
glance at the internal affairs of Mexico, and note the
various changes of government which occurred dur
ing the next three years. The proclamation of the
plan of Iguala by Iturbide, in February 1821, was
responded to all over New Spain by revolutionary
patriots and royalist commanders alike, and O'Don-
oju's recognition of the independence of Mexico by
the treaty of Cordova, in August of the same year,
terminated the long struggle, and freed the country
forever from the Spanish yoke. On the occupation
of the capital, September 27th, by the army of the
three guarantees, a provisional government was im
mediately formed, consisting of a 'junta gubernativa,'
and a regency which represented the absent monarch
—whoever he might be — who was expected to accept
the throne of Mexico.5 In five months' time the
junta resigned its powers to the national congress,
which was installed February 24, 1822, and the gov
ernment of the regency lasted till May 19th follow
ing, when Iturbide was proclaimed emperor by a
popular emeute, which compelled the congress to rat
ify the wishes of the rabble. His empire only lasted
till March 1823, when he in turn was forced to abdi
cate by a revolution initiated by Santa Anna. Then
followed a republic under a supreme executive power,
which in 1824 was changed to a federal system in
imitation of the government of the United States.
Thus in the space of four years there were no less
than four different forms of government.

When Moses Austin died he left an injunction that
his son Stephen, then in New Orleans, should prose-

5 According to the treaty of Cordova, Mexico was declared an independent
empire, and princes of Spain were to be invited to reign over it in the follow
ing order: In the first place, Fernando VII., catholic king of Spain; by his
renunciation or noil-admission, his brother Carlos; for the same reasons, next
after him, his other brother, Francisco de Paula; next Carlos Luis, a prince
of Spain; and in case of his renouncing or not accepting, then such person as
the imperial cdrtes may designate. 11 iat. Mex., iv. 728, note 46, this series.

60 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAR10 SYSTEM.

cute the enterprise. The memorial presented by the
father was granted January 17, 1821, by the supreme
government of the eastern internal provinces, the
grant giving him permission to introduce 300 families
into Texas. In energy and perseverance Stephen F.
Austin was in all respects his father's counterpart.
Having received information of the appointment of a
special commissioner by Governor Martinez to com
municate the result of the application and conduct the
families into the country, Stephen repaired to Natch -
itoches, where he met the commissioner, Erasmo
Seguin. He then proceeded with seventeen compan
ions and Seguin to San Antonio de Bejar, where he
arrived August 10th. He was officially received by
the governor, who gave him permission to explore
the country on the Colorado River and select an ad
vantageous position for the settlement. Accordingly
he proceeded to La Bahia, and thence commenced his
explorations, which were continued as far as practica
ble up the Colorado and Brazos rivers. Being con
vinced of the fertility of this tract of country, he
returned to Louisiana, and published in the papers
particulars of the scheme. Austin had furnished a
plan for the distribution of land to settlers, which the
governor had approved. It was to the effect that
each head of a family was to receive 640 acres, 320
acres in addition for the wife should there be one,
100 acres in addition for each child, and 80 acres in
addition for each slave. Each single man also would
obtain a grant of 640 acres. The conditions imposed
on the grantee, as set forth in the official document
of January 17, 1821, were: that the colonists intro
duced should be catholics, or agree to become so,
before entering the Spanish territory ; that they should
be provided with credentials of good character and
habits; should take the necessary oath to be obedient
in all things to the government; to take up arms in
its defence against all enemies; to be faithful to the

TERMS OF SETTLEMENT. 61

king ; and to observe the political constitution of the
Spanish monarchy.6

As a fund was indispensable for the establishment
of the colony, it was advertised that each settler would
have to pay twelve and a half cents per acre for his
land, Austin taking upon himself the cost of survey
ing, procuring titles, and all other expenses. The
money was to be paid in instalments after receipt of
title. A portion of it was also designed for purposes
of government, defence against hostile Indians, and to
furnish supplies for poor immigrants. He moreover
considered that he was entitled to provide means of
remunerating himself for his labors and expenses, as
well as promote the welfare and prosperity of the
colony. Indeed, he had consulted Governor Martinez
on the matter, who could see no reason to suppose
that the government would interfere with any private
arrangement of that nature.

The project attracted attention, and was viewed
with favor by many persons. In December 1821
the first colonists arrived, and the new settlement was
commenced on the Brazos River at the Bahia cross
ing; but difficulties, hardships, and much suffering
were encountered. During the first few years un
yielding perseverance and forbearance had to be put
in practice. Supplies of food, seed corn, and imple
ments several times failed to reach their destination.
The schooner Lively, from New Orleans, had been
lost at sea in November 1821, and the heavy expense
which her fitting-out had caused was of no benefit to
the settlement. Another cargo, which reached the
mouth of the Colorado, the place of rendezvous, was
destroyed by the Karankaways in the autumn of 1822,
and the settlers were reduced to great distress, having
to subsist on the produce of the chase, to provide
which was difficult and dangerous, owing to the hostil
ity of the Indians.7

6 Whites Col. Laws, i. 586-7.

7 During this period the condition of Texas was so deplorable, owing to

62 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESAR10 SYSTEM.

In March 1822 Austin repaired to San Antonio
to report progress, and there learned for the first
time that under the change in political affairs he
would have to obtain from the Mexican congress a
confirmation of the grant conceded to his father by the
Spanish government, and receive special instructions
relative to the distribution of land, arid other details
connected with the grant. This was a sore disap
pointment. He would have to travel 1,200 miles by
land on roads infested by banditti and deserters, and
he was ill prepared for such a journey. Nevertheless
he did not flinch from the undertaking, but disguised
in ragged clothes and a blanket, passed himself off as
a poor traveller going to Mexico to petition for com
pensation for services in the revolution. He reached
the capital in safety on April 29, 1822. A long
delay, however, occurred before Austin could obtain
attention to his business. Iturbide was proclaimed
emperor soon after his arrival ; then followed the dis
solution of congress, and the establishment of a 'junta
instituyente ; ' such political changes were not favorable
to despatch. Moreover, several petitions to establish
colonies had been presented at this time, and though
Austin tried to procure a special law in his favor, a
committee was appointed to frame a general coloniza
tion law, which when drawn up was slowly discussed
in detail. Then when the congress was dissolved a
new committee was nominated by the junta institu
yente, and the work was begun again. Finally a law
was passed, approved by the emperor, and promul
gated January 4, 1823.8 The next step was to obtain
a recognition of his claim ; and fortunately the minis
ter of relations, Jose Manuel Herrera, and the sub-
minister, Andres Quintana, were favorable to the
immigration of foreigners, besides other influential
persons, among whom may be mentioned Anastacio

the inroads of Indians, that all imports, native or foreign, were made free of
duty for seven years. Mex. Ouia de Hoc., iv. 21-2.

8 It was suspended, however, a few months later, on the fall of Iturbide.

AUSTIN IN MEXICO. 63

Bustamante, then captain-general of the internal prov
inces. The claim, moreover, of Austin was a valid
one, and he was able to place his petition before the
council of state in such strong light that on January
the 14th that body reported favorably, and on Feb
ruary 18, 1823, an imperial decree was published con
firming the original grant made in favor of Moses
Austin by Spanish authorities.

When Austin was about to leave the capital, Feb
ruary 23d, he was still further detained by the politi
cal convulsion which terminated in the abdication of
Iturbide on the 19th of March, and the congressional
decree of April 8th annulling all the acts of his gov
ernment. In consequence of this decree Austin was
again compelled to petition congress to confirm the
concession granted by Iturbide. That body referred
his memorial to the supreme executive power, and at
the same time — by decree of April llth— suspended
the colonization law of January 4, 1823. On April
14th the supreme executive confirmed the imperial
decree of February 18, 1823. Thus after a year of
anxiety Austin was enabled to return with his grant
confirmed by the Mexican governments which had
been in power during that time.

With regard to the government of the new colony,
it was committed, in general terms, to Austin, by the
decree of February 18, 1823,9 and on his arrival at
Monterey he applied to the commandant general, then
Felipe de la Garza, for special instructions. The ap
plication was referred to the provincial deputation of
Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, and Texas, which passed a
resolution to the effect that Austin's powers under the
above-mentioned decree were full and ample as to the

9 The decree translated reads thus: 'He is authorized to organize the colo
nists into a body of national militia, to preserve tranquillity, rendering an ac
count to the governor of Texas, and acting under his orders, and those of the
captain-general of the province; also, until the government of the settlement
is organized, he is charged with the administration of justice, settling all
differences which may arise among the inhabitants, and perserving good order
and tranquillity; rendering an account to the government of any remarkable
event that may occur.' Whites Col. Laws, i. 593-4.

64 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM.

administration of justice, and the civil government of
the colony; that he was empowered to command the
militia, with the rank, as a militia officer, of lieutenant-
colonel ; that he could make war on the Indian tribes
which molested the settlement; could introduce sup
plies by the harbor of Galveston for the colony during
its infancy — in short, govern the colony, in all civil,
judicial, and military matters, without copies of laws,
until the government was otherwise organized and
copies of the laws provided. He was to render an ac
count of his acts to the governor of Texas, and be
subject to him and the commandant general. The
local government was thus committed to him with ex
tensive powers, without specific instructions of any
kind, or the guidance of written laws.10

Austin now proceeded on his way to Texas, and
Luciano Garcia, then governor, appointed, July 17th,
Baron de Bastrop commissioner to survey lands for
the colonists, and extend, in concert with Austin,
titles to them in the name of the government. By
an official act, Garcia, on the 26th of the same month,
gave the name of San Felipe de Austin to the future
capital of the new colony. In August the commis
sioner commenced his duties; the town was laid out,
and the land-office opened. When Austin arrived, in
company with Bastrop, he found the settlement almost
abandoned in consequence of his long detention in
Mexico. Many of the settlers had retired to other
localities, and with the immigrants who kept arriving
had settled around Nacogdoches, and on the Trinity
and Ayist Bayou rivers. Immigration, too, had al
most ceased, while those who abandoned Austin's
colony, having no titles to the lands they had occu
pied, were liable to ejection by the government.

10 Austin, To the Settlers, in Id., i. 571-2. The particulars in the above
account have been obtained from Tex. Translation of Laws, etc., 6-19 — the
introduction to which was written by Austin, and is a history of the estab
lishment of his colony. Kennedy's Tex., i. 318-27; Y oakums Hist. Tex., i. 211-
27; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 25; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tex., i. 123-6;
Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. Hex., 110-11; Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec., ii. 94; Holleys
Tex., 284-7; Texas Almanac, 1859, 157-8; Footes Texas, i. 221-3.

LAND GRANTS. 65

Nevertheless, in spite of this disheartening state of
affairs, the news of his return and the success of his
undertaking attracted settlers in such numbers that
in 1824 the stipulated 300 families had arrived.11
Bastrop's labors having been interrupted by his duties
as a member of the deputation of Texas, and a second
time in consequence of his having been elected a
member of the legislature of the state of Coahuila and
Texas.12 Gasper Flores was specially commissioned
to complete the work. By the end of the year the
land titles and surveys were all settled and the colony
commenced its prosperous career.

I have already mentioned that the colonization law
promulgated January 4, 1823, was suspended on the
fall of Iturbide. Austin's grant had been, neverthe
less, confirmed in conformity with that law, and the
new settlers, instead of receiving land in the quanti
ties and proportions as advertised by him, had much
larger allotments assigned to them. Heads of fam
ilies each received one square league, or sitio, of graz
ing land, and one labor of tillage land,13 in all 4,605
acres, while an unmarried man was granted one quar
ter of a square league.14

Austin saw that to discharge the duties connected
with the civil and judicial administrations, and at the
same time manage the colonial land business, was be
yond his power. During his absence the settlement
had been divided into two alcalde districts by Jose
Felix Trespalacios, then governor of Texas. These
Austin continued, and likewise formed additional

11 A list of the names of the original 300 colonists introduced by Austin is
supplied by Baker, who obtained it from the records of the laud-office. Bak
ers, Texas, 557-61.

12 Coahuila and Texas were formed in one state in 1824.

13 The square league was a tract 5,000 varas square, and contained 4,428
acres. The labor was 1,000 varas square, or one twenty-fifth part of a sitio.
It contained 177 acres. Five sitios composed one hacienda. Coloniz. Law of
1823, in Holleys Tex., 197-8.

14 DeweeJ Letters, 49. Be wees, however, makes the square league 4,444
acres, which is incorrect, the vara being approximately 33J inches.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 5

66 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM.

ones as occasion required, directing that in such cases
the justice should be chosen by popular election. To
these alcaldes he gave jurisdiction in civil matters to
the extent of $200, the suitors having the right of
appeal to himself in all sums over twenty-five dollars.
He also drew up a civil and judicial code of provis
ional regulations, which was approved by the gov
ernor. In September 1824 he nominated Samuel M.
Williams secretary of the local government, which
appointment was also approved, and with his assist-
tance opened a book of record, in which all land docu
ments and title deeds were registered.15

But it mattered not how deeply he had at heart
the welfare of his colonists, or how drudgingly and
gratuitously he toiled in their behalf; it mattered not
how great was the responsibility under which he lay,
or how often he untied his purse-strings to secure to
the penniless immigrant his grant of land and supply
his wants — there would be growlers. When the time
arrived for the payment of the twelve and a half cents
per acre, charged upon the lands by agreement for
the formation of a fund, partly to be employed in
meeting the expenses of government, and partly in
reimbursing Austin for outlays made by him, violent
opposition was raised. It was loudly asserted that he
was selling the lands to the settlers: that he was ex-

O *

acting payments which he had no legal right to claim ;
that in fact he was speculating upon the immigrants.
Austin considered that he had entered into an equi
table contract with them in a public and open manner ;
but from the temper displayed, he saw that to attempt
to enforce his claims would jeopardize the object he
had in view of colonizing the country. Therefore,
although many were willing to comply with their en
gagements, he not only desisted from his demands, but
declined to accept payment from any unless it were
made by all. The result was, that under the original
contracts he never received a dollar, and the payments

15 Tex. Translation of Laws, etc., 21-2.

LAWS NEEDED. 67

on land titles were regulated by a fee-bill published
by the governor of Texas, May 20, 1824, covering
commissioners' fees, surveying expenses, and other
costs.

Then, again, the assistance rendered to poor immi
grants by Austin, who procured for them the means
of defraying the fees on their lands, and settling
thereon, aroused the jealousy of others, who charged
him with partiality, and with making unjust distinc
tions. His extensive and discretionary powers, also,
with regard to the reception of settlers, the govern
ment of the colony, and the distribution of land ex
posed him continually to abuse. Every act of his
was closely watched by severely scrutinizing eyes.
The men he had to deal with were a mixed multitude,
ignorant of the language and laws of their adopted
country, and many of them turbulent spirits. With
no interpreters among them, they had no means of
gaining any information as to the orders of the gov
ernment and the laws, except through Austin and his
secretary; and though these indefatigable workers,
with infinite toil, supplied them with translations in
manuscript, the settlers were suspicious, captious, and
uncompromising. They made no allowance for his
peculiar position, but expected to find in an infant
colony the regularity and organized system which only
the experience of a long-established community can
develop. Austin was greatly embarrassed by the
want of a written code of laws, the exhibition of
which in support of his official acts was incessantly
demanded with clamorous emphasis. Moreover, while
his discretionary powers were regarded with aversion
on the one hand, and objected to, they were indorsed
and appealed to when avarice could be gratified by
the exercise of them. Greedy immigrants, not con
tent with their square league of land, demanded more,
and when it was refused, conceived themselves treated
with injustice by one who could comply with their
wishes if he chose. The greatest patience and for-

68 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESABIO SYSTEM.

oearance were necessary to deal with, such settlers,
and prevent the refractory from producing a state of
anarchy which would have ruined the prospects of
the colony. Yet with so much prudence and moder
ation, so much of temperate compliance and firm re
fusal, did Austin manage the affairs, that though on
more than one occasion dissension was so violent and
popular excitement rose so high as to require his ut
most energy to allay them, no blood was ever shed in
civil strife, and as time passed on he gained the gen
eral confidence and esteem of the settlers.16

The idea prevailed in the United States and Europe
that the early colonists of Austin's settlement were
composed of fugitives from justice, and criminals from
all countries. This erroneous opinion is rebutted by
Austin, who, in 1829, says that naturally some fugi
tives would find their way into the country, but meas
ures were taken at an early day, both by the govern
ment and himself, to shield Texas from that evil.
During 1823 and 1824 he banished several from the
colony, under the severest threats of corporal punish
ment if they returned, and in one instance inflicted it.
The fact that he had no force with which to expel
these intruders, except the militia composed of the
settlers themselves, proves that the men of that class
were very few in his colony. His settlement, he
maintained, as regarded morality and the commission
of crime, could bear favorable comparison with any
county in the United States, however celebrated for
its exemption from criminal offences.17

16 Id., 26-9. Austin to Edwards, 1825, in Foolcs Tex., i. 302-4. Foote
writes— Id., 300 — 'It is confidently believed that at the period of the death
of this extraordinary personage . . . there was not a man, women, or child
in all Texas . . . who was not inclined to do hearty homage to the extraordinary
wisdom and unsurpassed virtues of this efficient and truly philanthropic
champion of free institutions.' Mrs Holley says: 'Amidst all the slanderous
imputations that have been uttered against him, he finds sufficient consola
tion in the general confidence of all the intelligent and worthy part of the
settlers.' Texas, 294.

17 Tex. Translation of Laws, etc., 29. Yet Filisola goes so far as to say
that he was robbed of all the fruits of his toil and hardships by a second del
uge of adventurers and criminals; 'los que en realidad le arrebatara despues
el nuevo alubion que sobrevino de aventureros y criminales con que se

INCOMING FAMILIES. 69

Austin's colony was an exceptional one. No speci
fied limits had ever been assigned to his grant, and
his immigrants, being of a rambling disposition, had
scattered themselves over a large extent of country,
each settling in the locality which most pleased him.
Although this dispersion at first was attended with
inconvenience and additional expense in the matters
of government and protection, it was permitted in the
belief that, if the settlers could sustain themselves
against Indian attacks, the expansion, by affording
facilities to new immigrants, would be of more ulti
mate benefit to the country than a cluster of coter
minous grants. The advantage of this system in time
became apparent, when provisions could be procured
in all directions, without the necessity of transporta
tion from places far distant. As all the intervening
vacant lands were public domain, Austin now turned
his attention to settling them, and in 1824 and 1825
made several petitions to the state government with
that object. The result was, that on May 20, 1825,
permission was granted him to settle 500 families on
the unoccupied lands lying within his colony, the
limits of which were still undefined.18

After the Mexican provinces had declared them
selves free, and possessed of sovereign rights, and the
federal system had been established, a national coloni-

aumentd la poblacion, y que se apoderaroii de sus tierras. ' Mem. Hist. Guerra
Tej., i. 137.

18 Tex. Translation of Laws, etc., 20-1. Austin signed the contract June
4th, from which date it took effect. He had previously applied for a contract
to settle 300 families, which being granted, the number was afterward in
creased to 500. See the contract in White's Col. Laws, i. 610-13. The limits
of the colony were thus defined March 7, 1827: 'Commencing on the west
bank of the river San Jacinto, at the termination of the ten-league reserve ' —
art. 4 of the national colonization law, and art. 7 of that of Coahuila and
Texas — ' from the gulf of Mexico, and thence following the right bank of said
river to its head, thence due north to the road leading from Bexar to Nacog-
doches; thence following said road westwardly, to a point from whence a line
due south will strike the La Baca to within ten leagues of the gulf of Mexico,
and thence eastwardly along the said ten-league line, parallel with the coast,
to the place of beginning.' 76. ; Report of the gov. of Coah., in Tornel, Tex. y
Estad.^Uiud., 28.

70 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM.

zation law was enacted August 18, 1824,19 one of the
items of which authorized the legislatures of the dif
ferent states to form colonization laws for the occu
pancy of the public domains within their respective
territories, on terms that were not at variance with
the federal constitution. Accordingly, the newly
formed state of Coahuila and Texas,20 having organized
its government, the legislature, on March 24, 1825,
decreed such a law.21 It will be observed by referring
to this law, and to the one enacted by the junta insti-
tutiva, January 4, 1823, that the policy pursued, in
order to procure the settlement of unoccupied terri
tory by foreigners, was to confer tracts of the public
domains upon persons who should introduce at their
own expense a certain number of immigrant families.
This plan is known as the 'empresario system.' 2i The
regulations with regard to this system of colonization
were as follow: The empresario first presented a
memorial to the state government asking for permis
sion to colonize certain waste lands which were desig
nated, as well as the number of families he proposed
to introduce. To afford ample choice to the settlers,
the tract designated and usually conceded by the gov
ernment was greatly in excess of the appropriation to
be finally made ; but after the establishment of the
settlement and the completion of the allotments to the
colonists, and the assignment of the ' premium land '
to the empresario, all surplus land reverted to the
state. The distribution of the allotments was under
the control of a commissioner,23 appointed by the state

19 Translations will be found in White's Col Laws, i. 601-2; Holley's Texas,
202^.

20 By decree of May 7, 1824. Hist. Hex., v. 22, this series; Hex. Col. Leyes
Ord. y Decret., iii. 46-7.

21 Copy in Spanish and English will be found in Coah. Leyes y Decretos, 14-
23.

22 * Empresario, ' meaning ' contractor. '

23 The commissioner was an important functionary. His duties were to
examine colonists' certificates; to administer the oath of allegiance to them;
to issue the land titles; and appoint the surveyor. He selected the sites for
the founding of towns; established ferries; and presided at the popular elec
tions for the appointment of ayuntamientos of new towns, and inducted the
officers chosen. All public instruments, titles, or documents were to be

LAND REGULATIONS. 71

government, but he had no power to make an assign
ment without the approval of the contractor. If the
contractor failed to introduce the stipulated number
of families within the term of six years, he lost his
rights and privileges in proportion to the deficiency,
and the contract was totally annulled if he had not
succeeded in settling 100 families. The premium
granted to a contractor was five square leagues of
grazing land and five labores of tillage land for each
hundred families, but he could not acquire premium
on more than 800 families.24

With regard to the settlers comprehended in a con
tract, each family whose sole occupation was farming
received 177 acres — one labor — of agricultural land;
and if it engaged in stock-raising also, a grazing tract
sufficient to complete a square league was added.
Those families whose sole occupation was cattle-raising
received each a square league, less 177 acres. An
unmarried man received one fourth of the above
quantity. The government of the state alone could
increase these quantities in proportion to the size of a
family and the industry and activity of colonists.
Eleven square leagues was the limit of land that could
be owned by the same hands as prescribed by the
national colonization law.

For each square league, or sitio as it was denomi
nated, the colonist paid an emption sum of $30 to the
state, $2.50 for each labor not irrigable, and $3.50
for one that was irrigable ; but these payments were
not demanded till after the expiration of six years from
time of settlement, and then only in three instalments
at long intervals. Contractors and the military were

written in the Spanish language, and he was required to form and furnish a*
book of record for each new town. Coah. Leyes y Decretos, 70-3. His fees, by
decree of May 15, 1828, were fixed at $15 for each sitio distributed, $2 for
each labor not irrigable, and $2.50 for each irrigable one. Id., 106. By de
cree of Apr. 1, 1830, the surveyor's fees were rated at $8 and $3 respectively,
for the survey of a sitio and labor, and $1.50 for that of a town lot. Id., 146.
24 By art. 12 of the national colonization law, no one could own more than

11 square leagues, while it was possible for a contractor to own over forty.
He was, however, required to alienate the excess by sale or otherwise withiji

12 years. Id., 17.

72 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM.

exempt from this quittance. The incoming settler was,
moreover, subject to the payment of the commis
sioner's and surveyor's fees, and to the charges for the
sheets of stamped paper on which the order for the
survey was granted and his title deed issued. With
other minor items, the total cost of a sitio was about
$180.25

It cannot be denied that the terms offered to for
eigners as an inducement to settle in Texas were most
liberal. There are, however, two points noticeable in
this famous colonization law which manifest a lack of
wisdom in the framers ; namely, the requirement that
the foreign settlers should take oath to observe the
religion prescribed by the federal constitution; and
the preference given to Mexicans. In the first case,
the condition, if scrupulously carried out, would ex
clude all but Roman catholics, and to a great extent
defeat the object of the law. No empresario could
have introduced any large number of colonists under
such a proviso if strictly adhered to, and few would
have been found to make the attempt in face of

25 More general regulations contained in the colonization law of Coahuila
and Texas, upon which I have drawn for the above details, are the following:
All foreigners were not only at liberty to settle in the state, but were
invited to do so. Settlers were required to profess the catholic faith, and
prove their morality and good habits; they could then project the formation
of new towns oil vacant lands, and pursue any branch of industry they thought
proper. No settlement could be formed within 20 leagues of the boundary
line between Mexico and the United States, or within 10 leagues of the coast
of the gulf of Mexico. In the distribution of lands, preference was to be
given to the military entitled to them, and to Mexican citizens not military.
Indians were to be received in the markets of colonial towns without paying
duty, for traffic in the products of the country, and if they declared them
selves in favor of the religion and institutions of the country, were to be ad
mitted as settlers on the same terms as the colonists. The government would
sell to Mexicans, and to Mexicans only, such lands as they might wish to
purchase, to the extent of 11 sitios. Settlers who failed to cultivate their
lands within six years lost their right of possession. A colonist might dis
pose of his land by testamentary will, but 110 such land could be held in
mortmain. Foreigners who acquired land by this law became naturalized.
During the first ten years, counting from its establishment, a new settlement
was to be free from all contributions, except in war time, and all produce of
agriculture and industry were to be exempt from every kind of duty. Forty
families united might proceed to found a town, and one of not less than 200
inhabitants was to elect an ayuntamiento provided no other one had been
established within 8 leagues of it. With regard to the introduction of slaves,
new settlers were to be subject to existing laws and those which might be
later enacted on the matter.

IMMIGRATION. 73

almost certain loss. The consequence was, that in
practice neither the contractors nor the settlers were
at all scrupulous about the matter, and in this point
the third article of the decree became almost a dead
letter.26 In the second case, the natural result was
the promotion of jealousy and ill feeling between the
foreign immigrants and the Mexican settlers, when
harmonious coalescence ought to have been the object
aimed at.

After the promulgation of the state colonization
law, a tide of immigration into Texas set in from the
United States, which in a few years converted her
wildernesses and wastes into thriving farms and lucra
tive cattle-ranges ; while town after town, busy under
the impulse of progress, sprung up in rapid succession.
Empresarios flocked into the country, bringing settlers
in their wake, and eager immigrants, in no connection
with contractors, moved into Texas at their own ex
pense and obtained land grants. On the 15th of
April, 1825, Robert Leftwich and Hayden Edwards
obtained contracts, the former to introduce 200 fami
lies,27 and the latter 800. The same year Green
Dewitt and Martin de Leon obtained contracts, the
former to settle 300 families in the district south
west of Austin's colony, and the latter to found with
150 families a villa, to be named Victoria, on the
Guadalupe.28

During succeeding years numerous other contracts
were made, and nearly the whole surface of Texas
was parcelled out to different empresarios; though
none of these fulfilled their contracts, with the excep
tion of Austin, who was the only thoroughly success-

26 The fifth article calls for a certificate from the authorities of the place
whence the settler migrated, vouching for his morality and good habits, and
for his being a catholic.

27 Leftwich 's contract was first applied for in 1822, when Austin was in the
city of Mexico. Tex. Translation of Laws, 12, note. After much controversy,
it finally fell into the hands of the Nashville Co. of Tennessee, Leftwich hav
ing been their agent. Dewees' Letters, 116.

28 Ib.; Yoalcums Hirt. Tex., i. 234; Dewees' Letters, 115-16, 118.

74 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM.

ful contractor, some of them partially colonized their
land grants. I will mention the principal under
takings under the empresario system.

Benjamin R. Milam contracted, January 12, 1826,
to settle 300 families in the district lying north-west
of the San Antonio and the Nacogdoch.es road, be
tween the Guadalupe and Colorado rivers, and bounded
on the north-west by a line parallel with the road, and
fifteen leagues distant from it.

James Powers, June 11, 1826, engaged to form a
settlement of 200 families in the country south of
Leon's grant, and bounded on the south by the
Nueces River.

Me Mullen and McGloin contracted, August 17,
1826, to settle, with 200 families, the district lying
west of the ten-league reserve as exhibited on Stephen
Austin's map of Texas, 1835.

Joseph Vehlein contracted, December 21, 1826, to
introduce 300 families into the district which nearly
corresponded with the grants of Zavala and Whelin
as shown on the same map. Yehlein's grant, how
ever, was limited by the twenty-league border line on
the east, and the ten-league coast reserve on the
south.

David G. Burnett, December 22, 1826, engaged to
colonize with 300 families the land grant shown under
his name on the map.

John Cameron contracted, May 21, 1827, to settle
100 families on a grant of land located north of 32°
latitude and west of 102° longitude. On August 18,
1828, he also obtained a large grant south of Red
River.

Stephen Austin obtained a grant of land to the
west of Dewitt's colony, November 20, 1827, for the
settlement of 100 families; and in 1828 he was per
mitted by the federal government to settle the ten-
league reserve of coast land lying between his colony
and the sea. In February 1831 Austin, in partner
ship with Samuel Williams, obtained a large grant

ATTITUDE OF MEXICO.

75

with the engagement to settle thereon 800 Mexican
and other families.

Lorenzo de Zavala acquired his grant March 6,
1829, contracting to colonize it with 500 families.

General Vicente Filisola contracted, October 12,
1831, to colonize with 600 foreign families, the dis
trict designated under his name on the map.29

AUSTIN'S MAP OF 1835.

Many other contracts were made, some of which,
were never carried into effect, and the grants reverted

76 COLONIZATION AND THE EMPRESARIO SYSTEM.

to the government, while others were merged in new
concessions. But though the empresarios were only
partially successful in their enterprises, Texas was
steadily progressing. Her population increased so
rapidly that whereas in 1821 the number of her in
habitants, exclusive of Indians, did not exceed 3,500,
in 1830 it amounted to nearly 20,000 ;30 and the
natural resources of the country were already greatly
developed. But the time had arrived when Mexico,
by her misrule and jealous apprehensions, alienated
these thriving settlements of a free-spirited race, and
drove them to take up arms in defence of their
rights.31

29 The above list of empresarios and their grants is obtained from Deivees1
Letter*, 115-18, and the report of the governor of Coahuila and Texas to the
supreme government, in Tornel, Tej. y Estad. Unid., 27-38. The first edi
tion of Austin's map was published in 1833.

30 Austin, Espos. sobre Tejas, 8, iu Pap. Far., 107, no. 10; Mex. Apurtt.
Hist. Guerra, 10; Ramsey 's Other Side, 18; Almonte, Not. E*tad. Tej., 25, 50,
67, aud table no. 4. In 1827 the population was estimated at about 10,0^0.
La Oposidon, 1 En., 1835, 2; Cor. Fed. Mex., 12 Mar., 1827, 3.

31 On the subject of the colonization of Texas and the empresario system,
the authorities that have been consulted are: Tornel, Tej as y los EE. UU.,
25-47; Id., Hist. Hex., 147-58; Zavala, Vi«<je d los Estados Unidos, 149-52;
Id., Rev. Mex., ii. 128-9; Mex. Mem. Relac., 1823, 34; Id., Mem. Relac.,
1831, 20; Id., Col Leyes, 1829-30, 102; Id., Col. Leyes, 6rd. y Dec., ii. 94,
183; F'disola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tex., i. Ill, 122-0, 130-41, 553-07; Dewees
Letters from Texas, 23-50, 112-19, 134-41; Kennedys Texas, i. 270-2, 310-41,
359-01, 377; Hunt's Address to People of Tex., 22-4; Swishers Amer. Sketch
Book, vol. iv., no. 2, pp. 154-5; no. 4, p. 201; vol. vi., no. 5, pp. 305-75;
Ludecus, Relse, 50-8; Austin, Eiposic. sobre Tejas, 8, 13-14; Arrilla/ja, Recop.,
1834, 47-50; Domtnech, Journal d'un Miss., 23-4; Id., Miss. Advent., 20;
Holley's Texas, 195-231, 281-300, 309-10; Houston s Texas, i. 190-201; J/c-
Cabe's Comprehensive View, 759-00; La Oposidon, Jan. 1, 1835; N lies' S. Am.
and Mex., i. 252-0; Id., Rej., xi. 207, 380; xxiii. 80; xxvii. 112; xxx. 242;
xxxi. 3; Guerra entre Mex. y los Est. Un., 10; Guia de Hac. Rep. Mex., iv.
21-2; Mexico in 1842, 6-7; Mex. Coah. and Tex. Colonization Law; Papeles

Varios, no. cxi., pt 2; no. clxvii., pt 10; North Am. Review, xliii. 244-5;
Tex., Address Relating to Galv. Bay and Tex. Land Co., pp. 1-37, and ap.
1-08; Id., Translation of Laws, Orders, etc. (Columbia, 1837), p. 81; Coah. y

Tex., Leyes, 15-23, 70-4; El tub. Review, no. 147, p. 257; La Minerva, May 8,
1S45; Rockwell's Span, and Mex. Law, 648-52; El Constitndonal, March 22,
1844; Mex., Col. Dec. sob. Cowjr. Mex., 110-11; Tex. Aim., 1858, 145-75;
1859, 153-00; 1808, 171-7; White's Coll. Laivs, i. 559-622; Modern Travel
ler Mex. and Guat., ii. 29-31; Cor. Fed. Mex., March 12, 1827; Xoticioso
Gen., Feb. 14, 1821; Mex,, Informe Comision, Pesquisidora, 1874, 9; Id., Rept
Mex. Border Co mm., 244-5; Cortes, Act. Ord., 1813, i. 404-5; Id., Diana,
xxii., June 18, 1821, pp. 35-0; Footed Texas, i. 221-9; Thrall's Hist. Texas,
147-70, 175-0, 479-82, 498; Willnon's Amer. Hist., 031-3; Blanchard et
Dauzats, San Juan de Uh'ta, 529-30; Notiv. Annales Voy., cliv. 357; Houritt'a
Hist. U. S., ii. 343; Rivera, H>st. Jalapa, iii. 24-5; Varios Impresos, 2,
no. vi., 20-1; Bustamavte, Gabmete Mex., ii. 15-21; Saarez y Navarro, Hut.
Mcj., 242-0, 315-19; 395-406; H/ttcJtimon's Rem., 194-6; Almonte, Not. Est.
Texas, 14, 20-5; Larenaudiere, Mex. et Guat., 229.

CHAPTER V.

THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.
1800-1839.

DESPOTISM IN COAHUILA — INTERNAL GOVERNMENT — RESOURCES AND CON
DITION OF THE PROVINCE — CHARACTER OF THE PEOPLE — COAHUILA

DURING THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE — FORMATION OF THE STATE OF

COAHUILA AND TEXAS — ORGANIZATION OF A GOVERNMENT — THE STATE
CONSTITUTION— ELECTION LAWS — FIRST CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS —
VIESCA ELECTED GOVERNOR— POVERTY OF THE TREASURY — COMMERCIAL
INTRUDERS — OFFERS OF THE UNITED STATES TO PURCHASE TEXAS — THE
SLAVE QUESTION IN TEXAS — THE COLONISTS ANGRY — CONDITION OF THE
MEXICAN PEON — THE EMANCIPATION LAW — EXCEPTION IN FAVOR OF
TEXAS — PERSECUTION OF SPANIARDS — SUBSERVIENCY OF THE STATE TO
THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT — ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE — EDUCATION
AND RELIGION — MONOPOLY PRIVILEGES GRANTED TO COLONISTS.

PREVIOUS to the year 1824 Texas had no political
connection with Coahuila, each forming a separate
province under the supreme rule of the commandant
general of the provincias internas de oriente.1 As the
internal administration of both these provinces was
identical during the Spanish domination, nothing fur
ther need be said with regard to that of Coahuila, in
addition to the description given in a former chapter
of the government of Texas, except that Coahuila
being a far richer and more populous country, the
temptations presented to a practically absolute ruler
were greater. Thus corruption and injustice were
practised, and tryanny and oppression exercised, on a
proportionately larger scale in Coahuila than in Texas.2

1 Under the Spanish domination the province of Coahuila was called Pro-
vincia de Nueva Estremadura. Pcna, in Mayer, MS., no. 19, p. 22.

2 ' Unfortunate provinces ! ' — says Arispe in his memorial to the regency,

78 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.

The commandant general ruled as it suited him ; and
while possessing even superior power to the viceroy,
there was really no semblance of a check upon his
authority, except the presence of his legal adviser, the
auditor de guerra, who generally did nothing more
than approve and support his opinions. With regard
to internal administration, remoteness from the centre
of supreme government rendered the supremacy of the
local governors almost as absolute as that of the com
mandant general,3 and reduced their responsibility to
a mere cipher. Consequently, in the administration
of so-called justice, every enormity was practised that
enmity or covetousness suggested, and venalty and
corruptness made easy of perpetration. Liberty,
honor, and property were alike assailed.4

As in the case of Texas, the number of the inhabi
tants of Coahuila can only be approximately obtained.
The Tribunal del Consulado assigned to it a population
of 40,000 in 1803, while Humboldt for the same year
places the figures as low as 16,900.5 Pike, four years
later, states that the population was estimated at
70,000 souls, 10,000 only of whom were Spaniards;
and this number is indorsed both by Arispe and
Guerra.6 Again, Navarro y Noriega calculated that
the total number of inhabitants of all races in 1810
was 4 2, 9 3 7. 7 With such varying estimates before me,
I shall leave the reader to draw his own conclusion
on the subject.

At this time there were in Coahuila no less than

Nov. 1, 1811 — 'I wish not to be personal, but I know that every enormity
has been committed there. ' p. 26. This memorial was printed at Cadiz in
1812, and a translation of it published in Philadelphia in 1814.

3 ' I am therefore not at all astonished at the excesses of many governors,
at their arbitrary and despotic rule; I rather wonder that they have not all
been uniformly despots and tyrants.' Id., 27.

4 ' I have many times known respectable and useful citizens suffer such
scandalous vexations, and even die broken-hearted, at finding it impossible to
vindicate their honor, and recover their property of which they had been de
frauded with such scandal and injustice. Id., 31.

bSoc. Hex. Geoff., ii. 6; Essai Polit., 155.

6 Pike's Exped., ap. iii. 29; Arispe, Mem. Coah., 9; Guerra, Hist. Rev. N.
Esp., ii. 370, note.

7 Thus divided: Spaniards, 13,285; Indians, 12,437; Castes, 17,215, Soc.
Mex. Gcoy., 2a e"p., i. 291.

INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. 79

twelve Spanish towns, the most populous and thriv
ing of which were Saltillo, Monclova, Parras, and
Santa Rosa.8 The first of these only was governed
by a cabildo ; Monclova had two alcaldes and a syndic,
and Parras a subdelegado, two alcaldes, and a syndic;
all other towns were under the jurisdiction of lieuten
ants of the governor, who could appoint or remove
them at his pleasure by a simple official letter. This
was a grievous and despotic system of government,
and it was not likely that impartial justice would be
meted out in Coahuila. Arispe, who was deputy to
Spain for this province, vehemently pleaded before the
cortes for redress of these grievances, and suggested
the establishment of a superior executive council for
the four eastern internal provinces, of a high court of
appeal, and of provincial deputations and local cabildos
or municipalities.9

At Monclova, Santa Rosa, San Fernando de Rosas,
and Rio Grande were stationed garrison companies of
veteran calvary, whose duties were to protect the
frontier, furnish detachments for the missions,10 escort
their own supplies of money and clothing from Sal-

8 Pike gives the estimated population of Parras as 7,000; that of Monclova
3,500; and that of Santa Rosa, 400. Ut sup., 28. According to Guerra, Sal
tillo in 1811 had about 12,000 inhabitants. Hixt. Rev. N. E«p., i. 364. Arispe,
1811, gives to the town and district of Parras 10, 000 inhabitants, and to those
of Monclova 6,000. Mem. Coah., 29.

9 On May 23, 1812, the Spanish cortes passed a decree ordering the forma
tion of cabildos. In all towns with a population not exceeding 200 there were
to be elected by vote of the citizens one alcalde, two regidores, and one pro
curator syndic; in towns with not more than 500 inhabitants, one alcalde,
four regidores, and one procurator; in those with not more than 1,000 inhabi
tants, but exceeding 500, one alcalde, six regidores, and one procurator; in
towns with a population from 1,000 to 4,000, two alcaldes, eight regidores,
and two procurators, the number of regidores to be augmented to twelve in
those towns which had more than 4,000 inhabitants. The capitals of prov
inces were to have at least twelve regidores; and should they possess more
than 10,000 inhabitants, their number was to be sixteen. White's Col. Laws,
i. 416-18. Rules for the guidance of alcaldes were decreed Oct. 9th of the
same year. Id., 419-20. In 1813 the cortes decreed the establishment of an
intendencia at Saltillo, and in 1814, of a provincial deputation, representing
Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Santander or Tamaulipas, and Texas, assigning Sal
tillo as the place of residence. C6rte$ Diario, 1813, xviii. 423; C6rtes, Act.
Ord., 1814, ii. 266.

10 Arispe mentions 5 Indian missions; namely, Vissarron, Dulce Nombre de
Jesus, Peyotes, Juan Bautista, and Nuestra Senora de la Victoria. Mem.
Coah., 10.

80 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.

tillo, and conduct the bimonthly mail to Texas from
Monclova, which town was the principal military
depot of the province and the governor's place of resi
dence.

Under a less oppressive government, the province
of Coahuila, with its fertile soil, its genial climate,
and pure atmosphere, would have been, as an abiding
place, all that the heart of man could desire. There
the cultivator could produce in profuse abundance
corn and wheat and wine, delicious fruits and deli
cate vegetables. There, too, the cotton-tree thrived,
and on the rich pasture lands flocks of sheep and
herds of cattle and horses multiplied.11 But the
incubus of commercial and agricultural monopoly
pressed heavily on the land. The avaricious mer
chants of San Luis, Queretaro, and other manufactur
ing cities smothered development in the provincias
internas. In Coahuila no factories made busy the
population of a town; the hum of machinery was
not heard; and the industrious women plied the
primitive spindle and distaff to supply their household
wants, and produce a few marketable commodities.12
Thus the people had to depend upon the exportation
of their flocks and mules,13 and raw materials; and
their wool and cotton, their hides and wheat, were re
turned to them in manufactured form, charged with
the expenses of transportation and alcabala duties, and
with the profits of the outside manufacturer, the mer
chant, and the retail dealer. Even the agricultural
implements of iron were imported, though the manu-

11 Arispe says — p. 20 — 'The most interesting branch is the breeding of
sheep, to which so much attention is paid that, after furnishing many thou
sand head to the markets of Saltillo, Parras, and other places of the prov
inces, vast numbers are exported to Zacatecas, San. Miguel, Queretaro,
Mexico, and Puebla. ' Cotton was produced in such quantity that after sup
plying the four provinces, many thousand quintals were exported to furnish
the factories at San Luis Potosi, San Miguel, Zelaya, Silao, Leon, and places
in Guadalajara. Id., 19.

12 With these simple contrivances, shawls and table-cloths were manufac
tured of such durability and fineness that they never sold for less than eight
dollars, and frequently as high as forty or fifty dollars. Id., 21-2.

13 Besides keeping up a stock of 3,000 pack-mules, 2,000 were annually
exported. Id., 20.

RESOURCES OF THE COUNTRY. 81

facture of that metal and of wood was tolerably well
advanced in Saltillo14 and Parras.

One of the most productive industries of Coahuila
was the cultivation of the vine, which, despite the pro
hibitions against it, was developed to a considerable
extent in the district of Parras.15 Combined with
this agricultural pursuit was the only manufacturing
business that can be rightly claimed for the province.
Great quantities of excellent brandies and delicious
wines were manufactured yearly and exported to Mex
ico and other parts of New Spain. These two indus
tries afforded employment to the whole population of
the district, no other occupation being pursued.16

The inhabitants of Coahuila were a thoroughly
pastoral and agricultural people, and their character
was formed from the nature of their occupations.
Here were to be found simplicity and insensibility to
intrigue, untiring industry and patience under severe
labor, the endurance of privations without murmur,
and a deep-rooted love of liberty. Both the social
and political morals of this rural population were of a
higher standard than those of the inhabitants of the
manufacturing and mining districts of New Spain.17

During the war of independence, Coahuila was
little disturbed by the battle-din which shook the
foundations of the more southern provinces. A blood
less revolution and counter-revolution at first caused

14 At Saltillo the manufacture of cotton was also somewhat advanced, and
in 1811 above 40 looms for weaving coarse cloths had been erected. The
artisans, however, labored under the want of protection, and were compelled
to sell at low prices the production of one week's work in order to procure
raw cotton for the next. /(/., 22.

15 The meaning of Parras is 'grape-vines.' Pike calls it the 'vineyard of
Coahuila.' At the hacienda of San Lorenzo, three miles to the north of the
town, he saw 15 large stills, and a greater number of casks than he had ever
seen in any brewery of the U. S. Ut tsup. , 28.

16 Ib.; Arispe states that the number of inhabitants of this district was
10,000. Mem. Coah., 18.

11 Ariipe, ut sup., 16. 'As we diverged from these parts which produced
such vast quantities of the precious metals, the inhabitants became more in
dustrious and there were fewer beggars. Thus the morals of the people of
Cogquilla (sic) were less corrupt than those of Biscay or New Leon, their
neighbors.' Pike, ut sup., 29.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 6

82 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.

temporary agitation. Governor Cordero, deserted by
his troops, falls into the hands of the independent
leader Jimenez, and Aranda becomes revolutionary
governor. His turn soon arrives, and he is seized by
the plotter Elizondo. Then follows the capture of
Hildalgo and the other leaders at La Noria, who with
Aranda are marched off to Chihuahua, where most of
them suffer death, a few only being condemned to
long imprisonment.18 From this time to the downfall
of the monarchical power in New Spain, Coahuila re
mained in quiet possession of the royalists, unmolested
except by the predatory incursions of wild Indians.

But the people thirsted none the less for freedom,
and when the news arrived in 1821 of the proclama
tion of the plan of Iguala, an uncontrollable agitation
pervaded the province. Arredondo, the command
ant general, then residing in Monterey, the capital of
Nuevo Leon, in vain attempted to arrest the tide of
popular feeling. Lieutenant Nicolas del Moral was
sent against Saltillo in command of a company of the
line grenadiers of Yera Cruz, followed by the whole
battalion, under the lieutenant Pedro Lemus. Moral,
however, on his arrival proclaimed, July 1st, the in
dependence. The authorities did likewise, and Lemus
entered the city, after having administered to his
troops the oath to support the plan of Iguala. Arre
dondo, thus abandoned, convoked a general assembly
of the authorities of Monterey, at which it was unani
mously resolved to adopt the plan. The commandant
general submitted with good grace, and independence
was proclaimed July 4th. But he could not win
thereby the good-will and obedience of his former
sorely pressed subjects. The authorities and forces at
Saltillo refused to recognize him, and in disgust he
surrendered his command to Gaspar Lopez, the first
officer of the trigarante army who approached. Ar-

18 Among the latter was Aranda, who was sentenced with four others to
imprisonment for ten years. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 190; Hernandez y Davalos,
Col. Doc., i. 76. Consult Hist. Mex., iv. 240, 272, this series.

POLITICAL DIVISIONS. 83

redondo then retired to San Luis Potosi, whence he
proceeded to Tampico, where he embarked for Ha-
bana.19

The political convulsions which presently occurred
in the Mexican capital after the establishment of in
dependence were but slightly felt in the provincias
internas de oriente, which, under the empire, were
governed as previously, by a political and military
chief. In 1823, however, after the fall of Iturbide, a
junta was convened at Monterey, composed of dele
gates representing Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas,
and Texas. This junta represented to the provisional
government that the four provinces wished to be sepa
rated, and were desirous that the federal system should
be adopted.20 That form of government having been
proclaimed by the constituent congress, Coahuila,
Xuevo Leon, and Texas were formed into one state
by the acta constitutiva, promulgated January 31,
1824. On May 7th, however, a decree was passed
which detached Nuevo Leon and raised it to the
rank of an independent state, while Coahuila and Texas
were provisionally united until the latter should pos
sess the necessary elements to form a state of itself.21
This political division was confirmed by the federal
constitution published October 4, 1824.

The new state at once proceeded to form its gov
ernment. A constituent congress was elected, and
assembled at Saltillo in August 1824. A provisional
governor was appointed,22 and an executive council
created to assist him in his administration.23 By de-

l*Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v. 238-9.

™ Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 177; Id., Hist. IturUde, 160.

21 ' Pero tan luego como esta ultima ' — Texas—' estuviere en aptitud de figu-
rar como estodo por si sola, lo participara al congreso general para su resolu-
cion.' Hex. Col. Ord. y Dec., iii. 40, where a copy of the decree will l>e found.

22 Rafael Gonzalez was provisional governor in 1825, and Victor Blanco in
1825-1827. W/ute's Col Laics, i. 612, 615.

23 Composed of a vice-governor and. four members. The council was ap
pointed by congress, and the first one created was by decree of Aug. 31, 1825.
The members were Jose Ignacio de Arispe, vice-governor ad interim, Juan
de Goribar, Jose" Ignacio Sanchez, Jose Ignacio Alcocer, and Jose" Ignacio de
Cardenas. Coak. y Tex. Leyes y Dec. , 32.

84 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.

cree of August 28, 1824, the functions of the political
chief24 and the deputation of Texas were declared to
have ceased, as had already been the case with respect
to the authorities of the same class in Coahuila ; and
a few months later a political administrator, styled
'chief of the department of Texas,' was provision
ally established.25 In its first decree, August 15,
1824, the constituent congress pledged the state of
Coahuila and Texas to sustain at all hazards the su
preme federal powers, and declared its form of gov
ernment to be representative, popular, and federal,
divided into the three powers, legislative, executive,,
and judicial.

During the next two years a number of decrees
were passed regulating the attributes, restrictions, and
duties of the executive and officials, establishing elec
tion laws, creating judges of responsibility, and relat
ing to other matters connected with the internal
government of the state.26 It was not until March
11, 1827, that the constitution of the state was pub
lished. Every officer and citizen was required to take
oath to sustain it — a regulation which, in view of the
third article, must have been acquiesced in with grim
dissatisfaction by the enlightened Coahuilan. In that

24 Jose" Felix Trespalacios was the last political and military governor of
Texas under the old system. Almonte, Not. Estad. Tej., 14. He was suc-
caeded in 1823 by Luciano Garcia, who served provisionally as such. WJtite's
Col. Laws, i. 595. Trespalacios, in April 1823, had pronounced in favor of
Iturbide. Bustamante, Hut. Itiirltide, 161-2.

25 Jose" Antonio Saucedo, succeeding Garcia in 1824, was the first to bear
this title. Whites Col. Laws, i. 597-9; Coah. Leyes y Dec., 8, 11. The chief
of department was authorized to impose fines from one to one hundred dollars
on those who did not obey or respect him; he had also power to make arrests,
but only on the express terms that within 48 hours he placed the arrested
party at the disposal of a competent tribunal or judge. He was not to allow
any person to appropriate lands, and was to give circumstantial information
to the government with respect to those who ha:l already done so. Bdjar was
to be his place of residence; he commanded the local militia, and was to pre
side over all popular juntas, as well as over the ayuntamiento of B6jar, or any
other place in the department where circumstances might require his presence.
At the sessions of ayuntamientos, however, he had no vote, except a casting
one in case of a tie. Moreover, he was the sole channel of communication
between his subordinates and the government. Id., 11-14.

26 On March 27, 1826, a general amnesty was proclaimed, by which all
political prisoners were released from confinement, and those banished were
to be assisted by the government to return to their homes. Id., 34-6,

TERRITORIAL DEPARTMENTS. 85

article it is set down that "the sovereignty of the
state resides originally and essentially in the general
mass of the individuals that compose it; but they
shall not of themselves exercise any other acts of
sovereignty than those indicated in this constitution,
and in the form which it prescribes." 27 Such a restric
tion speaks loudly of the timidity with which the
framers of the constitution regarded untrammelled
freedom of the people. The state was divided into
three departments — namely, those of Saltillo, Mon-
clova, and Texas — which number was increased later to
four, by detaching Parras from Saltillo.23 The consti
tutional congress to be presently elected was to consist of
twelve members, two of whom was to represent Texas.29
These representatives were not elected directly by the
people, but by the system of primary and secondary
elections adopted elsewhere in the Mexican republic.
In a district which sent up only one deputy, eleven
electors were popularly chosen, and twenty-one in
those which sent up two or more representatives.
These electors appointed by a majority of votes the
deputies for their respective departments. The num
ber of deputies was to be increased in proportion to
the increase of the population of a department. Other
provisions of the constitution were to the effect that
the profession of any other religion than the Roman
catholic was forbidden; freedom of the press was
declared, but subject to existing restrictions, and such
future ones as should be established by law; and by
the thirteenth article all children born of slave parents
on the territory of the state were pronounced free, the
introduction of slaves six months after the publica
tion of the constitution being strictly prohibited. A

27 Mex. Col. de Constitut., i. 19G; in which volume a copy of the constitu
tion will be found.

28 Id., 197. The state was finally divided into seven departments: Sal
tillo, Parras, Monclova, and Rosas in Coahuila, and Be"jar, Brazos, and
Nacogdoches in Texas. Almonte, Not. Edtad. Tej., 14.

29 By the convocation law of March 23, 1827, the districts of Saltillo,
Parras, and Monclova were to elect three deputies each, Texas two, and Rio
Grande one. Saltillo was to send up two suppletories, and each of the other
districts one. Coah. Leyes y Dec., 47.

86 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.

candidate for the governorship was required to be a
native of the republic, 30 years of age, and to have
been domiciliated in the state five years. The gov
ernor's term of office was four years; he was elected
by the people, and had the prerogative of appointing
the political chiefs of departments, each appointed
being chosen from three candidates nominated by the
executive council, the number of whose members was
reduced from four to three.

On March 23, 1827, the convocation law for the elec
tion of the first constitutional congress was published,
and on July 1st following, the assembly met in session.
On the 4th the number of the votes cast for the elec
tions of governor, vice-governor, and the executive
council was made known, with the following results :
Jose Maria Viesca was elected governor; Victor
Blanco, vice-governor; and Santiago'de Yalle, Dioni-
cio Elizondo, and Jose Ignacio de Cardenas council
lors.30

The greatest difficulty with which the new legisla
ture had to contend was the question of finance.
Texas, if not an actual burden to the state, was little
less. Though yearly increasing in population and
wealth, she contributed nothing to the revenue, owing
to the exemption of the colonists from taxation, and
the privilege granted them of introducing supplies of
all kinds free of import duties. To such straits was
the government reduced that many offices were sus
pended for want of money to pay the salaries.31 Every
resource was resorted to in order to increase the rev-

30 Id. , 63. Jose" Ignacio Arispe had been acting as provisional governor.
Hex. Col. Constitut., i. 195, 273. In Correo Fed. Mex., 21 Jul., 1827, will be
found a list of the names of the deputies from the different departments.

31 Congress, in view of the embarrassments of the state treasury from want
of funds by decree of April 17, 1828, suspended the office of councillor imtil
the state should be able to defray the expense ^hereof, the governor being
directed to act by himself. The vice-governor was only to receive pay when
officiating on account of death, sickness, or absence of the governor. The
establishment of a treasury was postponed; and the department and dis
trict chiefs, with the exception of the one in Texas, were temporarily suspended
in the exercise of their functions, the ayuiitamientos being ordered to com
municate directly with the executive through their alcades. Coah. y Tex.
Leyes, 101

REVENUE. 87

enue. The cock-pits were leased at auction to the
highest bidder; billiard-tables were taxed at $24 per
annum; and a duty of two per centum was charged
on the circulation of money, whether the destination
of the coin was to a place within or without the terri
tory of the state ; funds were borrowed from the church,
and all persons, females excepted, whether they derived
their incomes from rents, salaries, or wages, from
business or industrial occupations, were taxed to the
amount of three days7 income per annum.

What added to the perplexities of the government
during this period was the alarming decline of the in
ternal trade of the state. This was chiefly owing to
the influx of foreign dealers, who introduced cotton
and woollen goods with ruinous effect upon the native
merchants and retailers. The native business was so
paralyzed that congress was under the necessity of
legislating on the matter, and thereby gave grievous
offence to the Anglo-American colonists in Texas.
In April and May 1829, decrees were passed prohibit
ing foreign merchants, of whatever nation, from retail
ing goods or importing coarse cotton or woollen stuffs
not manufactured in the republic.32 The opening of
the port of Galveston by decree of October 17, 1S25,33
afforded facilities to these commercial intruders, while
the exemption law in favor of the colonists offered
temptations to engage in smuggling which were not
very stoutly resisted.

A breach between the Mexicans and the Anglo^
American settlers had indeed already been opened.
Apart from the fact that the immigrants brought with
them the principles of law, liberty, and religion which
prevailed in the country of their birth, and which
could not be conducive to amalgamation with the

32 They were only allowed to sell at wholesale, and for cash. Id., 117, 126-
7. Dewees engaged, in 1826-7, in one of these trading enterprises. Letters
from Tex., 55-6.

^Guiade Hac. Pep. Mex., iv. 308; Mex. Mem. Minest., 13, no. iv. The
port of Matagorda, as also that of Matamoros in Tamaulipas on the Rio
Grande, had been opened to trade in 1820. Lerdo de Tcjada, Comerc. Estad.,
21.

88 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS,

natives, their great influx and steady success not only
excited jealousy, but began to be watched with appre
hension by both the state and federal governments.
The covetous solicitude to gain possession of Texas
evinced by the United States aggravated the anxiety
of Mexico and the disfavor with which the colonists
w^re being regarded. It was hard for the suspicious
Mexican not to believe that the Anglo-Americans
within his borders did not secretly cherish the hope
that the territory would be eventually annexed to the
northern republic. The action of the government at
Washington certainly tended to foment such aspira
tion. Only a few years had elapsed after the treaty
of 1819 with Spain when the United States pretended
to foresee future trouble, and began to express dissat
isfaction at the agreement they had entered into. In
March 1825 Henry Clay, in a letter to the envoy,
Joel R. Poinsett, spoke of difficulties that might arise
from the boundary agreed upon. He considered the
line of the Sabine nearer to the great western com
mercial capital of the United States than was desirable,
and instructed that minister to sound the Mexican
government as to its inclination to the adoption of a
new boundary, suggesting as such the Brazos, the Rio
Colorado, or the Rio Grande.34 In March 1827 Poin
sett was authorized to make a specific proposition on the
matter, by which the United States would agree to pay
$1,000,000 if Mexico would consent to the Rio Grande
being made the boundary ; 35 if this were unattainable,
half that sum was to be offered for the Colorado line.
Neither of these proposals was received by the Mexican
government, nor would the congress take into consid
eration a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation,
on the point of being concluded between the two
nations, unless it contained an article which renewed
the existence of the treaty celebrated by the cabinets

34 Congress. Debates, 1837, ii. ap. 125-6.

35 The boundary proposed was to begin at the mouth of the Rio Grande,
pass up that river to the Rio Puerco, thence to the source of the latter, whence
it was to run due north to the Arkansas. Id., 127.

MEXICO SUSPICIOUS. ' 89

of Madrid and Washington respecting* the territorial
limits. This resolution rendered it imperative to settle
that question first, and on January 12, 1828, a proto
col was signed by Poinsett on the part of the United
States, and S. Comacho and J. Y. Esteva on that of
Mexico, by which it wTas agreed that the dividing line
between the two countries should be that fixed upon
by the treaty of 1819 with Spain. Nevertheless the
United States still persisted in their object. In Au
gust 1829 instructions were sent to Poinsett to open
negotiations for the purchase of so much of Texas
as Mexico could be induced to cede. Four different
cessions were suggested, the corresponding boundary
lines beginning respectively at the mouths of the Rio
Grande, the Baca, the Colorado, and the Brazos.
Poinsett was authorized to offer as high as $5,000,000
for the first-named line, and for the others, amounts
proportionate to the extent of territory that would be
ceded. But Poinsett never received these instruc
tions. His officious meddling with the internal affairs
of the Mexican republic had gained for him the dislike
of the government. His recall was demanded and
acceded to, and his successor, Anthony Butler of
Mississippi, made no progress in his negotiations for
the purchase of Texas.

Another cause of suspicion, and consequent want of
confidence between the Mexican authorities and the
settlers, was the temporary freedom of the latter from
molestation by the Indians. During the first three
or four years of the colony's existence the settlers
had been grievously troubled by these savages, and
had engaged in numerous conflicts with them.33 The
signal punishment, however, which they inflicted upon
the aggressors won for them the respect and awe of
the wild tribes around them ; and while in the Mexican
district of Bejar the Indians even carried their depre
dations with impunity into San Antonio, the Anglo-

36 For particulars of fights with Indians, see Dewees" Letters, 37-*2, 50-2
54-5; and Yoakums Hist. Tex., i. 221-0

90 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.

American colony was left in comparative peace. This
exemption, gained entirely by the determination and
courage of the settlers, was attributed to a sinister
understanding with the Indians.

While the jealous fears of the state government
that its liberal policy had overshot the mark became
more and more confirmed, certain legislative acts,
which it was expected would be corrective of past
mistakes and preventive of foreshadowed trouble, irri
tated the settlers. The slave laws of 1827, and the
prohibitory one of 1829, respecting foreign merchants,
caused great offence. By decree of September 15,
1827, the constituent congress manifested its intention
not only to carry out strictly the thirteenth article of
the constitution, but also to acquire the gradual eman
cipation of slaves already introduced. Ayuntamientos
were ordered to keep a list of all slaves in their re
spective municipalities, designating age, name, and
sex. A register of the deaths of slaves and the births
of slave-born children was also to be rigidly kept.
Slaves whose owners had no apparent heirs were to
become free immediately on the decease of their mas
ters; and on each change of ownership, even in the
case of heirs succeeding, one tenth of the number of
slaves inherited was to be manumitted, the individuals
being determined by lot. By another decree, of No
vember 24th of the same year, it was provided that
any slave who wished to change his master could do
so, provided the new owner indemnified the former
one for the cost of the slave, according to the bill of
sale.37

Although the colonists kept themselves aloof and
were indifferent to Mexican legislation so long as their
own immediate interests were not attacked, their anger
rose when a direct blow was struck at their prosperity.
Without entering into the moral question of right,
there can be little doubt that without slave labor the
colonization of Texas would have been retarded for

37 Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 78-9, 91-2.

SLAVERY AND PEONAGE. 91

many years. The immigrants would have been limited
exclusively to the class of laboring farmers who, by
the toil of their hands and the sweat of their brows,
would have reclaimed some small portions only of
the uncultivated wastes. No capitalist would have
engaged in a venture which would reduce him and his
family to the condition of laborers. However loudly
the Mexican people and outside philanthropists may
claim enlightenment for the government of that re
public in proclaiming the abolition of slavery at this
early date, it must be borne in mind that such legisla
tion in no wise affected the interests of the landed
proprietors of Mexico. A labor system had been de
veloped which was far less expensive than that of
slavery, but which practically embraced all its attri
butes. The position of the Mexican laborer, or peon,
was one of perpetual servitude and subjection to a task
master. He bound himself to his master by a written
contract on entering his service, and immediately be
came his debtor for money advanced, sometimes to
the amount of a year's wages.38 His employer kept a
debit and credit account with him, and rarely did it
show a balance in the peon's favor. If he gave offense,
committed a fault, or failed in the fulfilment of his
duties, confinement, shackles, or the lash could be
legally meted out to him; and should he desert his
master's service, he could be reclaimed through the
alcalde, who had the authority to compel him to re
turn, and punish him. In fact, never out of debt, he
was ever a bondman, with but little more liberty than
a slave. In name only was he not one. As the peon's
wages varied from one to three reales a day, providing
for himself, and as his working days were reduced by
the numerous church holidays observed in Mexico to
about two hundred, the average cost of a peon was
about $50 a year. Thus the landed proprietors, under

38 The congress of the state of Coahuila and Texas, by decree of Sept. 30,
1828, provided that no advance could be made by the master to the servant
to an amount exceeding one year's wages. Id., 108.

92 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.

this system, in which no outlay of capital was required,
nor loss by death incurred, reaped all the advantages
of absolute slavery without one tithe of its expense.

Under the above-described system, it was not diffi
cult for the Anglo-Americans to evade the law pro
hibiting the further importation of slaves; and under
the appellation of indentured servants, they continued
to introduce them into Texas.39 But in 1829 more
decisive pressure was applied, by the promulgation of
Guerrero's decree of September 15th, ordering the
total abolition of slavery throughout the Mexican
republic.43 Now, at this time there were very few
slaves in Mexico outside of Texas, and these few were
treated with great indulgence by their owners, who
regarded them as favorite servants and members of
their families.41 Consequently the decree — which in
fact was dictated by a spirit of self-protection against
the United States by the establishment of a political
barrier between the two nations42 —met with no oppo
sition elsewhere in Mexico. In Texas, however, there
were now over 1,000 slaves, whose manumission would
have crippled the colony to a ruinous degree. Strong
remonstrances were made to the federal government,
setting forth the facts that if the slaves were freed
they would become a nuisance, and a hinderance to
prosperity; that the tranquillity of the department
would be endangered, as the colonists would regard
the dispossession of their slaves as a violation of the
promises and guarantees by which they had been in
duced to settle in the country; and lastly, that the
indemnification would be very heavy, and in the ex
hausted condition of the treasury would remain unpaid

39 The slave law was evaded by introducing negroes to serve as apprentices
for 99 years. Ntl(jn" fiey., xxxiv. 334.

"Mex. Col. Lcycs, 1829-30, 149-50; Dublan and Lozano, L&jis. MM., ii.
163; Arrillaya, Recap., 1829, 213.

41 Tornel, Breve Jteseilct ffist., 85, says: ' Nominal inente eran esclavoi, por-
que sus duenos los consideraban como donie"sticos favoritos, y aun los trataban
como a hijos.'

42 'En la abolicion de la esclavitud,' remarks Tornel, the initiator of the
decree, 'se envolvia niia mira alcamente politica, la de e^tablecer viiia barrera
entre Mexico y lod Estados-UiiL.os.' Ib.

DECREES AND LEGISLATION. 93

for many years. These representations were of such
weight that on December 2d of the same year an ex
ception was made in favor of Texas.43

An examination of the decrees issued during the
first five years of the state's existence shows that the
congressional assemblies endeavored to legislate with
honesty and justice, and many wise laws were enacted.
But inexperience, combined with a dim perception in
regard to civil and individual rights, made it difficult
properly to organize a state with free institutions out
of a despotically ruled province. Thus a curious mix
ture of liberal principles and conservative prejudices is
observable. The restrictions on the sovereignty of
the people laid down in the 3d article of the constitu
tion, the intolerance of any religion but the Roman
catholic, and the excessive power vested in the chief
of the department of Texas, were incompatible with
free republican institutions. In strong contrast with
the liberality manifested in the state colonization law
was the persecution to which resident Spaniards were
submitted. By a law passed June 23, 1827, they
were excluded from all civil and ecclesiastical offices
until Spain should acknowledge the independence of
Mexico, and in November of the same year all Span
iards, except those domiciliated in the state thirty
years, were banished ; travellers of that nationality
could not remain more than three days in any town
except in case of sickness or other recognized imped
iment; those who remained were required to present
themselves monthly to the local authorities, and were
forbidden to carry any arms except those customarily
worn for personal defence; and a strict surveillance
was kept over their conduct.44 When in 1829 Mexico
was invaded by the Spanish forces under Barradas,45
the state of Coahuila and Texas displayed its patriot-

43 Mcx, Diet. Cow,. Just., 1. 1; Niks' Reg., xxxviii. 291.

44 Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 62, 94-5, 105-6.

45 For an account of this invasion, see Hist. Mex., v. 72-5, this series.

94 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS.

ism by exacting a heavy forced loan from the resident
Spaniards,46 while the property still remaining in the
state, of those who had left for other countries, was
confiscated.

It must, however, be borne in mind that the states
were under a kind of political thraldom to the federal
government, whose decrees they were compelled to
indorse, and which dictated their rights under the late
constitution to a degree that left their individual inde
pendence decidedly equivocal. In the case of Coa-
huila and Texas, it is noticeable that, during the
repeated changes of administration in the national
capital, the state government was ever anxious to
keep on good terms with the dominant party and
adopt its policy. The consequences were perplexity,
contradictions,47 and an absence of fixed political
principles

In the administration of justice the legislature en
deavored to insure fair trials. In the criminal courts
the accused was tried before the presiding judge,
in the presence of two assistant judges, one chosen by
the defendant and the other by the plaintiff. After
all the evidence had been taken, the three judges in
consultation decided upon the case. When two or
more defendants were on trial on the same charge,

O *

each could nominate two assistant judges, and out of
the whole number one was elected by a majority of
votes. Every citizen when called upon to sit as an
assistant judge was obligated to serve, unless some
legal impediment exonerated him.48 Simple theft of
small amounts was punishable by the infliction of

46 Unmarried Spaniards and widowers without children were called upon
for one third of their capitals; those married without children, and widowers
with only one child, for one fifth; and those of both classes with more than
one child, for one eighth. Id., 135.

47 When Guerrero was in power, the congress of Coahuila and Texas
ordered his bust to be set up in their hall, but when adversity came upon
him, they repealed the order. They then named a town after Bustamante,
and by a later decree struck out his name. Yoakum's Hist. Tex. , i. 270.

48 Coaft. y Tex. Leyes, 66, 83, 102-3. Deputies of congress, the governor,
vice-governor, councillors, the secretaries of state, military men, and ecclesi
astics could not be called upon to act as assistant judges.

EDUCATION AND GOVERNMENT. 95

fines varying from $10 to $30, or by labor on the public
works for from one to three months. When the value
of the stolen property exceeded $10 but not $100, the
punishment was not less than one year's nor more
than two years' such labor. For the third offence the
criminal was exposed in the most public place with a
placard on his head bearing the inscription 'thief.'41
In case of the impeachment of an authority— as, for
instance, the governor, a deputy, or a member of the
supreme court — congress appointed four of its own
number to sit as a grand jury, one of whom had no
vote, but acted as secretary. This jury reported its
finding to congress, which then discussed the evidence,
and declared whether or not there was just cause of
action. If congress resolved in the affirmative, the
case was transmitted to the corresponding tribunal for
trial.50

Education in Coahuila and Texas was at an ex-
^remely low ebb. Arispe, in his memorial of November
1, 1811, to the Spanish cortes, says on the subject of
public education: "Only in the town of Saltillo . . . is
there a scanty fixed appropriation for the maintenance
of a common school-master." "On the great estates,
and in the populous districts, where many servants are
employed, it is common also to have schools; but I
have observed the pains taken to prevent the children
of servants from learning to write ; for some masters
believe that if they arrive at that important point of
education, they may be induced to seek some other less
servile mode of gaining their living." The congress
tried to remedy this evil, and by decree of May 13,
1829, an attempt was made to establish in each de
partment a school of mutual instruction on the Lan-
casterian system. By this law it was provided that
the teacher should instruct the pupils in reading,
writing, arithmetic, the dogmas of the catholic religion,

49 Id. , 66-8. Receivers of stolen goods, agents and protectors of thieves,
suffered the same punishments on conviction as the latter.

50 Hex. Col Constitut^ i. 229; Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 118.

36 THE STATE OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS

and Ackerman's catechisms of arts and sciences, each
teacher's salary being fixed at $800 per annum, pay
able monthly in advance.51 But legislation in the
matter was more easy than fulfilment, and the project
could not be carried into effect. In April 1830
another law was passed for the establishment of six
primary schools on the same plan, but with no better
result. The people were indifferent to educational
progress. Among the settlements of Austin's colony
a few private schools were established, and in 1829
the first protestant Sunday-school in Texas was opened
at San Felipe de Austin by T. J. Pilgrim of the bap
tist church. It soon, however, met wTith interruption.
A difficulty arose between some Mexican litigants,
wrho visited San Felipe, and some of the settlers ; and
Austin, aware that the visitors would not fail to notice
the violation of the colonization law, deemed it prudent
temporarily to close the school.52

With regard to religion, the Texan colonists at this

O O '

early date had neither opportunity nor much inclina
tion to practise it. Dewees, writing in November
1831, says : " The people of this country seem to have
forgotten that there is such a commandment as l Re
member the sabbath day and keep it holy/ This day
is generally spent in visiting, driving stock, and break
ing mustangs." "I have not heard a sermon since I
left Kentucky, except at a camp-meeting in Arkan
sas."53 Having furnished the required certificate of
his catholic faith, the Anglo-American eased his
conscience by refraining from any practical expression
of it.

Apart from the causes mentioned of dissatisfaction

51 Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 127-30.

** Baker* s Texas, 74-5. Hutchinson's Reminis., 213. Another sabbath -
school was opened the same year at Matagorda.

53 Letters from Tex., 137. In 1824 the Rev. Henry Stephenson, of the
methodist denomination, preached the first protestant sermon west of the
Brazos, near San Felipe. There were four families present on the occasion.
The first baptist preacher was Joseph Bays, who preached on Peach Creek,
west of the Brazos, in 1826. He presently removed to San Antonio^ where
he labored till ordered away by the Mexican authorities. Hutchinsons Rem-
ini*., 209, 212-13.

WAR BREWING. 97

between the state and the colonists, the government
showed itself otherwise favorably disposed toward
them. Hitherto they were left unmolested in the
management of their internal affairs, and besides its
readiness to extend land grants, the state displayed
equal willingness to encourage Anglo-American enter
prises of other kinds. In October 1827 Leon Alemy
obtained the exclusive privilege, for a term of six
years, to sink artesian wells; and in February 1828 a
like privilege, for twenty-three years, was granted to
John L. Woodbury and John Cameron to work iron
and coal mines in the state, facilities being afforded
them for the introduction of the necessary machinery
The same year John Davis Bradburn and Stephen
Staples obtained a similar right to navigate for fifteen
years the Rio Grande with boats propelled by steam
or horse power.54

But the federal government was not equally con
siderate ; and with its customary interference in the
internal affairs of the states, it presently began a sys
tem of encroachments on the liberty and rights of
the settlers, thereby establishing a mine of grievances
which the colonists exploded by the outburst of a
bloody revolt.

54 Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 83-4, 98-9, 100-1, 106-7. Bradburn was not a Texan
settler. He had joined Mina's expedition, and afterward, joining Guerrero,
rose to distinction in the republican ranks. Hist. Max., iv. 675-6, this series.
Thrall's Hist. Tex., 506.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 7

CHAPTER VI.

MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.
1826-1832.

HAYDEN EDWARDS' GRANT — His DIFFICULTIES AND WANT OF POLICY — MEXI
CANS VERSUS COLONISTS — ANNULMENT OF EDWARDS' CONTRACT — JOHN
DUNN HUNTER — DISCONTENT OF THE CHEROKEES — THE FREDONIAN RE
VOLT — COVENANT WITH INDIAN TRIBES — DELUSIVE HOPES — RED MEN'S
PERFIDY — MURDER OF HUNTER AND FIELDS — FAILURE OF THE REVOLT
— PROGRESS AND CONDITION OF THE COLONIES — MEXICO'S FEARS OF
LOSING TEXAS — ALAMAN'S PROPOSITIONS — LAW OF APRIL 6, 1830 — MILI
TARY DESPOTISM — ESTABLISHMENT OF CUSTOM-HOUSES — PORTS OF TEXAS
CLOSED — DEMONSTRATIONS OF THE COLONISTS — BRADBURN'S OUTRAGES—
HOSTILITIES AT ANAHUAC — THE TURTLE BAYOU RESOLUTIONS — CAPTURE
OF FORT VELASCO — MUTINY AT ANAHUAC AND FLIGHT OF BRADBURN —
RESOLUTIONS OF THE AYUNTAMIENTOS — NACOGDOCHES EVACUATED —
TRANQUILLITY RESTORED IN TEXAS.

IN the lacter part of 1826 the first indication ap
peared of the intention on the part of Anglo-American
settlers to resist oppression. It has been already men
tioned that, when Austin was in the city of Mexico,
one of the causes of the delay which attended his en
deavors to procure a confirmation of the grant conceded
to his father, was the numerous applications that were
being made at that time for similar contracts. Among
the applicants was Hayden Edwards, who, after much
trouble, eventually succeeded in obtaining from the
government of the state of Coahuila and Texas a con
tract to settle 800 families on lands surrounding Na-
cogdoches.1 Edwards thereupon proceeded to the

1The limits of his grant were as follows: beginning at the angle formed
by a line twenty leagues from the Sabine, and one ten leagues from the coast
of the gulf of Mexico; thence in a northerly direction, passing the post of
Nacogdoches, and in the same direction fifteen leagues above; thence westerly

'98)

EDWARDS' PLANS. 99

United States, and spared no pains or expense in en
deavoring to fulfil his contract, at the same time in
ducing his brother, Major Benjamin W. Edwards, to
go to Texas and aid him in establishing his colony.2

In October 1825 Hayden Edwards returned to
Texas and took up his residence at Nacogdoches. He
soon discovered that he had difficulties to contend
with that had never troubled Austin. Portions of
the lands conceded to him were already occupied by
Mexican settlers, some of whom had been driven from
their homes after the destruction of Long's expedition,
and had recently returned. Nacogdoches had again
about 100 inhabitants, and certain of the villanous class,
formerly of the 'neutral ground,' had taken up lands.
These latter, without regarding Edwards with any
particular aversion, were wholly averse to subordina
tion ; while the Mexicans, jealous of his authority, and
angry at an American being placed over them, showed
marked symptoms of unfriendliness. There were,
moreover, among them many turbulent and bad char
acters, and not a few fugitives from justice. The re
sult was, that, as Edwards' immigrants arrived, the
colony was quickly divided into two hostile factions.
Edwards did what he could to preserve order and

at right angles with the first line to the Navasoto creek; thence clown said
creek till it strikes the upper road from Bejar to Nacogdoches; thence east-
wardly along the said road to the San Jacinto; thence down said river to
within ten leagues of the coast; thence eastwardly along a line ten leagues
from the coast to the beginning. Y oakum's Hist. Tex., i. 462, where a trans
lation of the contract will be found. The last line is described as being drawn
within only ten miles of the coast. This is evidently an error, and should be
leagues. The state government had no power to authorize the establishment
of settlements on the ten-league coast reserve. The federal congress alone
could grant that privilege.

2 Foote states that Benjamin Edwards paid a long visit to Austin, and had
many conversations with him on the subject of the colonization of Texas.
According to this author, Austin and E.I wards were of one mind, and had in
view ' the firm establishment, in this favored country, of the institutions of
civil and religious freedom, and the redemption of a region from foreign rule,
which rightfully belonged to the people of the United States, and of which
they had been notoriously bereaved, by f raudful negotiations. ' They, how
ever, agreed that many grievances would have to be borne before the colonies
were strong enough to throw off the yoke. Tex. and the Texans, i. 22. It is
difficult to believe that Austin expressed any such ideas with regard to the
fraud practised on the U. S.

100 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

maintain his authority, but several measures adopted
by him were far from politic.

The second article of his contract provided that all
possessions found in Nacogdoches and its vicinity, sup
ported by the corresponding titles, should be respected ;
and that in case any of the ancient possessors should
claim preservation of their rights, it was the empresa-
rio's duty to comply therewith. This afforded a wide
loophole through which to thrust i:i claims to the
most valuable lands, and old title deeds were diligently
searched for or manufactured/ In order to ascertain
the extent of these claims, Edwards, in November
1825, called upon all persons holding such land titles
to produce them, in order that their legality might be
decided upon according to law. In this there was no
harm; but he gave further notice that the lands of
those who failed to present their titles would be sold,
and that claimants whose titles were just would have
to pay for any improvements that had been made on
the lands by the present occupiers. This caused in
dignation to the Mexicans, and gave great offence to
the authorities, who could but regard his notification
in respect to the sale of lands as an assumption of
power that had never been given him.

By the sixth article of the contract Edwards was
authorized to raise the national militia within his
colony, and was appointed its chief until further dis
position should, be made. Accordingly he gave notice
for the election of militia officers to take place on
December 15th of the same year. At the same time
he proposed that the people should elect an alcalde.
With the election of this magistrate the more serious
troubles began. Each party had its candidate for the
office; Chaplin, Edwards' son-in-law, being put for
ward by the American colonists, and Samuel Norris,
devoted to Mexican interests, by their opponents.
The election decided in favor of the former, who took

3 A Mexican named Antonio Sepiilveda was engaged in this nefarious busi
ness. Y oakums Hut. Tex., i. 238.

TYRANNICAL GOVERNMENT. 101

possession of the archives and entered upon the duties
of the office. But Sepulveda, the outgoing alcalde,
and his party disputed many of the votes as having
been cast by settlers residing outside the limits of
Edwards' grant, though under the alcalde's jurisdic
tion. Accordingly, they represented the matter to
Saucedo, the political chief at San Antonio. Already
offended with Edwards by reason of a report sent in
by the latter giving an account of his official acts, and
which was not deemed sufficiently respectful, Saucedo
decided in favor of Norris, and instructed Sepulveda
to install him by force of arms if any opposition was
offered. No resistance was made, however; on the
exhibition of Norris' commission Chaplin surrendered
up the archives of the office to him.

And now commenced a system of petty tryanny
and invidious distinctions, which exasperated the col
onists. Americans, who had wrought improvements
on their lands, were ousted from them to give place to
Mexicans, the favorites of Sepulvada and the alcalde.
A band of regulators was formed, under the command
of James Gaines, the brother-in-law of Norris; and
backed by these ruffians and the official support of
Saucedo, the Mexican party domineered as they liked.
Moreover, accusations against Edwards were made to
the political chief, who did not conceal his hostility to
the empresario.4

Early in the summer of 1826, Hayden Edwards
again returned to the United States, leaving to his
brother the management of the colony during his
absence. Benjamin Edwards, in his anxiety to over
come existing difficulties and avoid future trouble,
sought the advice of Austin, who recommended him

4 In his letter to Edwards dated May 1, 1826, he writes: 'Hitherto, the
accusation against you, which has arrested the attention of tho supreme gov
ernment of the union, is the ordinance which you yourself published in Oct.
of the past year, proclaiming yourself • "the military chief of that part of the
state, and demanding of the old inhabitants the titles of the lands which
they possess; for which acts the corresponding charges shall be made when
the government shall so order. ' Now Edwards had only acted in the matter
of the militia in accordance with the provisions of his contract. Id., 241.

102 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

to send to Blanco, the provisional governor of the
state, a detailed account of the conduct of both par
ties.5 This was accordingly done; on September 5th
Benjamin Edwards despatched his letter, in which,
after entering into full particulars, he alluded to the
charges that had been preferred against his brother,
and requested the governor to abstain from taking
action until the empresario had an opportunity of
defending himself. Before the receipt of a reply to
this communication, Hayden Edwards returned, and
was soon made aware of the reception it had met
with, by the rumor which was spread that his contract
was going to be annulled. At this the Mexican pop
ulation was jubilant. It was confidently anticipated
that, as a consequence, titles to land acquired through
him would be revoked, and claims were at once set up
to all the most valuable places occupied and improved
by Edwards' colonists. The shainelessness of Norris
—who was, however, controlled by Gaines — was such
that these abominable claims were sanctioned by him.
A reign of terror followed. American settlers were
dispossessed of their homes ; were arrested at midnight
and dragged before the alcalde, to be punished for acts
they had never committed; they were fined and im
prisoned; and every contumely and vexation that
envy and malice could suggest were heaped upon
them. The tyranny exercised was so glaringly out
rageous and intolerable that most of Norris' Ameri
can supporters abandoned him.

At last the governor's reply to .Benjamin Edwards'
letter arrived, confirming the prevailing rumor. It
was dated Saltillo, October 2, 1826. Blanco, after
stating that the communication addressed to him was
wanting in respect, continues as follows: "In view of
such proceedings, by which Hayden Edwards' conduct
is well attested, I have decreed the annulment of his

5 ' Give him a full statement of facts, and a very minute history of the
acts of your principal enemies and their opponents, and their manner of doing
business in every particular, both in regard to your brother as well as all
others.' Footes Tex., i. 209.

CHEROKEE IMMIGRANTS. 103

contract and his expulsion from the territory of the
republic. He has lost the confidence of the govern
ment, I doubt his fidelity, and it is imprudent to admit
men who begin by dictating laws as sovereigns." He
concludes by informing the two brothers that if these
measures were unwelcome or prejudicial to them, they
could apply to the supreme government, but not until
they had both first evacuated the country, and that
he had issued orders to the authorities of the depart
ment relative to their expulsion.6 It was an arbitrary
and unjust proceeding thus summarily to inflict a
heavy pecuniary loss7 on the empresario, and banish
him without affording him a chance to defend his line

O

of conduct. And in this light it was viewed by his
colonists, and they were determined to remain passive
no longer.

While Hayden Edwards was in the city of Mexico
applying for his contract, certain chiefs of a tribe of
the Cherokees, which had lately immigrated into Texas,
were petitioning at the same time for a grant of land
whereon to settle. AmonQf these chiefs was one

O

Fields, a half-breed, who possessed great influence writh
the Indians. Without receiving any formal assign
ment of territory, Fields, confiding in promises made to
him, and a conditional agreement in 1822 with Felix
Trespalacios,8 then governor of the province, on his
return to Texas established a village about fifty miles
north of Nacogdoches. Several years passed, how
ever, and still no legal titles to the lands the Indians

O

had settled upon was given to them. About the year
1825 John Dunn Hunter,9 a devoted champion of the

6 Yoakum supplies a copy of all this portion of Blanco's letter. Hist. Tex. ,
i. 243.

7 Edwards had expended §50,000 in his efforts to establish his colony. Id.,
244.

8 This agreement was confirmed by Iturbide, April 27, 1823. Id., 216.

9 This remarkable man was brought up by Indians from his earliest child
hood till he was nineteen or twenty years of age. In 1823 he published a
narrative of his captivity, under the title: Manners and Customs of Several
Indian Tribes Located West of the Mississippi, Philadelphia, 1823, 8vo, pp.
402; and in the same year a reprint the work in London, entitled: Memoirs oj

104 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

rights of Indians, and an earnest laborer for the pro
motion of their welfare and civilization, appeared in
the Cherokee village. He soon perceived the flimsy
tenure by which the Indians held their lands, and did
not doubt that the Mexican government would dis
pense with its promises and provisional agreements10
whenever it might be deemed convenient to do so.
Hunter, therefore, with the consent of the chiefs,
undertook a journey to the city of Mexico, for the
purpose of representing their case to the supreme gov
ernment, and procuring for them their long-promised
title. He arrived at the Mexican capital in March
1826, but his endeavors met with no better result
than those of preceding representatives of the tribe,
and vague promises, as heretofore, were all that could

a Captivity among the Indians of North America, from Childhood to the Age of
Nineteen, 8vo, pp. ix., 447. In 1824 a third edition was issued with addi
tions, 8vo, pp. xi., 468, London, 1824. Hunter states that he had 110 recol
lection of his parents, who, he believed, were killed at the time of his capture,
but when or where that occurred he could not tell. His skill in hunting when
yet a boy gained for him the name of ' hunter ' among the Indians, which
he afterward adopted as a patronymic. He assumed his other names out of
respect to John Dunn of Missouri, who treated him with fraternal kindness
after his association with white people. Having formed acquaintance with
fur- traders, he abandoned his Indian life in 1816, and engaged in trading.
During the intervals between the trading seasons, he attended for some years
a school near Pearl River, Mississippi, and applied himself assiduously to the
study of the English language, writing, and arithmetic, in which he made
great proficiency. In 1821 he crossed the Alleghanies, went to New York,
and, as he says, began a new existence. He afterward visited England and
Europe. During 1823-4 he was lionized by the fashionable world in London,
and excited the deepest interest of philosophers and philanthropists, literati
and noblemen, not only on account of his romantic life, but also of his project
of civilizing the Indians. This could only be effected, he maintained, by the
introduction of civilized habits by a slow and invisible progress, and his plan
was to form a settlement in which Indian manners and customs would at first
be adopted, but gradually eliminated with time. In the summer of 1824 he
left London and went to live with the Cherokees in Texas, over whom he
immediately acquired a leading influence. Hunter was denounced by the
periodicals of the U. S. as an adventurer who imposed on the credulity of
the British public, and the North American fieview, 1826, xxii. 101-7, in un
qualified language proclaims him a bold but ignorant impostor. There are
many writers, however, who do not regard him in this light, but consider
that he brought down upon himself the enmity of many persons in the U. S.
on account of his outspoken vindication of the rights of the Indians. Consult
Quart. Rev., xxxi. 76-111; Blackwood's May., xvi., 639, xvii. 56; Literary
Gaz., 1823, p. 242, etc.; Ward's Mex., ii. 587-8; Foote's Tex., i. 239-47.

lu The agreement of April 1823 was made with the understanding that the
Indians should retire farther into the interior, and that no additional families
should immigrate till the general colonization law was published. Yoakunis
Hist. Tex., i. 216.

THREATENED INDIAN OUTBREAK. 105

be obtained from the cautious government. When
Hunter on his return reported his want of success, his
people were terribly exasperated against the Mexicans,
who, they considered, were intending to defraud them
of lands which they now regarded as their rightful
possessions. Driven from their vast hunting-grounds
in the United States by the advance of the Anglo-
Americans, their past experience had made the Cher-
okees watchful and suspicious, and they regarded the
white race with no friendly feelings. Without making
distinction, therefore, between the colonists and the
Mexicans, they meditated avenging themselves by
waging an indiscriminate war against the settlements.
With this object they associated themselves with other
neighboring" tribes, which were not unwilling to make

O O ^

reprisals for the punishment they had frequently re
ceived at the hands of the Anglo-Americans.11 They
were, however, diverted from their purpose by the
influence of Hunter, who persuaded them to postpone
active operations for a time, while he informed him
self of the position of affairs at Nacogdoches.

Meanwhile the action of Edwards' colonists had
assumed all the features of revolt. Exasperated
beyond endurance by the tyrannical acts of Norris
and Gaines, they had lately deposed the former, and
installed another alcalde in his place. Apprehending
that the political chief would send a force to restore
the former order of things as sooir as he heard of this
proceeding, Hayden Edwards and his brother busily
occupied themselves in visiting the settlements in order
to rouse to action the spirit of independence. At this
juncture Hunter paid them a visit, and representing
to them the hostile intentions of the Indians with
much earnestness, laid before them a proposal that
the colonists and Cheiokees should enter into a league
and alliance for mutual protection. The plan was

11 Benjamin Edwards states in his address to the settlers of Austin's colony,
Jan. 16, 1827, that no less than 23 different tribes had allied themselves with
the Comanche nation. Footers Tex., i. 262. Ward says that the numerous
Indian tribes mustered nearly 20,000 warriors. Ut sup.

106 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

approved by the brothers, and Hunter returned to
his village to communicate the matter to the Indian
chiefs, who were easily induced to follow the advice
of their zealous friend.

A report that the enemy was approaching Nacog-
doches caused Benjamin Edwards to hasten thither
with all speed. Putting himself at the head of only
fifteen men, he prepared a suitable flag — inscribed
with the names of the individuals who composed his
little band, and with a solemn pledge to stand by each
other in the cause of independence— and on December
16th entered Nacogdoches, where he proclaimed free
dom and independence. He then proceeded to fortify
himself in a large stone building in the centre of the
town; the settlers flocked to his standard, and his
force in a few days amounted to about 200 men. A
republic under the name of Fredonia was proclaimed,
and a temporary government organized. A committee
of independence was inaugurated, justices of the peace
were chosen for the different settlements, and Martin
Farmer was appointed to the chief command of the
military.

On December 20th Hunter, Fields, and other chiefs
of the associated tribes repaired to Nacogdoches, where
on the following day a solemn league and confedera
tion was agreed upon and signed by the representatives
of the colonists and Indians respectively.12 By this
covenant it was agreed to divide the territory of Texas
between the Indians and Anglo-Americans, and wage
war against Mexico until their independence was con
summated. The portion assigned to the red men was
all the territory lying between the United States and

12 A copy of this treaty in Spanish will be found in Cor. Fed. Mcx., 18 Feb.,
1827, p. 3-4. It was made by Benjamin W. Edwards and Harmon B. Mayo
on the part of the Fredonians, and Richard Fields and John D. Hunter on
the part of the Indians. It was ratified the same day by the committee of
Independence and the committee of Red People. The signatures are as fol
low: on the part of the Indians, Richard Fields, John D. Hunter, Nekolake,
John Bags, and Cuktokeh; on the part of the colonists, Martin Parmer,
president, Hayden Edwards, W. B. Legon, John Sprow, B. P. Thompson,
Jos. A. Hnber, B. W. Edwards, and 11. B. Mayo. Foote also supplies a copy
of this treaty, vol. i. 253-G.

AUSTIN OPPOSES EDWARDS' PLANS. 107

a line drawn due west from Sandy Spring near Nacog-
doches to the Rio Grande, thence up that river to its
source ; all the territory south of this line was to be
long to the Americans.

The Fredoniaris had based their project upon the
expectation that not only would all the settlers and
Indians in Texas support the movement, but also that
volunteers from the United States would join the
cause. Messengers were accordingly sent with procla
mations to Natchitoch.es and Austin's colony, appealing
for aid in the cause of freedom. But the hopes of the
insurgents were soon rudely crushed. Austin, cautious
and politic, was not long in deciding that the Anglo-
Americans in Texas were quite incapable of success
fully prosecuting a war with Mexico. Any such
attempt would inevitably end in the ruin of his colony,
and the frustration of his cherished plans to people a
lovely land on a firm basis of welfare and happiness.
Moreover, he condemned the policy of the Fredonians
in associating themselves with barbarous and blood
thirsty Indians, at whose hands his settlers had suffered
the only outrages they had as yet experienced. As a
counter-effect to Benjamin Edwards' address,13 he issued
a proclamation January 22, 1827, denouncing in strong
terms the insurrection. The Fredonians, whom he
calls the "Nacogdoches madmen," were, he said, incit
ing the Indians to murder and plunder, and openly
threatening the colonists with massacre. He repudi
ated them, pronouncing them base and degraded
apostates from the name of Americans, to which they
had forfeited all title by their unnatural alliance with
Indians; and concluded by calling the people of the
colony to arms en masse, at the same time announcing
that 100 men already called out would march against
Nacogdoches on the 2Gth.14

Equally unfavorable was the reception of their ap
peals to the United States for aid. Huber, who had

13 Dated Nacogdoches, Jan. 16, 1827. Copy will be found in Id., i. 2GO-3.

14 Copy Austin's proclamation in Id., i. 260-S.

108 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

been intrusted with that mission, on his arrival at
Natchitoches represented, through the medium of the
press, the Fredonian enterprise not only as a hopeless
one, but also disreputable, and the succor that was
confidently expected from that source was withheld.
But the death-blow to this wild scheme was the deser
tion of the Indians. Many of the tribes would not
join the alliance with a people against whom they were
embittered. Mexican emissaries, too, were sent amonp'

£3

them, who, by promises and threats, allured or alarmed
them. When the time for action came they turned
against their white allies.

The rumor of the enemy's approach, which had spread
at the latter part of December, was occasioned by the
arrival of Colonel Ellis Bean 15 in the vicinity of Na-
cogdoches with thirty -five men. Finding the place
too strongly defended, Bean retired, and the Fredo-
nians, seeing no cause for immediate alarm, dispersed
to their homes, leaving Farmer with a few men on
guard. Saucedo had, however, set out from San
Antonio with about 200 men, under the command of
Colonel Mateo Ahumada, and reached San Felipe de
Austin by the 1st of January. On the 4th he issued
a conciliatory proclamation, offering peace and secure
possession of their lands to the subordinates, but his
offers were received with contempt.16 On that same
day Norris, with about eighty men, some dozen of
whom were -Americans, entered Nacogdoches with the
avowed intention of hano-mo- the Fredonians. Of the

o O

latter there were only eleven, with eight Cherokees,
under Hunter, but they boldly charged the invaders,
and quickly put them to flight, with the loss of one
killed and ten or twelve severely wounded. The Fre
donians had only one man slightly hurt. It was an

10 Bean had been made colonel for his services in the war of independence,
and also obtained a grant of land in Texas. He was one of the settlers on
Edwards' colony. He had lately returned from the Mexican capital, whither
he had gone in 1825. Mem. of Cap. W. Shaw, MS.; Y oakums Hint. Tex. i.
236.

16 Id., 249; Austin's address, in Foote, ut sup., 200.

WAR INEVITABLE. 109

insignificant affair, but the first blood in strife between
the Mexicans and Anglo-American settlers had been
shed.

Active measures were now adopted by Saucedo.
The Indians were entirely gained over, and breaking
their covenant, joined the Mexicans. Ahumada now
marched against Nacogdoches with 200 infantry, 100
dragoons, and Austin's reenforcement of colonial mili
tia.17 A small number of Fredonians had assembled
in the town, but their cause was irretrievably lost.
Hordes of recreant allies were within a few leagues
of them, ready to raise the war-cry and swoop
down upon them. Hunter and Fields, who remained
stanchly faithful, endeavored in vain to hold their
people to their pledge, and were ruthlessly murdered
for their fidelity.18 No aid from outside arrived; the
settlers, completely intimidated by the presence of
the Mexican forces and the unexpected action of Aus
tin's colonists, submitted without striking a blow, on
the promise of pardon for past offences ; and a band of
twenty Fredonian regulars was captured. Under
these circumstances, the party at Nacogdoches evacu
ated the town in despair on the approach of Ahumada,
January 27th, and sought safety in the territory of
the United States, which they entered on the 31st.19
Ahumada, yielding to the solicitations of Austin, re
leased his prisoners. This unusual clemency on the
part of a victorious Mexican commander elicited from
Benjamin Edwards a warm expression of his thanks.20

17 Tornel, Rcsena Hist. Mex., 158; Suarcz y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 85.

18 Fields was first murdered, and shortly afterward Hunter. The latter,
while wataring his horse at a creek near the Anadagua village, was shot by an
Indian. He was going, with two or three companions only — one of whom
killed him — to join the Fredonians at Nacogdoches, having failed to induce
the Indians to keep their promises. Fields was an intelligent man, and had
joined the York lodge of freemasons while in Mexico. Foote, i. 280; Y oakum,
i. 250; Cor. Fed. Mex., 31 Mar., 1827, p. 3.

19 Hay den Edwards returned after the Texan revolution, and at one time
represented his district in the congress. His brother, in 1836, was engaged
in raising a company in Mississippi in aid of Texas, but discontinued his
efforts on receipt of the news of the 'battle of San Jacinto. In 1837 he was
candidate for governor of Mississippi, but died during the canvass. Thrall's
Hist. Tex., 531-2.

20 ' Your kind, your friendly, and generous deportment towards my friends

110 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

Thus terminated an insurrection which, as far as active
operations were concerned, was a trivial affair, but in
its significance was weighty and ominous.

During the three following years the progress and
prospects of Austin's colonies were all that could be
desired. His conduct in the late abortive rebellion
had gained for him the pronounced confidence and
commendation of the supreme government,21 and he
was able to proceed rapidly with the settlement of the
new grants he obtained in 1827 and 1828. Other
colonies also showed progress. After the annulment
of Edwards' contract the territory included in his grant
was divided between David G. Burnett and Joseph
Vehlein,22 and immigrants continued to flow into that
portion of Texas. Dewitt, although his first settlers
were temporarily driven off by Indians, had laid out
the town of Gonzalez'23 in 1825, and during 1827 and
1828 he succeeded in introducing a considerable num
ber of colonists. In De Leon's grant, the town of
Victoria was founded, and La Bahia del Espiritu
Santo had developed into a town of such appreciable
dimensions, that by the decree of February 4, 1829,
it was raised to the rank of a villa, and the high-
sounding title of Goliad, or Goliath, given to it.24 On
the Brazos a flourishing settlement called Brazoria had
also sprung up.

and fellow-soldiers while prisoners of yours, entitles you and the officers
under your command to the expression of my thanks, and has insured to you
and them a distinction in our hearts that will ever separate you from the rest
of your countrymen who have oppressed us. As a foe to your country, I view
you still as a national enemy; but as a man and a philanthropist, you have
powerful claims upon my heart.' Edwards to Akumada, March 25, 1827;
Foote, i. 287.

21 Aiiastacio Bustamante, commandant general of the federal forces in the
eastern internal states, in his report to the war office, March 6th, says: 'No
pudiendo menos que hacer uiia particular recommendacion del gran me"rito
que han contraido en esta ultima Jornada. . .los estimables cuidadanos Felipe
Austin y Juan A. Williams.' Cor. Fed. Mcx., 31 Mar., 1827, p. 3.

22 Called Whelin on Austin's map. Burnet, Vehlein, and Zavala after
ward sold out to a New York company called 'The Galveston Bay Co.'
Almonte, Not. Entad. Tej., 68.

23 Named after Rafael Gonzalez, the governor pro tern, of the state.

24 Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 112. In 1827 the names of several towns in Coa-
huila were changed. San Fernando received the name of San Fernando tie

MANIFEST DESTINY OF TEXAS. Ill

Nevertheless, the attempt of the Fredonians had
opened the eyes of the national government to the
possibility that the infant giant it had adopted might
not prove a very docile member of the Mexican fam
ily, and it began to consider that, in lieu of gentle
treatment, a repressive system of education, backed
by coercion, would be necessary erelong. The cramp
was not immediately applied, it is true. Under
the liberal and non-aggressive policy of Guerrero
the colonists were left pretty much to themselves,
and redress was even vouchsafed to them in the
important matter of the abolition of slavery. But
when he was overthrown, in December 1829, and
Bustamante seized the helm, the recumbent tiger rose
and showed his teeth.

It cannot be urged that there did not exist very
forcible reasons for apprehending that Texas would
attempt to slip the leash. The designs of the United
States were too apparent to admit of a doubt as to
their expectations, and the territory was becoming
thickly settled by emigrants from them. It did not
require much penetration to foresee that this new
land would soon be overrun by these aliens if the tide
of immigration were not stopped. This increasing
population, too, was not only alien in race, but in
political principles, habits, and religion ; while it was
bound to the people it had migrated from by the ties
of consanguinity, and the prestige of a glorious histor
ical record of a young nation that had rent asunder
the bonds of oppression. It was, therefore, natural
that Mexico should entertain fears as to the future
obedience of the Texan colonists, and it was equally
natural that the latter would not tamely submit to
the imposition of fetters similar to those which the

Rosas; Rio Grande that of Guerrero; Saltillo was changed to Leona Vicario;
and Estevan de Tlascala to Villalpngin. Id., 65, 85. Filisola — i. 105 — to
wrench an anagram out of Hidalgo's name, introduces k into Goliad, spelling
it Golhiad. J. C. Beales, in Dec. 1833, describes Goliad as a wretched village
containing 800 souls. The inhabitants, almost without exception, were gam
blers and smugglers. Beaks' Journal, in Kennedy's Tex., ii. 35-(5.

112 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

fathers of most of them had helped to break. Yet in
its short-sightedness the government, under the des
potic administration of Bustamante, thought to obvi
ate a probable, but not unavoidable contingency by
adopting the very measures which were most calcu
lated to provoke a spirit of antagonism. Admitting,
as Mexican writers are eager to assert, that a great
number of settlers were adventurers who held their
lands by no better titles than those of loaded rifles,25
and that there were many advocates of annexation to
the United States, it must not be forgotten that Aus
tin's colonists — who far outnumbered all the rest
together — were not of that class. They were an in
dustrious, respectable people, who had, through dan
gers, trials, and privations, built for themselves homes
in the wilderness, and converted wastes, that were
valueless to Mexico till their arrival, into thriving
farms and plantations. They had formed a commu
nity which had been welded together in the furnace of
hardship and toil, and which had neither interfered
nor had been interfered with in political matters.
For nearly a decade they had been left alone and had
ruled themselves.26 No disposition had been made by
either the national or state legislature for their gov
ernment other than the provisional one which had
vested the political and military administration in
Austin. Crime among them was rare, and their
morality and other virtues were far above the Mexi
can standards. But they had an uncompromising
love of republican freedom, and they had confidently
expected that a republic which had based its constitu
tion on that of the United States would put in prac
tice the free institutions it proclaimed. They could
not recognize the principles of centralism in face of
the constitution of 1824. -

25 Rivera, for instance, speaks of ' aventureros de todas las naciones que se
apropiaban por si mismos los terrenos que mas las acomodaban, fundantlose en
la razon del rifle. ' Hist. Jalapa, iii. 25.

26 'Aquellas colonias, que se gobemaban a su antojo, 6 por leyes norte-
americaiias. ' Id., 27.

MEASURES IN MEXICO. 113

The evil spirit which inspired the Mexican legisla
ture to make the fatal mistake of attempting to curb
the designs of the United States, by the exercise of
oppressive measures against the Texan colonists, was
Lucas Alaman, the minister of relations under the new
government. On February 8, 1830, he laid a memo
rial before congress, in which with just reason he calls
attention to the danger Texas was exposed to of being
absorbed by the northern republic, and to the careless
ness which the government of the state of Coahuila
and Texas had shown in its neglect to see that the
colonization laws were properly carried out. Orders
of June 1827, and April 1828, respectively, providing
that no more than the number of families designated

O

in a contract should settle on the corresponding grant,
and that colonies near the boundary line should be
composed of settlers who were not natives of the
United States, had, he said, been without effect; and
he expatiated on the fact that a large number of in
truders had taken possession of lands, especially near
the frontier, without any pretension of satisfying the
formalities of the colonization laws. He then sug-

&

gested measures which he considered would be ade
quate to preserve Texas to Mexico, and which ought
to be immediately put in operation. They were, firstly,
to increase the Mexican population by making Texas
a penal settlement, the criminals transported thither
to be employed in the cultivation of the soil ; 27 secondly,
to introduce foreign colonists differing from North
Americans in interests, habits, and language ; thirdly,
to establish a coasting trade between Texas and other
parts of the republic, which would tend to nationalize
the department; fourthly, to suspend, as far as Texas
was concerned, the colonization law of August 1824,
and place the settlement of that department under the
direction of the general government; and fifthly, to

27 In 1833 a number of laws were passed with the object of colonizing
Texas with criminals and deserters. The reader can consult Arrillaga Recop.,
1832-3, 433; 1833, Apr. and May, 89, 132-7; Vail. Doc., ii. 151; Mex. Mem.
Justicm, 50-1; Id., 1833, 8-9, in Mex. Mem., 2, doc. 7
HIST. TEXAS, VOL, II. 8

114 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

appoint a commissioner to examine and report upon
the condition of affairs in the Texan colonies, as to the
number of contracts entered into and families intro
duced, the amount of land occupied, the number of
slaves in each settlement and the legality of their
importation, and the fulfilment or non-fulfilment of
existing contracts.28

Alaman's views were responded to by the subservi
ent congress, and on April 6, 1830, a law was passed
which prohibited the citizens of nations bordering on
Mexico from colonizing any of her states or territories
immediately adjacent to them. It also declared that
colonization contracts not yet fulfilled, or such as were
in opposition to this law, were forthwith suspended;
that no foreigner under any pretext whatever would
be allowed to enter the northern frontier, unless pro
vided with a passport from the Mexican consular
agent at the place of his previous residence. With
regard to colonies already established, and the slaves
introduced into them, no change wrould be made, but
the further importation of slaves was strictly forbid
den.29 These provisions were tantamount to the special
exclusion, for the future, of Anglo-American settlers,
and of them only. The law in itself was obnoxious to
the Texan colonists, and this invidious distinction made
it doubly so. It was received with out-spoken dis
satisfaction. Grievances of an oppressive character
immediately followed. The despotic government of
Bustamante did not delay matters. With the year
1830 the exemption from duties that had been con
ceded to the colonists on articles imported for their
own use ceased. This privilege had been greatly
abused, and it cannot be denied that the settlers availed
themselves of it to carry on smuggling to an extent
very detrimental to the revenue — a practice which also
had to be suppressed.

28 Inic. de Ley., in Alaman, Not. Biog., 47-56.

29 Articles 9, 10, and 11 of the decree, copy of which will be found in Du-
blan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 238-40.

MILITARY DESPOTISM. 115

Simultaneously with the promulgation of the law,
Manuel Mier y Teran, who had been appointed com
mandant general of the national forces in the estados
de Oriente, was instructed to proceed to Texas with a
sufficient force and carry its provisions into effect, as
well as establish inland and maritime custom-houses.
Accordingly, he entered the department with the llth
and 12th battalions of regular infantry, the 9th regi
ment of cavalry, the presidial companies, and the
militia of the three estados de Oriente, supported by
some artillery. A military despotism was soon in
augurated. Only the colonies of Austin, Dewitt, and
Martin De Leon were recognized, all other concessions
being suspended till the contracts had been examined
and their fulfilments verified ; titles were denied to a
great number of settlers already domiciled, and incom
ing emigrants from the United States were ordered
to quit the country on their arrival. Military posts
were established at the mouths of La Baca and
Brazos rivers, at Matagorda, Galveston, and Analiuac,
and at Goliad, Victoria, San Felipe de Austin, Tenox-
titlan, Nacogdoches, and other places; custom-houses
were established, and a war vessel stationed on the
coast.30 The soldiery distributed at these posts was
for the most part composed of convicts and the worst
class of men in Mexico,31 contact with whom was
contamination, and whose bearing was insolent and
outrageous.

Having completed his dispositions, Teran went
to Matamoros, leaving Davis Bradburn32 at Andliuac,

™Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 244-6; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 26-7;
Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tej., i. 161-5, 169-70; Mex. Mem. Guerra, 1830,
p. 3; Kennedy's Tex., i. 375-7, ii. 4-5; Larenaudiere, Mex. etGuat., 231; Hunt's
Address, 24; Willsons Am. Hist., 635.

31 In order that the reader may form some idea of the class of men from
which the Mexican troops were drawn, and the means employed to raise
recruits, I quote the provisions on these points laid down by decree of the
congress of Coahuila and Texas dated Sept. 20, 1826. 'The ayuntamientos
with the assistance of armed force will-proceed to make levies; vagabonds and
disorderly persons shall be taken in preference for military service, recruits
may be obtained by entrapment and decoy.' Articles 4, 5, and 9, in Coah. y
Tex. Leye*, 42.

32 Bradburn was an American by birth, but had served in the revolution
ary war, and had obtained the rank of colonel in the Mexican army.

116 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

at the head of Galveston Bay,33 with 150 men ; Colonel
Piedras at Nacogdoches, with 350 men; and Colonel
Ugartechea at Velasco, the post at the mouth of the
river Brazos, with 125 men. Ramon Musquiz at this
time was political chief at San Antonio de Bejar.
Braclburn was by nature a tyrant, and made himself
consipcuous as such. A series of outrages was soon
commenced by him. The local authorities were set at
naught, and military law substituted for civil jurisdic
tion; settlers were dispossessed of their lands and
property, many of them were imprisoned, and no re
dress could be obtained for thefts and robberies com
mitted by the rascally troops.

When the state congress assembled in January
1831, it declared that Jose Maria Letona had been
duly elected governor, and Juan Martin De Veramendi
vice-governor. Urgent applications had been made by
numerous settlers for the appointment of a commis
sioner to extend titles to them, and Letona, who could
do no otherwise than regard the law of April 6, 1830,
as unconstitutional, and an infringement on the sover
eignty of the state, sent Francisco Madero in that ca
pacity, with Jose Maria Carbajal, as surveyor, to put
the inhabitants of the Trinity River in possession of
their lands. The commissioner, in accordance with
the state colonization law, granted the required titles,
established the town of Liberty, and appointed an
ayuntamiento. Teran, as uncompromising a centralist
and as aggressive as Bustamante himself, seized this
opportunity to exercise his despotic power. Declar
ing that the law of April 6th was being contravened,
he ordered Bradburn to arrest Madero and Carbajal,
who were accordingly cast into prison at Anahuac.
Bradburn next dissolved the ayuntamiento at Liberty,
established one at Andhuac, and assuming the appro
priation of a large tract of country, proceeded to dis
tribute lands. All these acts were performed without

33 Anahuac was known as the port of Galveston, opened in 1825. The
island was uninhabited at this time.

COLLECTION OF REVENUE. 117

any authority from the state government; indeed,
Bradburn did not condescend even to consult or ad
vise it on the matter. These high-handed measures
were complemented by various tyrannical proceedings
affecting the welfare of the community at large, and
the personal rights of individuals.

In the collection of the customs, to the payment of
which the colonists had lately been made subject,
great disgust was caused. Not that they were op
posed to paying legitimate duties, but the offensive
steps taken to collect them provoked their ire. The
revenue officers were avowedly inimical in their prin
ciples to the interests of the Texans, and their con
temptuous bearing and arbitrary dealing, supported
by bands of armed soldiers, were doubly galling. The
tariff, moreover, was considered unreasonable. To
facilitate the collection of the custom duties and pre
vent smuggling,34 all ports except that of Anahuac,
which only vessels of six feet draught could enter, were
ordered to be closed. But the indignation aroused at
this blow at the commercial interests of Texas, and
the attendant inconvenience in other respects, was
such that on December 16, 1831, a large and angry
meeting was held at Brazoria to discuss the question.
Commissioners were sent to Andhuac to demand the
withdrawal of the order. Bradburn grumbled and
asked that time be allowed him to communicate with
Teran; whereupon threats of an attack were uttered,
and the port of Brazos was reluctantly allowed to
remain open.35

It is not surprising that, under such circumstances,
some proceedings which will not bear scrutiny were
committed or connived at by the settlers. Arms and
war material were introduced into the country from

34 It is narrated that in July or August 1830, a band of smugglers, in
order to carry on their operations unopposed, seized the administrator of the
revenue in Matagorda, and placed him in a boat under the custody of ten
men. Pinart's Col., Print, no. 214, p. 2.

35 Yoakum, i. 281-2; Ftlitsola, ut sup., i. 186; Tex. Aim., 1859, 103.

ISITYl

118 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

the United States in spite of the custom-houses.
Smuggling greatly increased, and was very defiantly
carried on. In December 1831, while the colonists
at Brazoria were under great excitement at the clos
ing of their port, the schooners Ticson (sic), Nelson,
and Sabine, under the protection of an armed band of
colonists on shore, sailed out of the harbor without
paying the custom dues they owed; and when an
attempt was made to oppose their departure, the
Mexican troops were fired at from the vessels and a
soldier wounded.36 The administrator of customs at
Anahuac, considering it convenient to remove the re
ceiver's office at the mouth of the Brazos to the town
of Brazoria, sent thither, in January 1832, the col
lector Juan Pacho to effect the change. Pacho arrived
off Brazoria on the night of the 22d, and remaining
on board, sent on shore a soldier to deliver a copy
of the ordinance to the authorities. The unfortu
nate bearer was almost beaten to death by the colo
nists, and such hostile demonstrations were made, that
Pacho, deeming it unsafe to remain on board, was
glad to land during the night and escape to a place of
security. On the 29th of the same month the Sabine,
holding in contempt Teran's orders to detain her and
put her crew on trial if she returned, boldly came to
anchor at Brazoria, with a full cargo from New Orleans,
and two cannon! Nor were the Mexican troops in
sufficient force to interfere with her. Thus mutual
aggravation widened the breach. Instances of wrongs
inflicted on individuals, and invasions of their personal
liberties, were frequent. Servants were inveigled away
by Bradburn from their masters, and made to work
without remuneration ; the surrender of fugitive slaves
was refused, and settlers were arbitrarily arrested and
thrown into dungeons.37

36 Filisola, ut sup., 184-5. Teran's letter to Austin dated Matamoros,
Jan. 27, 1832, in Id., 188-9.

BTJ

suited
5-7

MARTIAL LAW. 119

On May 15, 1832, Bradburn proclaimed all the coun
try lying within the ten-league coast reserve to be
under martial law. In the same month, almost imme
diately after the adoption of this extreme measure,
some soldiers of the presidial troops perpetrated a
criminal outrage upon a woman in the vicinity of And-
huac. The enraged settlers, knowing that no redress
could be obtained, seized a worthless fellow of their
community, who, if not an actual participator in the
deed, had connived at it,38 and tarred and feathered
him. While engaged in inflicting this punishment, a
troop of soldiers despatched by Bradburn interfered.
A scrimmage ensued, in which some shots were fired,
arid several of the colonists, amono; whom was William

O

B. Travis — who at a later date gained high renown-
were made prisoners. The captives were thrown into
dungeons, and treated with great rigor.39

This event and Bradburn's unwarrantable declara
tion of martial law having been duly reported to
Teran, who was residing in Matamoros, the latter, on
May 31st, instructed Piedras to proceed to Anahuac
and take such measures to put an end to the disturb
ances as he might deem opportune. But before the
receipt of this order, the angry colonists had taken the
matter into their own hands. Many of the settlers
on Trinity River and in Austin's colony flew to arms
and marched to Anahuac, Francis W. Johnson being
chosen thejr chief in command. The colonies were
already ablaze with the spirit of resistance, and were

8-16; Larenaudierc, Mcx. et Gnat., 232; Wilhon's Amer. Hist., 635-6; Ed
wards Hat. Tex., 186; Halliard's Hist. Tex., 58-62; Fihsola, ut sup.,i. 169-
74; Teran s Letter to Austin, in Id., 185-9; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 26-8, 81;
Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 246-7.

38 Foote states that this American committed the outrage himself. Tex.,
ii. 16. Filisola's version is that a presidial soldier perpetrated the violence,
and that the American, who lived close by, made no attempt to succor the
woman. Ut sup., i. 193-4.

39 Y oakum, with reason, remarks that the different accounts given by
Foote, Holley, Kennedy, and Dewees of the events about to be narrated are
very conflicting. But these writers, with the exception of the Englishman
Kennedy, are Americans, and all derived their information from Texan sources.
Reports and letters, however, of Ugartechea, Piedras, and Bradburn, sup
plied by Filisola, i. 205-30, throw much light on these occurrences, and en
able me to present them with greater clearness and correctness.

120 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

ripe for rebellion. A certain John Austin40 was at this
time one of the alcaldes of Brazoria. He was a man
of great energy, and not being of the type to submit
meekly to tyranny, had already obtained prominence
by his decided views and spirited conduct. On the
10th of June he joined the insurgents with about 100
men, having captured on the preceding day Lieutenant
Miguel Nieto, and a troop of cavalry sent out to re
connoitre by Bradburn, who was aware of his ap
proach. On his arrival, a demand for the release of
the prisoners was made and refused, whereupon the
settlers who had entered the town took up a position
in the buildings of the plazuela de Malinche. During
the next two or three days some desultory firing took
place, but before any effective fighting occurred an
adjustment was arranged, by which it was agreed that
the prisoners should be released if the assailants would
previously surrender their captives, and retire six
miles away from the town. The colonists were will
ing to keep their part of the compact, and setting at
liberty the cavalrymen, Austin retired with a portion
of his forces to Turtle Bayou.41 Bradburn, however,
having secured a quantity of ammunition that had
been stored in one of the houses, and had escaped dis
covery, threw his stipulation to the winds, opened fire
upon the insurgents that had remained in An.dh.uac,
and drove them from the place.

In January of this year Santa Anna had pro-

40 This Austin was not a relative of Stephen F. Austin. He was born in
Connecticut, and being of an adventurous spirit, went to sea when quite a
youth as a sailor before the mast. Having joined Long's expedition in 1819,
he was sent with other prisoners to Mexico, where he fortunately obtained
his release through the intercession of Poinsett. During his stay in the
Mexican capital he became acquainted with Stephen F. Austin, and decided
to accompany him to his colony. John Austin had great strength of charac
ter, and became an active and useful citizen. He died of cholera in. 1833.
He would have played a prominent part in the Texan revolution had he lived
to see it. Holleifs Tex., 248-50; Thrall's Hist. Tex., 496-7; Edwards' Hist.
Tex., 184; Filisola, nt sup., 195.

41 Kennedy, ii. 8; Deuxe*' Letters, 143; Filisola, i. 200-1. The latter author
states that only half of Austin's force was withdrawn. Labadie's and Francis
W. Johnson's accounts, in Tex. Aim., 1859, 30-40.

UPRISING OF THE SETTLERS. 121

nounced at Vera Cruz against the government of Bus-
tamante, and the usual war, which in Mexico follows
such revolutionary appeals, was in full blast. The
colonists were heartily sick of Bustamante's method
of administering the laws of the country, and the in
surgents, on their arrival at Turtle Bayou, drew up a
list of their grievances June 13th, and passed resolu
tions adopting Santa Anna's plan, and pledging their
lives and fortunes to support the constitution, and the
leaders who were then fighting in defence of civil
liberty. All the people of Texas were invited to co
operate with them in support of these principles.42

When Bradburn's intention not to fulfil his part of
the agreement was no longer doubtful, the settlers were
determined to enforce compliance. Knowing that it
would be impossible to take the fort without artillery,
John Austin went to Brazoria to fetch by sea the
cannon brought by the Sabine, leaving the main force
to blockade Anahuac during his absence. On his
arrival at Brazoria a public meeting was held, at which
the resolutions of June 13th were adopted, and Ugar-
techea having refused to allow the vessel bearing the
cannon to pass out of the river, it was decided to reduce
fort Velasco before making the attack on Analmac.43
Accordingly John Austin, having collected 112 men,
caused the cannon to be mounted on board the schooner
Brazoria, then at that place, and marched to Velasco.
At first some negotiations were carried on. Ugarte-
chea was apprised of the adoption of the plan of Vera
Cruz, and invited to join the settlers in his support.
On his refusal the evacuation of the fort was demanded.
This summons being also disregarded, Austin made
his dispositions to attack. The schooner, which had
dropped dow^n the river, was moored on the night of

^Holley's Tex., 323; Edwards' Hist. Tex., 185-7. In the last authority a
copy of the resolutions will he founrf.

43 On the llth of May preceding a meeting of the citizens of Brazoria was
held, at which it was proposed to attack the fort at Velasco. The proposition
was lost by only a single vote. Foote, Tex., ii. 19.

122 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

the 2Gth close to the shore, in front of the fort, about
200 yards off; and forty men, armed with rifles, were
placed on board of her and protected by a bulwark of
cotton bales. During the same night Austin with his
remaining force in two divisions approached to within
fifty yards of the redoubt on the land side, and under
cover of the darkness, and the diversion caused by the
fire from the schooner, threw up a palisade. Though
firing was kept up during the night, little harm was
done to either side ; but when day broke the affair as
sumed another aspect. Austin's breastworks afforded
him little protection, the fire from the fort was galling ;
and a violent storm of rain coming on, he was com
pelled to withdraw about 9 o'clock, while the Mexicans,
whose only gun was mounted en barbette, suffered
severely from the rifles of the besiegers. The schooner,
however, kept up the engagement ; almost every man
who showed himself at the gun or above the enemy's
parapets was struck by the unerring riflemen. The
besiegers' artillery, too, did good service, while the
Mexicans' piece was so ill-managed in its exposed posi
tion as to do little injury to the Brazoria. Due credit
must be given to Ugartechea's personal bravery. Over
and over again, as the artillerist held the linstock to
to fire the cannon, his exposed hand or arm was shat
tered, and when at last his men flinched from serving
the gun, their commandant mounted the bastion and
pointed it himself. His courage was appreciated.
His foes, respecting his gallant bearing, had the mag
nanimity not to strike him down. After a contest of
eleven hours the Mexican commander, having almost
exhausted his ammunition, hoisted a white flag, and
terms of capitulation were signed the next day, by
which Uo-artechea was allowed to evacuate the fort

O

with the honors of war, his troops retaining their arms,
ammunition, and baggage.44 They were, moreover,

44Yoakum, i. 295, incorrectly, and without authority, states that 'the
enemy were deprived of their arms. See Filisola's statement,' i. 215, de
rived from Ugartechea's report of the affair.

SUCCESS OF THE INSURGENTS. 123

supplied with provisions for their march to Mata-

moros.40

According to American authorities, the loss of the
Texans in this engagement was seven killed and
twenty-seven wounded ; that of the Mexicans, thirty-
five killed and fifteen wounded. Ugartechea, how
ever, only reports seven of his troops killed and
nineteen wounded, ten of whom were shot in the
hand or arm ; Kennedy raises the number on both
sides, assigning to the Texans eleven killed and fifty-
two wounded, twelve of them mortally, and to the
Mexicans about one half killed of the 125 men en
gaged, while seventeen "lost their hands by the fear
ful drilling of the rifle."

Meanwhile the forces left by John Austin around
Andhuac maintained a steady blockade of the place,
confining themselves to cutting off supplies and com
munication, without engaging in any active operation.
Piedras, the commandant at Nacogdoches, having
received Teran's instructions of May 31st, proceeded
thither, about the end of June, with a small escort.
On his approach he fell into the hands of the revolted
settlers, and having heard their statements, promised
that the imprisoned citizens should be released, and
Bradburn removed. Piedras kept his word. Whether
he would have done so under different circumstances
is open to the gravest doubt;46 but he saw plainly

45 Consult Ugartechea's report in Id., i. 205-16; Kennedy, i. 8-9; Foote,
ii. 20-3; Yoakum, i. 293-5; and Tex. Aim., 1872, 166-70. Dewees' account
is not only false in most particulars, but is conspicuous for absurd exagger
ations. He says that Ugartechea's force at Velasco was 1,000 men, Bradburn 's
700, and Piedras' 1,300 men; that 700 Mexicans were put to flight at Ana-
huac by 100 colonists, and that 1,300 men under Piedras on march to support
Bradburn surrendered to 17 'brave Texan lads ' ! Ugartechea, too, was cap
tured, according to this veracious letter-writer, with a large reenforcement on
Galveston island by a company of the insurgents; the garrison at Anahuac
then surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Letters, 142-3. The partic
ular letter containing this account is dated Colorado River, Texas, Dec. 1,
1832, and was consequently written only five mouths after the occurrences it
professes to describe.

40 In an official letter which he addressed to Bradburn, July 4, 1832, he
requested him to continue in command at Anahuac until the resolution of the
commandant general was known. At the same time he counselled Bradburn

124 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

that it would be impossible to cope successfully with
the insurgents Having entered Anahuac July 1st,
he assumed command on the following day, arid sur
rendered from durance Travis and his companions,
sending them to Liberty to have their cases decided
by the judicial authorities at that place. It is need
less to add that they were immediately released.
Brad burn, though requested by Piedras before his
departure to continue in command, was too offended
to comply, and the latter, having appointed Lieuten
ant-colonel Cortina to succeed him, and made other
dispositions, returned to Nacogdoches. He had
hardly turned his back, however, before the garrison
at Andhuac mutinied, and pronounced in favor of
Santa Anna. Bradburn, at the instigation of the
officers, reassumed command, and endeavored to keep
the troops to their duty at the post by recognizing
their pronunciamiento, and demanded that Cortina
should remain their chief. But it was of no use.
The troops were determined to abandon the place.
On the 13th most of them, with their officers, marched
for the south; and at nightfall of the same day Brad-
burn — who says, doubtless with truth, that after his
surrender of the command his life was in constant
danger — slunk out of Anahuac, and in disguise made
his way to Louisiana, with a guide as his sole com
panion. On his journey he escaped molestation by
saying that he was going to the United States to seek
for aid to drive the Mexicans out of Texas.47

The opinion current in the south with regard to the
revolt in Texas was that the colonists were attempting
to separate from Mexico and annex the country to the

to exercise prudence, and adopt conciliatory measures, until the government
could send a sufficient force to reduce the colonists to implicit obedience — -
' obligar a los colonos al cumplimiento de las leyes, y reclucirlos a la mas ciega
obediencia. ' Filixola, ut sap. , 222.

47 Consult the letters of Piedras and Bradburn's account in Id., i. 218-30.
Bradburn went from New Orleans to Matamoros in the early part of 1833.
He entered Texas with Santa Anna in 183(>, and being in command, in Urrea's
rear division, escaped death or capture at San Jaciiito.

POLITICAL ACTION. 125

United States. Colonel Jose Antonio Mejia was,
therefore, sent by Montezuma, the comandante at
Tampico, and who had declared in favor of Santa
Anna, with a squadron of six ships, having 400 troops
on board, to punish the Texan insurgents. Touching
at Brazos de Santiago, Mejia entered into a conven
tion with Colonel Guerra Manzanares, of the Busta-
mante party, then in command at Matamoros,48 the
object of which was to enable him to prosecute his
designs against the Texans without interruption. On
June 14th he sailed for the mouth of the Brazos
River, taking with him Stephen F. Austin, who was
on his return from the state legislature, and came to
anchor on the 16th. He immediately addressed a
letter to John Austin, enclosing a copy of the conven
tion with General Guerra, which, he said, would in
form him of the motives that had brought him to that
coast. John Austin's reply, however, showed matters
in a different light, and caused Mejia to discard his
preconceptions. The alcalde said that the enemies of
Texas constantly attributed to the colonists a dispo
sition to separate from Mexico. So far from such be
ing the case, they were not only Mexicans by adoption,
but in heart, and would remain so. He then touched
upon the causes which had driven them to take up
arms.49 Mejia and Stephen F. Austin were conducted
to Brazoria by a deputation of citizens; there they
were received by the committee of vigilance, and the
resolutions passed at Turtle Bayou on June 13th were
presented to Mejiac

In order to impress Mejia with a right conception
of tiie sentiments of the colonists, the ayuntamiento
of San Felipe de Austin instructed the subordinate
officers of the different settlements officially to con
vene the citizens, inform themselves of their political

48 Teran had engaged Montezuma 'at Tampico and had been worsted. His
want of success preyed on his mind, and he committed suicide at Padilla,
June 3d of this year, by falling on his sword. Hint. Alex., v. Ill, this series.
Copy of the convention will be found in Fiitaola, i. 250-9.

49 Edivards Hist. Tex., 18-4-5.

126 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

views, and forward reports thereon to the ayuntami-
ento without delay. This investigation made it evi
dent that under no circumstances would jurisdiction
by military power be allowed to take the place of the
civil authority guaranteed by the constitution. On
July 27, 1832, the ayuntamientos in assembly at
Austin embodied the sentiments of the colonists in
a series of resolutions. After calling attention to the
calumnies against Texas circulated by her enemies,
and attributing the late outbreak to the tyrannical
and illegal acts of Colonel Bradburn, the ayunta
mientos as a body, expressing themselves in accord
with the people of the Brazos district, pledged them
selves to adhere to the principles of the republican
party headed by Santa Anna, with no other object in
view than to aid in sustaining the constitution, and
to support the rights and privileges of the state of
Coahuila and Texas, which had been insulted by mili
tary encroachments in the colonies since 1830. They
moreover declared that the general and state con
stitutions ought to be religiously observed, and de
nounced a large standing army as a burden to the
people and a continual disturber of the public peace,
by affording the means of committing despotic acts.
Copies of these resolutions were ordered to be pre
sented to Colonel Mejla and the political chief
Ramon Musquiz, with requests that they would
respectively transmit them to Santa Anna and the
governor of the state.50

Satisfied with these expressions of loyalty, Mejia,
after visiting San Felipe and several neighboring set
tlements, sailed from the Brazos for Galveston Bay.
On his arrival at the bar he met two or three small
vessels from Andhuac, having on board a detachment
of the troops that had been stationed there. From
Subaran, the officer in command, he heard of the late
pronunciamiento in favor of Santa Anna and the flight
of Bradburn; whereupon he turned his prows toward

50 Copy of these resolutions in Id., 188-90.

REVOLUTION GAINS STRENGTH. 127

Tampico, without troubling himself about the forces
which had left that post by land.51

While Mejia was in Texas he did not fail to advo
cate the principles of the revolutionary party, and
invite the troops, stationed at the outlying posts, to
support the plan of Vera Cruz, and hasten to the seat
of war. Having no time to waste in Texas, he had
hurried his own departure, but the seed he sowed bore
fruit. The revolutionary infection spread rapidly.
Of the garrison at San Antonio, the greater portion
pronounced and marched southward ; the detachments
at Tenoxtitlan and other stations did the same; and
by the beginning of August, a general exodus of the
Mexican forces in Texas was taking place. Piedras
at Nacogdoches alone remained true to his party prin
ciples and his post. But he was not to be left unmo
lested. He had made himself obnoxious to the mer
chants in his district, by monopolizing, to his own
interest, the more lucrative portion of the trade with
New Orleans, and his officers and troops, not holding
the same pronounced opinions as himself, were restive.

As Piedras' opposition to Santa Anna was well
known, it was determined to force him to declare for
the revolution, or dislodge him. Accordingly, the au
thorities at Nacogdoches, in accord with those at Aes
Bayou and other places, collected about 300 men, who,
on August 2d, Piedras having refused to submit to
their demands, invaded the town. James W. Bullock
was in command. When the colonists had advanced
to the centre of the town, they were charged by the
Mexican cavalry, which delivered its fire and wheeled,
receiving a volley in return. Encarnacion Chirino,
the alcalde of the town, was killed by the Mexicans in
this skirmish. The Texan s now took up positions on
the north and east sides of the stone building occupied
by the Mexicans to the number of 350, and so galled
the latter with their rifles, that Piedras evacuated the

51 Filisola, ut sup., i. 231-6, 250-61, 265-8.

128 MEXICAN OPPRESSION AND TEXAN REVOLTS.

place during the night. As the retreating troops
were crossing the Anglena stream, they were fired
upon by Colonel James Bowie and a small party of
Texans who had succeeded in getting in their front.
The same night the Mexicans pronounced in favor of
the plan of Vera Cruz, and delivered Piedras up to
the colonists. Piedras was conveyed to Brazoria, and
thence sent to New Orleans, whence he proceeded to
Tampico. The troops were allowed to pursue their
march to Matamoros. According to Texan accounts
the loss sustained by the Mexicans was forty-one killed
and as many wounded, that of the colonists being three
killed and five wounded.52

By the end of August not a Mexican soldier re
mained in the Texan colonies, the only force left in
the department being a presidial troop of about seventy
men stationed at San Antonio, under command of
Colonel Antonio Elozua. This hardly sufficed to
hold in check the Indians in the vicinity of that town.
Thus was a brief period of freedom from oppression
procured by the settlers.53

5a This account of the capture of Nacogdoches is taken mainly from Yoakum,
who had before him a statement of Col A. Sterne, who was in the engagement,
Col Bullock's official report, and the journal of Asa M. Edwards, in whose
charge Piedras was placed. If 1st. Tex., i. 297-9. Eilisola's account — ut sup.,
i. 260-74 — agrees with that of Yoakum in the main particulars. He, how
ever, asserts that the Texans were repulsed at Nacogdoches, and resorted to
tampering with the Mexican soldiers, which induced Piedras to evacuate the
place. The loss of the Mexicans he places at one captain, Ortega by name,
and a few of the soldiers — 'algunos individuos de tropa; ' Kennedy gives the
loss of the Texans at three killed and seven wounded, that of the Mexicans
18 killed an.l 22 wounded. Tex., ii. 14.

53 Herewith is given a complete list of authorities for the foregoing chapters.
Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mej., 85, 244-7, 314, 395-406; Boa Bdrcena, Recuer-
dos, 643-53; Mex., Col. Dec. Sob. Cong., 172; Id., Col. Constitucioncs, i. 195-
273; Id., Col. 6rd. y Dec., ii. 203; iii. 46-7; Id., Mem. Relac., 1827; Id.,
Mem. Guerra, 1830, p. 3; Id., Mem. Guerra, 1833, p. 8; Id., Mem. Jnstida,
1831, annex 8; Texas, Coll Docs, no. 50, in Pinart, Coll.; Maillard's Hist.
Texas, 54-60, 369-71; Austin, Esposic. al Puhlico, 4; Humboldt, Essai Polit.,
ii. 155, 822; Id., New Spain, ii. 247; Mendibil, Resumen Hist., 45; Torrente,
Revol. Hisp.-Amer., i. 235-9; Oaz. Imp. Mex., i. 129-32, 268-70, 282-6, 293-5;
Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tex., i. 127-35, 204-16; Footers Texas, i. 221-92;
ii. 8-26; Dultlan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 5; Tornel, Breve Reseua Hist.,
145-6, 171-3; Id., Hist. Mex., 158; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii., supl.
no. 4; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 160-1; Id., Cuad. Hist., viii. 177-8; Arrillaya,
Recop., 1829, 73; 1834, 47-50; Kennedys Texas, i. 307, 361-4, 369-77; ii. 4-
10, 444-68; Arrangoiz, Mej., i. 125-8; ii. 196; Arizpe, Idea Gen., 1-59; Id.,
Memorial; Pike's Expl Travels, 341, 3C2-3; Whites Coll. Laws, i. 416-548;

AUTHORITIES. 129

Gac. de Hex., 1811, ii. 301-2, 319-21, 359-66, 740-2, 1199-1203; 1812, iii.
35-6; 1815, vi. 94-5; 1819, x. 1229-35; Hostel, Mex. und Gnat., 208-12;
Ramsey's Other Side, 16-17; La Nation, Oct. 14, 1856; Jays Mex. War, 12-
15; Hays' Life, 2; Revue Americaine, ii. 583-4; Lerdo de Tejada, Comerc.
Est., 21; Larenaitdiere, Mex. et Guat., 203, 230-3; Deuces' Letters from Texas,
55-72, 119-34; Houston's Texas, i. 206; Guia de Hac. Rep. Mex., iv. 30-1,
308; vi. 267-8; Lester's Houston, 45-7; Lesur, Ann. hist. univ. pour 1827,
570-1; Pena, in Mayer MS S., no. 19, p. 22; Id., Mex. Azt., i. 327; Id., Hist.
Mex. War, 43-9; Bakers Texas, 24-34, 69-76; McClellan's Repub. in Amer.,
104; La Palanca, Apr. 23, 1827; Mex., Coah. and Texas, Colonization Laiv;
Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., i. 364; ii. 370-2; Cavo, Tres Stylos, viii. 327-8; Mexico
in 1842, 156-9; La Minerva, May 8, 1845; Niles' S. Am. awl Mex., i. 261-3;
Id., Register, x. 402-4; xxvii. 270, 334; xxxi. 157; xxxiv. 334; xxxvi. 424;
xxxvii. 49, 87, 137, 168, 213, 277, 394; xxxviii. 4, 291; xxxix. 101; Mills'
Hist. Mex., 177; Nolle y' 8 Texas, 233-43, 316, 321-5; Modern Traveller, Mex.
and Guat., ii. 28-9; Berlandier, Diario Viaje, 54-9; Semanario Polit., ii. 36-
42; Moffit's Rept, in Tliontpsons Rec. of Mex., 174; Mora, Rev. Mex., iv. 109,
145-9, 169, 262-70; Jfowitt's Hi«t. U. S., ii. 343; Coah. y Tex., Leyes, passim;
Gonzales, Coleccion N. Leon, 153, 228-30; Tex. Aim., 1859, 30-40; 1860, 225;
1861, 77-82; 1868, 48-9; 1872, 166-70; Papelcs Varios, clxvii., pt 10; Cor.
Fed. Mex., Jan. 20, Feb. 18, Mcli 4, 12, 16, 17, 18, 29, July 21, Aug. 18,
Nov. 23, Dec. 8, 1827; Feb. 18, May 2, June 1, 1828; Grattan's Civilized
America, ii. 285-6; Blanchard ct Dauzats, San Jnan de Uliia, 531; Edinb. Re
view, no. 147, p. 256, 259; Patties Narrative, 290-1; Pinart's MSS., no. 7; Id.,
Col. Doc., MSS., i., no. 248; Id., Print, no. 214, p. 2; El Veracruztino Libre,
June 14, 1828, pp. 1-2; Smith's Rcniin. Texas, 27; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geo<j., ap.
i. 84; Thompson's Recoil. Mex., 174—7; Pino, Nuevo Mexico, passim; Alaman,
Notic. Bio(j., 47-56; Id., Mem. a Its Cdmaras, 29-30; Id., H'tst. Mej., ii. 26-9,
94-9, 165-89, 208, 245-6, 257-8, ap. 34-5; v. 238-9, 701-2; Hutchison's
Remin., 208-15; Cortes, Actas Ord., 1814, ii. 266; 1812, xiv. 177; 1813, xviii.
423; 1820, xi. 29-31; Almonte, Not. Est. Tejas, 14; Escalera y Liana, Mex.
hist.-descript., 13; Espiritu Publ, Nov. 24, 1828; Jan. 22, 1829; Museo Mex.,
ii. 106; Youi/y's Hint. Mex., 220; Ward's Mex., 553, 588-9; Nouv. Annales
Voy., lix. 372-5; Diaz Calvillo, Sermon, 143-6; Domenech's Miss. Advent., 20;
Id., Journal d'un Miss., 23; Rivera, Hist. Jahpa, 23-8, 81, 262-3, 342; Fournel,
Coup d'aeil sur Texas, 9-12; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vii. passim; ix. 222; Visit
to Texas, 214-17, 261-2; Bolet. Geog. Estad. Mex., ii. 20; Hunt's Address, 23-5;
Rockwell's Span, and Mex. Law, 641-52; Thrall's Hi*t. Texas, 158-202, 482-5;
Id., Hist. Methodism; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 301-2, 367-74, 383-90; Atleta, 1830,
215-16, 225-8, 289; Willson's Amer. Hist., 631-7; Bolet. #oc. Mex. Geon., ii.
6, 20; vii. 138; ix. 267; Id., 2da epoca, i. 291.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 9

CHAPTER VII.

PROPOSED SEPARATION OF TEXAS FROM COAHUILA.
1832-1835.

ARGUMENTS IN FAVOR OF SEPARATION — THE TEXAN CONVENTION — A
SECESSIONAL CONSTITUTION — POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN THE MEXICAN
CAPITAL — SANTA ANNA'S CRAFTINESS — AUSTIN PRESENTS A MEMORIAL
TO THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT — ITS RECEPTION — AUSTIN INJUDICIOUS—
His ARREST FOR TREASON — DRAGGED FROM COURT TO COURT — His
LETTER TO THE TEXANS — MAILLARD'S BOOK— SANTA ANNA DICTATOR
— AFFAIRS IN COAHUILA — TEXAS RECEIVES REDRESS— SALTILLO VERSUS
MONCLOVA — ADJUSTMENT OF DIFFERENCES — SANTA ANNA'S DECISION
ON THE TEXAN PETITION — ALMONTE'S REPORT — POPULATION OF TEXAS
— FRAUDULENT SALES OF PUBLIC LANDS — SEPARATISTS AND ANTI-
SEPARATISTS.

IN their first general attempt at resistance, narrated
in the previous chapter, the Anglo-Americans were
favored by the successful progress of the revolution in
Mexico. Had it not been for this, their triumph, if
indeed they had gained one, would have been of a
more sanguinary character. As it was, the almost
unanimous defection of the Mexican troops in favor
of Santa Anna precluded the necessity of much fight
ing, and rendered victory easy. On the appearance
of Mejia, the colonists were shrewd enough to repre
sent their late action as the practical utterance of
political principles identical with those expressed in
the plan of Vera Cruz; and that commander, appar
ently satisfied as to their loyalty, left the field to them,
being too anxious to return to the seat of the more
important struggle. Thus countenanced by a power
ful faction, relieved from the possibility of any imme
diate attempt on the part of Bustamante's government

(130)

SEPARATION DISCUSSED. 131

to chastise them, and hopefully reliant on their own
physical strength, they began to aim at the acquire
ment of an independent local administration.1

The reader will recollect that, on the formation of
the state of Coahuila and Texas, there was a proviso
in the decree, to the effect that when Texas possessed
the necessary elements to form a separate state, notice
should be given to the general congress for its resolu
tion on the matter. This was virtually an admission
that the union of the two provinces was only provis
ional, and that the erection of Texas into a state at
some future date was contemplated. The Texans
considered that the time had arrived when the fulfil
ment of this promise might be expected. This aspi-
lation was based on the extraordinary progress made
in Texas, on the fact that her interests were entirely
distinct from those of Coahuila, and were generally
sacrificed or lost sight of by the state legislature, and
that beneficial legislation could only be obtained by
disunion. In the state congress her representation
was greatly in the minority, and though the legislature
in some instances showed a disposition to be liberal,
its acts had little regard for the welfare of Texas
whenever the interests of Coahuila were concerned.
In no respect was the want of community of interests
more evident than in commercial matters. The geo
graphical position of Coahuila excluded it from mari
time trade, and its commerce was altogether internal,
whereas Texas possessed great natural advantages for
the development of an extensive commercial business
with foreign countries. In climate and industrial pur
suits, also, the contrast was equally marked, and the
productions were dissimilar. Pastoral and mining-
occupations prevailed in Coahuila; Texas was essen
tially an agricultural country, and cotton, sugar, and
cereals were being cultivated with most flattering

1 At a public dinner given to Mejia one of the toasts was: ' Coahuila and
Texas — they are dissimilar in soil, climate, and productions; therefore they
ought to be dissolved.' Edward* Hint. Tex., 187.

132 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

prospects. The limit of the production of these com
mercial staples depended only on the future prosperity
of the colonies, which was a matter of serious doubt
under the existing political arrangement. In other
respects, too, Texas labored under grievous disadvan
tages. The remoteness of the higher judicial courts
practically excluded the poorer classes from appeal in
civil cases, and gave the wealthy opportunities beyond
the reach of most litigants: while in criminal cases,

O '

the tedious process of the law, and consequent long
delays in pronouncing and executing sentence, tended
to defeat the ends of justice.

On the 28th of April, 1832, a state law was enacted
embodying the spirit of the obnoxious decree of April
G, 1830. The liberal colonization law of March 24,
1825, was repealed; Mexicans alone were allowed to
become empresarios in future, and to Mexican pur
chasers the prices of lands were reduced; natives of
the United States were excluded from becoming set
tlers, while at the same time the rights of colonists
were extended.2 Existing contracts, however, were
recognized, and in some instances the time for fulfil
ment extended. The legislature, also, with some
show of liberality, passed a law creating new munici
palities in Texas, and allowing the people to elect
their own municipal officers.

As soon as the colonists saw Texas cleared of Mex
ican troops, they began to take measures to address
the national government on the subject of their aspi
rations. In October 1832 a preliminary convention
of delegates from different municipalities was held at
San Felipe, and some discussion on the formation of
a state constitution took place. Owing to the short
ness of the notice given, delegates from several dis
tricts were not in attendance, and the convention,
after a week's deliberation, adjourned. Although
the labors of this assembly concluded with no satis
factory result, the convocation of it had neverthe-

*Coah. y Tex. Leyes, Dec. no. 190.

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. 133

less brought the question seriously before the public ;
and when a second convention assembled April 1,
1833, it was prepared to accomplish the work as
signed to it. The number and names of the dele
gates who composed this memorable convention are
not known, but among them were some of the most
distinguished men in Texan history. Stephen F.
Austin, Branch T. Archer, David G. Burnett, Sam
Houston, J. B. Miller, and William H. Wharton may
be mentioned, the last named being elected to preside.
Two important committees were appointed, the one
to frame a constitution, and the other to draw up a
memorial petitioning the general government to grant
the separation of Texas from Coahuila. Sam Hous
ton was appointed chairman of the first, and David G.
Burnett of the second.

The constitution draughted was thoroughly republi
can in form.3 It provided for freedom of elections and
universal suffrage, secured the right of trial by jury,
and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, per
sonal security, the right of petition, and freedom of
the press; treason against the state was to consist
only in levying wTar against it or adhering to its ene
mies; elections were to be held by ballot; and the
advancement of education was left in the solemn
charge of the legislature. Generally the draught was
modelled on the constitution of the United States,
certain modifications being introduced so as to adapt
it to the condition of the Mexican federation. For
instance, silence was observed on the subject of re
ligious liberty. Much discussion occurred on the sub
ject of banking; finally, a clause was inserted to the
effect that no bank or banking institution, no office of
discount or deposit, or any other moneyed corporation
or banking establishment, should exist under that con
stitution.

The memorial to the* general government was
drawn up by David G. Burnett, and ably set forth the

3 A copy of it will be found in Edwards Hint. Tex., 196-205.

134 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

position of Texas. The disadvantages it was laboring
under, which I have already mentioned, and the dis
asters attendant upon its union with Coahuila, were
forcibly delineated, and the authority of precedents in
the formation of New Leon, Chihuahua, and Durango
into states was appealed to in support of the petition.4
Stephen F. Austin, William H. Wharton, and J. B.
Miller were appointed delegates to proceed to the city
of Mexico and present the memorial to the supreme
government. Austin was the only one of these com
missioners who went to Mexico. On his arrival at
the capital he found it the scene of virulent party fac
tion and political confusion.

Affairs in Mexico had been undergoing the custom
ary vicissitudes and revulsions. No more stability
of principle is observable in Santa Anna than in Bus-
tamante. Both used the constitution of 1824 as a
clap-trap to introduce themselves to power, and then
both cast it to the winds. At the end of 1832 these
two generals, after much bloodshed, came to terms,
and agreed to unite in support of the said constitution.
Pedraza, who had been legally elected in 1828, was
reinstated and recognized as president till April 1,
1833, the date on which his term of office would ex
pire. Early in that year the elections were held, and
on March 30th congress declared Santa Anna and

O

Gomez Farias duly elected president and vice-presi
dent respectively. From this time Santa Anna's course
is remarkable for subtle intrigue and political crafti
ness, used for the promotion of his ambitious schemes.
Never appearing himself as the principal actor, or in
stigated in the strife between federalists and central
ists, he nevertheless manipulated the puppet-strings
of both parties to serve his own purpose, and ever
made use of some cat's-paw to secure the prize he aimed
at, namely, dictatorial power. Gomez Farias was the

4 Copy of this excellent memorial will be found in Y oakum, i. 469-82;
Tex. Aim., 1809, 40-50.

MOVEMENTS OF SANTA ANNA. 135

known champion of reform, and Santa Anna, absenting
himself from the capital, left it to him to introduce
innovations which he well knew would cause great
agitation, while he secretly intrigued with the bishops
and religious orders. The reform measures attacked
the interests of the two powerful elements of the
church and army, and indications of the approaching
storm were soon plainly visible. Santa Anna now
assumed his office as president — May 16, 1833 — but
in less than three weeks he again surrendered it, June
3d, to Farias, in order to march against an insurgent
force that had appeared near Tlalpam under Duran.
Ignacio Escalada had proclaimed, May 26th, in favor
of the ecclesiastical and military fueros, and called
upon Santa Anna to protect them. The wily presi
dent, hoping that in his absence a similar demonstra
tion would be successfully made in the capital, went
through the farce of a fictitious capture of himself by
his own troops under the command of Arista, who pro
ceeded to proclaim him dictator. But an attempt at
revolution in the capital on June 7th failed, owing to
the energy of Farias; whereupon this versatile in
triguer effected a pretended escape from his captors, re-
assumed his presidential authority, and for a time lent
his support to the liberal party in order to reestablish
himself in the confidence of the supporters of the con
stitution. Then he took the field again, and finally
the revolutionary army surrendered to him October
8th, at Guanajuato, and Arista and Daran with other
officers were sent prisoners to Mexico. As the only
road, however, to supreme power was the conserva
tive highway occupied by the military and ecclesias
tics, Santa Anna now changed his opinions, and
showed himself disposed to favor a reaction. Having
thus artfully again put progressionists and retrogres-
sionists against each other, under the pretext of ill
health he retired, December 16, 1833, to his hacienda
of Mauga de Clavo, leaving the leaven of his crafti
ness to ferment.5 Such is an outline of the political

5 Consult Hist. Hex., v. 122-36, this series.

136 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

events which were taking place when Austin arrived,
July 18, 1833, at the capital.

The Texan commissioner lost no time in presenting
the memorial to the government, laying before it also
other matters in connection with his mission, such as
the establishment of a weekly mail between Nacog-
doches and Monclova, and one between Goliad and
Matamoros, the modification of the customs tariff,6
and the payment of presidial troops. He was well
received by Farias and the ministers, but in the tur
moil of contending parties, August and September
passed without anything being done with respect to
Texan affairs, except that the petition was referred to
a committee of congress. At the beginning of Octo
ber the result of the civil war then raging was ex-

O O

tremely doubtful, and Austin considered it his duty
to represent in no equivocal language the true position
of affairs in Texas, and the strong feelings entertained
by the colonists. He therefore, on October 1st,
expressed the opinion to Farias, that if some remedy
for their grievances were not quickly applied, the
Texans would take the matter into their own hands,
and tranquillity would be rudely disturbed.7 This in
timation, though respectfully made, was regarded as a
threat, and the government took offence. At the
same time Austin addressed a letter, dated October
2d, to the ayuntamiento of San Antonio de Bejar, in
which, after expressing his hopelessness of obtaining
any relief in the paralyzed state of public affairs, he
recommended that municipality to lose no time in corn-

6 The petition concerning the tariff deserves attention. It requested the
national government to grant for three years the privilege of introducing free
of duty the following articles: 'provisions, iron and steel, machinery, farm
ing utensils, tools of various mechanic arts, hardware and hollow-ware, nails,
wagons and carts, cotton bagging and bale rope, -coarse cotton goods and
clothing, shoes and hats, household and kitchen furniture, tobacco for chew
ing, in small quantities, powder, lead, and shot, medicines, books, and station
ery. ' These articles, indispensable to the prosperity of the colonists, were
either prohibited, or subject to duties so high as to amount to a prohibition.
Edwards' Hist. Tex., 209-10.

7 Austin's corres., in Edwards' Hist. Tex., 211.

GOVERNMENT MEASURES. 137

municating with all the other corporations of Texas,
and exhorting them to concur in the organization of a
local government, independent of Coahuila, under the
provision of the law of May 7, 1824, even if the gen
eral government should refuse its consent.8

On the surrender of Arista at Guanajuato, however,
and the termination of the civil war, the government
had more leisure to attend to the interests of Texas.
Santa Anna convoked a special meeting of the min
isters November 5th, to consider the question of its
separation from Coahuila. Austin was present at the
deliberation, representing the interests of the Texans.
The matter was frankly and fairly discussed, and
though the government decided that the time had not
yet arrived to erect Texas into an independent state,
it expressed itself disposed to favor the pretensions of
the colonists, and promote the welfare of the province
with that ultimate object. Nor were these idle prom
ises. Several dispositions were made for the benefit
of Texas. The state government was urged to adopt
measures of reform which would procure for the colo
nists the enjoyment of just rights, both in matters civil
and criminal ; suggestions were made as to the means
which ought to be employed for the more convenient
administration of justice, and even the establishment
of the jury system was strongly recommended. Fur
ther interference did not belong to the attributes of
the general government, but it showed its friendly
inclination by abrogating the llth article of the law
of April 6, 1830, which virtually prohibited the coloni
zation of Texas by Anglo-Americans,9 and took meas
ures to meet the wishes of the colonists regarding
other matters already mentioned.

8 Austin, Expos, Asunt. Tcj., 18-20. Austin states that his object in so
doing was to prevent a popular outbreak, ' querieiido Austin con esta medida,
de pura preveiicion, evitar las fatales y funestas consecuencias que resultariaii
de un desenfreno popular. ' Id., 20. Copy of Austin's letter of Oct. 2, 1833,
in Id., 31.

9 Id., 27-8. The decree of abrogation was issued Nov. 25, 1833, but was
not to take effect till six months after its publication. Dublan and Lozano,
Ley. Mex., ii. 637.

138 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

Austin, well satisfied with the results attained, and
the manifest friendliness of the supreme powers, deemed
it politic not to molest the government by over-zeal-
ously urging the more particular object of his mission.
On the 1 Oth of December, therefore, he left the capital,
and arrived January 3, 1834, at Saltillo, where, having
presented himself to the commandant general, he was
arrested by order of the vice-president, Farias. The
cause of this was, that the ayuntamiento of San An
tonio, having received his letter of October 2d, dis
approved of Austin's recommendations, and sent the
communication to the central government. Farias
had not forgotten Austin's out-spoken utterances at
the time when this letter was despatched, and deeply
exasperated at the discovery of the commissioner's
treasonable designs, as he regarded them, he sent an
express to the different governors of the states through
which Austin would have to pass, with orders to ar
rest him.

From Saltillo the unfortunate commissioner was
sent back to the city of Mexico, where he was incar
cerated February 13, 1834, in a dungeon of the old
inquisition building. Here he was kept in close con
finement and treated with much rigor for three months,
not being allowed to communicate with any one, or
permitted the use of books or writing materials.10 His
case having been referred to the military tribunal,
that court decided that it had no jurisdiction in the
matter, and on June 12th Austin was removed to a
more commodious prison, where his treatment was less
rigorous. His case was next successively submitted
to a civil tribunal, and to the federal district judge,
but with the same result. Finally, about the middle
of August, it was carried to the supreme court of
Mexico to decide what tribunal was competent to try
him. Thus after eight months' imprisonment Austin

10 He attributes this severity to the personal animosity of Farias, which
was aroused by the plain language used by Austin at the interview he had
with him Oct. 1, 1833. Austin's corres., in Edwards' Hist. Tex., 211.

AUSTIN'S LETTERS. 139

was still unable to learn by what court his case would
be investigated.

In a letter dated August 25, 1834, Austin states
that he had long ago requested to be delivered to the
authorities of the state of Coahuila and Texas, and
that Santa Anna, who was friendly to Texas and him
self, would have already liberated him, had it not been
for representations forwarded by the state government.
These representations, it was affirmed, were founded on
statements hostile to him, made by influential Anglo-
Americans residing in Texas. It appears that Aus
tin's appointment as Texan commissioner to Mexico
had met with some opposition, on the ground, as as
serted by his antagonists, that he was "too mild and
lukewarm" on the subject of separation, and would not
display sufficient independence and firmness in support
ing the petition. That these opponents should attack
him, after the course that had been followed by him,
he could not understand, and was unwilling to believe.
He goes on to state that, in view of the fact that the
evils complained of by Texas had been remedied, those
who had previously been in favor of separation from
Coahuila were now opposed to it, inasmuch as the rea
sons which made separation necessary no longer existed.
His motto had always been, " Fidelity to Mexico,
and opposition to violent men or measures." Sum
ming up the contradictory views taken of his conduct,
he says that at one time he was abused for being too
Mexican, and at another was vilified for yielding to
popular opinion and firmly and fearlessly representing
it. Alluding to a letter addressed by him January
17, 1834, from Monterey to the ayuntamiento of San
Felipe de Austin, in which he earnestly urged sub
mission to the authorities of the state and general
governments, and that a public act of gratitude should
be expressed for the remedies obtained for many evils
which threatened Texas with ruin, he reiterates the
advice then given, with the additional recommendation
to discountenance all persons "who were in the habit

140 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

of speaking or writing in violent or disrespectful terms,
or in language of contempt or defiance, of the Mexican
people or authorities." Austin next urges the Texans
to keep clear of all political quarrels arising in the
Mexican republic, and begs them to recognize Santa
Anna, of whose friendly intentions he again makes
mention, until he should be constitutionally deposed
by the legal vote of the people. Texas, he concludes,
"had been so much jeopardized in its true and perma
nent interests by inflammatory men — political fanatics,
political adventurers, would-be great men, vain talkers,
and visionary fools — that he began to lose confidence
in all persons except those who sought their living be
tween the plough-handles." He advises the farmers
to adopt the motto he himself had always followed :
"The balance of the people, mere demagogues and
political fanatics, would disappear before sound public
opinion."11

I have drawn somewhat fully upon the contents of
this letter, for the reason that they are pregnant with
suggestions. From the statements made by Austin,
it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that Santa Anna,
under the mask of friendship to Texas and ostentatious
consideration for the commissioner, was practising his
usual plan of covert and non-compromising action.
The referring of Austin's case from court to court for
trial, the charge being that of treason, was trans
parently a trick to gain time, which, supported by fair
promises, secured temporary quiet in Texas.12 The
dictator — for such Santa Anna was at this time —
could wait, with his customary patience, for an oppor
tunity to deal with the Texan colonists as his con
venience might require. That Austin was shrewd
enough to understand Santa Anna's secret views is
much to be doubted. I am inclined to believe that
his advice to the Texans was given in all sincerity, and

II The reader is referred to a copy of this letter in Edwards' Hist. Tex.,
210-20.

l'2 Yoakum considers that Austin was heLl as a sort of hostage for the good
behavior of Texas. Hist. Tex., i. 324.

ATTITUDE TOWARD MEXICO. 141

with perfect confidence in Santa Anna's professions.
It is true that the tone of his letter displays an appre
hension of foul play at home, and a natural anxiousness
to obtain his release ; but to charge him, as Maillard
does,13 with having written what he did, solely with
the object of effecting his return to Texas, would be
an unwarrantable condemnation. Austin had too sin
cerely at heart the welfare of his colonies to allow
personal inconvenience to have weight in his judg
ment when the question to be decided was that of
peaceful prosperity or danger of ruin. He believed
that he was perfectly justified in offering advice the
reverse to that expressed in his letter to the munici
pality of Bejar, and his having given utterance to it
previous to his arrest14 is conclusive evidence that his

13 This writer says: 'Col Austin, who was himself the most crafty of the
"political fanatics, political adventurers, would-be great men, and vain
talkers," wrote in. this bland style, solely to escape from the clutches of the
Mexican government, and not with a view to restore tranquillity to Texas. '
hifit. Rep. Tex., 73. It would be hard to discover a more prejudiced and jaun
diced author than ' N. Doran Maillard, Esq. , barrister at law, of Texas. ' Being
indelicate health, he left his native England for Texas, where he arrived Jan.
30, 1840, and after a residence there of six months — during which he was for a
time editor of the Richmond Telescope, became a member of the Texan bar,
studied the character of the Texan government and inhabitants, and spent
much time in visiting different parts of the country — he deemed himself com
petent, from his personal observations and some information gathered from
public men and official records, to furnish the British public with an unvar
nished account of what Texas and the Texans really were. Accordingly, on
his return to England he published The History of the Republic of Texas, from
the Discovery of the Country to tJte present Time; and the Cause of her Sepa
ration from the Republic of Mexico. London, 1842, 8vo, pp. 512. In his
preface Maillard states that his object was to present the true origin and his
tory of the Texan rebellion against Mexico, to warn the British government
against the ratification of a treaty with a people whose existence as a nation
was owing to their own base treason, and a political juggle of Andrew Jack
son when president of the U. S., and to prevent more of his own countrymen
from sharing in the ruin and wretchedness of too many others who had
already emigrated to Texas. If a virulent exposure of all the shortcomings
of the Texans, a malicious suppression of everything that he might have said
in their favor, a wilful omission of any mention of their many virtiies, and
frequent abusive epithets applied to them, couLl gain for Maillard the accom
plishment of his hopes, he must have been eminently successful. His antip
athies are not confined to the Texans, a liberal share of his displeasure being
vented upon the United States. In keeping with his unfair treatment of the
subject is the partiality he shows to the Mexicans, whom he labors to defend,
and whose wrong-doings he hides. In a work written under the influence of
such prejudices, it is natural that carelessness as to accuracy and conclusions
glaringly false should be found. Maillard, however, does not hesitate to
arraign Kennedy on the score of want of carefulness as to facts, and dispar«
agingly speaks of his excellent work as ' two well -puffed volumes.'

u Consult A ustin, Espos. Amid. Tcj., 21.

142 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

change of opinions was due to change of circum
stances, and not to personal considerations. In other
respects Stephen Austin's letter throws light upon
the social and political condition of the colonies. We
can already realize the influx of a disturbing element
which will not rest till the annexation of Texas to
the United States has been consummated. We can
recognize the fact that a large portion of the popula
tion would be satisfied with receiving redress from
time to time for their grievances, and was content to
retain possession of the homes they had made for
themselves, and peacefully follow their pursuits, as
citizens of the Mexican republic; and we can picture
to ourselves the work of political agitators, engender
ing a spirit of antagonism to Mexico, and mark the
development of a difference of opinions which before
the war of independence divided the colonists for a
time into two parties.

But it is necessary to revert to the political events
which took place in the state of Coahuila and Texas
during this term of Austin's imprisonment, as well as
relate other subsequent occurrences which transpired
before his release and return to Texas in September
1835.

While Santa Anna was pretending to be recruiting
his health at Manga de Clavo, the reactionary party
under his secret manoeuvring and encouragement
daily gained strength. He was frequently invited to
become its leader, with the promise of unlimited power;
and considering the fruit of his intrigues at last ripe,
he returned to the capital and relieved Farias of the
executive power April 12, 1834. On May 23d fol
lowing the plan of Cuernavaca was adopted, which
denounced religious reform, proclaimed the fueros,
declared that the deputies who had passed the late
obnoxious reform laws had lost the public confidence
and had forfeited their positions, called upon Santa
Anna to uphold the constitutional safeguards, and

AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. 143

assured him of the aid of the military force at Cuer-
navaca. Acting on the strength of this demonstra
tion, the president on the 31st dissolved congress by a
coup-d'etat. But he did not rest here; state legisla
tures and ayuntamientos were disbanded, governors
were deposed, and adherents to the plan of Cuernavaca
placed in the vacant positions. Santa Anna was now
indeed dictator, and having played the despot to his
heart's content, at the end of 1834 convoked a congress
which met January 1, 1835. The privileged classes
had triumphed as he had expected ; and having suc
ceeded in converting the country into a chaotic field
of party strife, thinking it now convenient to retire,
tendered his resignation. The congress refused to
accept it, but granted him leave of absence; where
upon he withdrew to his usual retreat, the hacienda
of Magna de Clavo, and applied himself to his favorite
diversons of cock-fighting and political jugglery. lj

In August 1832, after some little excitement and
trifling disturbance, the inhabitants and military of
Saltillo had declared in favor of Santa Anna's plan of
that year, and their pronunciamiento was approved
by the governor, Jose Maria de Letona, and the ayun-
tamiento.16 But discord soon broke out in Coahuila.
In March 1833 the state congress removed the seat of
government to Monclova17 — a proceeding which gave
great offence to the inhabitants of Saltillo, who were
further exasperated by decrees disbanding the civil
force of the latter place and annulling the enactments
of April and May 1829, and April 1832, which pro
hibited foreigners from retailing goods within the terri
tory of the state. Two bitter factions were developed ;
the people of Saltillo revolted, and the legislature at
Monclova, in default of a governor, formally invested
Francisco Vidaurri with the executive power by de
cree of January 8, 1834.

15 Hist. Hex., v. 136^3, this series.
I60oah., 1832, Pinart CoL, no. 248.

17 A decree had been passed as early as Sept. 25, 1828, declaring Monclova
the capital of the state. Coah. y Tex. Leyes, 107.

144 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

Various acts beneficial to Texas were passed by this
legislature. The municipalities of Matagorda and San
Augustin were created, Texas was divided into three
departments, the new one of Brazos with San Felipe
as its capital, being organized, the English language
was permitted to be used in public affairs, and an addi
tional representative in the state congress allowed;
the privilege of purchasing vacant lands was granted
to foreigners, laws were passed for the protection of
the persons and property of all settlers, whatever might
be their religion, and freedom from molestation for
political and religious opinions was guaranteed, pro
vided public tranquillity was not disturbed.18 During
the same session a decree was passed in April providing
for a supreme court for Texas, which was constituted
into one judicial circuit divided into three districts;
the much desired system of trial by jury was also es
tablished by this law.19

These liberal measures had great effect in promot
ing temporary quiet in Texas, but subsequent events
rendered, them nugatory to prevent the revolt of the
colonists. On the last day of April the legislature
closed its sessions, and Coahuila lapsed into a miser
able state of confusion. Intelligence of the plan of
Cuernavaca caused increased agitation, and an extra
session was convoked for August llth. In July Sal-
tillo pronounced against the state government, formed

18 See decrees of March 1834. Kennedy, ii. 61, note; Yodkum, i. 319-20;
Bakers Tex., 522.

19 Thomas Jefferson Chambers was appointed superior judge of the circuit.
Chambers was a native of Virginia, a lawyer by profession, and highly talented.
In 1826 he went to the city of Mexico, where for three years he studied the
language, laws, and institutions of the country, making himself a master of
them, and obtaining his license to practise law in the Mexican courts. He
removed to the state of Coahuila and Texas in 1829, and was appointed sur
veyor-general of Texas by the authorities at Saltillo. Owing to the confusion
incident to the approaching revolution, Chambers was unable to organize the
supreme and district courts, and in 1836, when Texas was threatened with
invasion, he went to the U. S. to obtain money and men to aid in the war of
independence. In June 1837 he reported to the Texan congress that he had
sent 1,915 men, and expended £23,621 of his own money, besides selling bonds
to the amount of $9,035. His statement was approved by the congress, and
the auditor directed to settle with him. Chambers was murdered in his own
house in 1865, 110 clew ever being obtained as to the perpetrator of the crime.
ThralVs Hist. Tex., 525-6.

TWO GOVERNMENTS. 145

one of its own, and appointed Jose Maria Goribar as
military governor. At the same time all the acts of
the state legislature from the 1st of January, 1833,
were declared to be null and void.20 On August 30th
a decree was passed at Monclova by the permanent
deputation, and such members of the congress as could
be assembled, setting forth the impossibility of unit
ing sufficient deputies to hold an extra session. Juan
Jose Elguezabal was appointed governor in place of
Yidaurri, who was unable to act on account of ill
health, and the movement directed against the laws
of ecclesiastical reform recognized as national, or in
other words, the plan of Cuernavaca was adopted, and
Santa Anna acknowledged in his new robes of state
craft supremacy.21

The period designated by the constitution for the
elections arrived, and they were held under the dis
puted authority of the two rival and illegitimate gov
ernments, aggravating party animosity, and involving
the state in anarchy. Both parties prepared for
bloodshed ; but before any serious collision took place
a compromise was effected at the beginning of
November, and the leaders of the factions agreed to

/ O

refer the question of their differences to Santa Anna.
The dictator willingly accepted the position of
arbiter, and on December 2d announced the follow
ing decisions: 1. The seat of government should
remain at Monclova ; 2. Elguezabal was to continue
to act as governor until a new election; 3. A new
election for governor, vice-governor, and members of
the legislature was to be ordered for the entire state.

22

20 Edwards' Hint. Tex., 220; ArriUaga, Recop., 1835, 192.

21 El Tiempo, 14 Agosto, and 18 Set., 1834, 172, 309, where will be found
copy of decree. This proceeding was based on the 90th article of the state
constitution, which says: 'Si las circunstancias 6 los negocios que han moti-
vado la convocacion estraordinaria del congreso fiieren tan graves y urgentes,
mientras puede verificarse la reunion, la diputacion permanente unida con el
consejo y los demas diputados que se hallen en la capital, tomara las provi-
dencias del momento que scan necesarias, y dara cuenta de ellas al congreso
luego que se haya reunido.' Mex. Col de Constit., i. 22G-7. Yoakum con
siders that Vidaurri was deposed, i. 323.

'•"Copy of the decree in ArriUaga, Recop., 1835, 192-5.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 10

146 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

This arrangement proved satisfactory and new elec
tions were held. Agustin Viesca was elected governor,
Ramon Miisquiz vice-governor, and the requisite num
ber of deputies chosen.23 But the legislature did not
assemble until March 1, 1835, instead of January 1st,
and Viesca did not enter office before April.24

It will be remembered that Austin's case was sub
mitted in August 1834 to the supreme court of the
nation. That tribunal, however, never declared any
decision, nor was Austin ever brought to trial. This
anomalous course of proceeding, favorable certainly to
the accused, was due to the influence of Santa Anna,
who deemed it politic to temporize in regard to settling
definitely Texan affairs, and under the cloak of friend
ship secure the commissioner's pronounced apprecia
tion of his good-will. The dictator gained his point,
whether Austin was hoodwinked or not,25 but his con
cealed intentions are made somewhat apparent by the
decision he arrived at in October 1834.

On the 5th of that month he convoked a meeting
for the serious discussion of the Texan question. The
council was composed of the four secretaries of state,
three confidential generals, three representatives to
the national congress from Coahuila and Texas, Lo
renzo de Zavala, and Stephen F. Austin. The delib
eration lasted three hours, Austin seriously urging the
separation of Texas from Coahuila, and its formation
into an independent state, which was as strongly op-

28 Id., i. 323, 326; Edioards, 220, 231-2; La Oposicion, 1 and 11 Mayo, 1835,
106-7, 137-8; Pinart Col., Print, no. 386. Filisola states that Viesca had been
constitutionally elected Sept. 9, 1834, and that this election was ratified by the
new congress in spite of the elections ordered by Santa Anna, and Viesca 's
ineligibility under the convocation issued by Elguezabal, which provided that
no one could be a candidate who had been, as Viesca had, a deputy to the
general congress within the last two years, ii. 112-13.

24 Elguezabal resigned March 12th, and Jose Maria Cantti was appointed
governor provisionally until the votes polled in the departments of Brazos and
Nacogdoches were known. Pinart Col, Print, no. 374.

25 In a party circular addressed to the Texans in November 1834 these
words occur: 'We assure you that the feelings of the federal government,
particularly those of the president, are of the most favorable character
towards Texas. We are assured of this fact by our representative (Colonel
Austin)- ' Edwards, 227.

THE TEXAN QUESTION. 147

posed by the state representatives. Santa Anna
finally resolved : 1. That he would meditate maturely
the decree repealing the llth article of the law of
April G, 1830, and, if no objections were presented,
would give it his sanction ; 2. That a corps, composed
of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, four thousand strong,
should be stationed at Bexar, for the protection of
the coast and frontier of the country, to be under the
command of General Mejia; 3. That proper steps
should be taken to have regular mails, and to remove
all obstacles to the agricultural and other industries
of the inhabitants, " who are viewed with the great
est regard;" 4. That Texas must necessarily remain
united with Coahuila, because it had not the elements
warranting a separation, nor would it be convenient.
And though it might be allowed to form a territory,
if the inhabitants called for it, yet the dismembering
of a state was unknown to Mexican laws, and he
would be at a loss how to proceed.26

These decisions make it evident that the president's
policy was to occupy Texas with such a military force
as he might consider sufficient to hold the colonists
under control, and compel subjection to whatever
change he might choose to make in the liberal meas
ures temporarily adopted. No reference whatever
was made to the petition on the subject of the tariff,
and the offer to form Texas into a territory was a sop
containing more gall than honey. Texas as a terri
tory would assuredly be more subject to the rule of
the national government than as a portion of an in
tegral state. Of this the colonists were aware, and
they were opposed to a change which would leave
their interests in a more questionable position.27 With

26 Yoakum, i. 325-6. Victor Blanco to the Governor of Coahuila and Texas,
October 6, 1834, is quoted by this writer as his authority. Texas Col. Doc.,
PinartCol, Print, no. 48.

27 Austin in a letter dated Mexico,' March 10, 1835, says: ' The territorial
question is dead. The advocates of that measure are now strongly in favor
of a state government; and that subject is now before congress. A call has
been made upon the president for information on the subject; and I am
assured the ^resident will make his communication in a few days, and that

148 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

regard to the decision that Texas did not possess the
elements to warrant its formation into an independent
state, it is undeniable that this was a fact, for it was
wanting in the most important requisite, namely, pop
ulation. The eleventh article of the constitution of
1824 provides that the states shall send to the
national congress one deputy for each 80,000 inhab
itants, and for any fraction of that number exceeding
40,000.28 How, then, could the Texans claim that
they were properly qualified to constitute a state
when their population did not amount to the last-
named figures ? 29

it will be decidedly in favor of Texas and the state. ' This was regarded as
' agreeable information. ' Edwards, 241.

**Mex. Col Comtttuc., i. 38. It is true that this clause is added: 'El
estado que no tuviere e^ta poblacion noinbrara sin embargo un diputado; ' but
this had regard only to existing states. It was plainly intended that a terri
tory or province elevated, in the future, to the rank of state should have at
least 80,000 inhabitants.

29 In the spring of 1834 Col Juan Nepomuceno Almonte was sent by the
supreme government to Texas to report upon its condition. He returned in
the beginning of November of the same year. Almonte places the civilized
population of Texas at 21,000, estimated as follows: the department of Be jar,
4,000; that of Brazos, 8,000; and that of Nacogdoches, 9,000. Pie estimated
the number of Indians at 15,300, of whom 10,800 were hostile. His tabular
form, no. 4, is interesting, as supplying a list of the municipalities and pueblos
existing at that date. The department of Be" jar contained four municipal
towns, namely, San Antonio, Goliad, San Patricio, and Guadalupe Victoria;
that of Brazos contained five, to wit, San Felipe, Columbia, Matagorda, Gon
zalez, Miua, and the pueblos Brazoria, Velasco, Bolivar, and Harrisburg;
and that of Nacogdoches four municipalities, Nacogdoches, San Augustine,
Liberty, and Johnsburg, with the piieblos Anahuac, Seville, Teran, and
Tanaha. In January 1835 Almonte published his report, or such portion of
it as was expedient, under the title of Noticia Estadistica sobre Tcjas, Mexico,
1835, 16mo, p. 96, 4 tables, 2 11. The total amount of the export and import
trade of Texas he calculated at $1,400,000, as expressed in the following table:

Imports. Exports. Totals.

Bejar $40,000 $20,000 $00,000

Brazos 325,000 275,000 600,000

Nacogdoches 265,000 205,000 470,000

Approximate value of contraband trade with the interior through

the ports of Brazoria, Matagorda, and Copano 270,000

§1,400,000

Kennedy, ii. 81, classifies this report as 'brief and superficial;' but he
does justice to it as affording ' the proudest testimonial to the fearless and
persevering spirits who first rendered the golden glebe of Texas tributary to
the enjoyments of civilized man.' This author considered that Almonte's es
timate of the population of Texas was underrated, and that the numerical
strength of the Anglo-Texans was probably 30,000, exclusive of 2,000 negroes.
Id., 79-80.

LAND FRAUDS. 149

While the colonists were thus endeavoring to pro
cure a separation from Coahuila, the state legislature,
anticipating the possibility of such a result, seems to
have resolved to make what profit it could out of the
waste lands of Texas. In order to realize quickly, it
showed itself alike indifferent, to the value of the lands,
the prices obtained for them, and to whom the pur
chasers might be. Numerous sales of immense tracts
were made to New York and Coahuilan speculators
at extremely low figures, the purchasers having no
other view than to resell at a profit. Naturally the
Texans regarded such squandering of their unoccupied
domains — which, in fact, constituted the future capital
of Texas — as an alienation that was simply robbery,
and redolent of legislative corruption. But the climax
of these fraudulent proceedings was the sale, in March
1835, of 400 square leagues for the insignificant sum
of §30,000.30 This appropriation of the waste lands
of Texas was most distasteful to the supreme govern
ment, which had in contemplation the purchase of the
frontier lands for the purpose of establishing thereon
Mexican colonies, especially of a military character.31
It therefore declared, by decree of April 25, 1835, the
sale of those lands, except to the general government,
to be null.32

When the result of Austin's mission became known,
early in 1834, the desire for immediate separation from

30 That is at the rate of little more than one cent and a half per acre. This
tract of land was an appropriation that had been made by decreo, March 26th
of the previous year, to provide for a body of militia to prevent Indian depre
dations on the frontier. The militiamen were never called out, and the lands
fraudulently sold. Consult Edwards, 232; Yoakum, i. 320-1; Kennedy, ii. 83-4;
Coah. y Tex. Leyes, Dec. no. 272; La Oposicion, 1835, 242; Cor. Atlant., May
9, 1835, 9.

31 See decree of Feb. 4, 1834, in Arrittaga Recap., 1834, 47-50.

32 Copy of the decree, as well as that of the legislature of Coahuila and
Texas, authorizing the sale, will be foiind in Arrillaya, Recop., 1835, 145-6;
Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 42-3; Merctirio del pt. de Matamoros sup.,
in Tex. Col. Doc., Pinart Col, Print, no. 60; Pinart Col., Print, no. 389. Some
writers regard these land frauds and land jobbing as the ground-work of all
the troubles which befell the colonists, and were made the first excuse for re
volt. See Jays Mex. War, 17-18; Quart. Rev., Ixi. 333-5, 340-1; Maillard's
Hist. Tex., 77.

150 PROPOSED SEPARATION.

Coahuila was generally allayed, but the anarchical
prostration into which Coahuila fell soon strengthened
the separatists, while Austin's subsequent letters had
a softening counter- effect. Thus there were among
the Anglo-Texans two political parties, one of which
advocated separation at all hazards, the other being
favorably disposed to maintain the union under a
federal system of government. When, however, the
party strife in Coahuila left the state absolutely with
out a government, a number of influential Coahuilans
met in council with the inhabitants of Bejar, October
13th. The overthrow of the federal constitution and
the distracted state of Coahuila were discussed, and an
address issued to the inhabitants of Texas, exhorting
them to deliberate with those of Bejar as to the best
means of rescuing the country from the chaos of con
fusion which overwhelmed it. The majority of the
Texans were still ready to unite with the Coahuilan
constitutionalists in the reconstruction of the state
government, but the more eager separatists thought
the time propitious to call upon the people to adopt
an independent government. Accordingly, under the
auspices of the political chief of Brazos, an address was
issued, October 20th, urging the Texans to organize —
not without a hint at total independence as the ulti
mate object — to avoid the " threatened labyrinth of
anarchy, military misrule, and final ruin," and leave
"her unnatural sister" to " quietly enjoy the blessings
of anarchy." Let the separation caused by the " wil
ful and unlawful " acts of Coahuila be perpetual.

The grand central committee — which had been, it
appears, established by the convention for the purpose
of guarding the people of Texas from danger — replied
to this inflammatory appeal by issuing a counter-ad
dress early in November. The answer sets forth that
the publication of the political chief of Brazos was
revolutionary in its character, by proposing "a separa
tion in a manner contrary to the letter and spirit of
the state and federal constitutions," and would draw

ADDRESSES. 151

down upon Texas the wrath of Loth governments.
Austin's letter, already quoted, had not been without
effect, and his exhortations to peace are repeated with
a recital of the measures that had been adopted by
both the national and state legislatures for the especial
benefit of Texas. As a further inducement to refrain
from disturbing the present prosperity and content
ment of the mass of the people, Austin's position in
Mexico is brought forward, and his constituents are
exhorted not to throw obstacles in the way of their
agent's release from durance, or endanger his life by
creating further difficulties. Referring to obnoxious
laws, " when have the people of Texas," it is asked,
"called upon the government for any law to their ad
vantage, or for the repeal of any law by which they
were aggrieved, but what their requests have been
complied with ? " Tardily, it is admitted, but the great
distance from the capital, the state of war in the coun
try, and the uncertain communication explain the
causes of this delay.33 This address counteracted the
effect of the inflammatory appeals of the separatists,
and the differences between Saltillo and Monclova
having been adjusted soon after, the agitation sub
sided. Tranquillity followed, and for a brief period
confidence seemed restored in Texas.

33 Copies of these addresses in Edwards, 220-31.

CHAPTEK VIII.

EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.
1835.

COAHTJILA AND TEXAS PROTESTS — THE STATE LEGISLATURE DISBANDED — GOV-
ERNOR VlESCA ARRESTED — TENORIO EJECTED FROM ANAHUAC — POLITICAL

FENCING — ZAVALA — AGITATORS FROM THE UNITED STATES — PUBLIC
MEETINGS — ARREST OF ZAVALA AND SETTLERS ORDERED — AFFAIR OF THE
CORREO AND SAN FELIPE — COLUMBIA'S CALL FOR A GENERAL CONSULTA
TION — AUSTIN'S RETURN — His SPEECH AT BRAZORIA — PREPARATIONS FOR
WAR — GENERAL Cos ARRIVES AT BEJAR — A DISPUTED CANNON — THE
AFFAIR AT GONZALEZ — WAR-LIKE ENTHUSIASM — A PERMANENT COUNCIL
ESTABLISHED — AUSTIN TAKES THE FIELD — CAPTURE OF GOLIAD — UNITED
STATES SYMPATHY — LAND FRAUDS — THE CONSULTATION ASSEMBLES — ITS
LABORS — ORGANIZATION OF A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

WHEN it became evident that the party now in
power intended to establish a central form of govern
ment, attempts at opposition were made by the feder
alists in several of the states, but the centralists
triumphed on each occasion. Coahuila and Texas
and Zacatecas alone resolved to adhere to the consti
tution of 1824. In April 1835, the legislature of the
former state addressed an energetic protest to the gen
eral congress against the course that was being pur
sued by it. Citing the 47th, 48th, 49th, and 50th
articles of the federal constitution, which clearly define
the powers of the general congress,1 the state "protests,
in the most solemn manner, that, having been received
into the confederation by virtue of the fundamental
compact, and on the principles therein established, it
does not, nor ever will, acknowledge the acts emanating

lMex. Col Constitut., i. 48-53.

(152)

AFFAIRS AT SALTILLO. 153

from the general congress which are not in strict con
formity with the express tenor of the above-cited arti
cles ; nor will it admit other reforms of the constitution
than those made in the manner therein prescribed ; on
the contrary, it will view as an attempt against its
sovereignty every measure in opposition to these
legal dispositions."5

Meanwhile, Zacatecas had been declared to be in a
state of rebellion. Her attitude was sufficiently de
fiant. On March 31st a decree was passed by the
federal congress, ordering the states to reduce their
militia to the ratio of one militiaman to each 500 in
habitants and disband the remainder. The national
government would take possession of the surplus arms,
paying the owners indemnity for them.3 Such a law
carried into effect would place the states entirely at
the mercy of the government. Zacatecas flatly re
fused to obey, and immediately flew to arms. It was
necessary to chastise her, and in April Santa Anna,
at the head of between 3,000 and 4,000 men, marched
against the rebellious state. On May 10th a sanguin
ary battle was fought near the state capital, and the
Zacatecans completely crushed.

At this time General Martin Perfecto de Cos was
commandant general of the eastern internal provinces,
and received orders to take action about the late
fraudulent land sales. Coahuila was again a house
divided against itself. Saltillo, in February or early
in March, had resumed the old quarrel with Monclova
and revolted, petitioning the general government to
declare null elections which had not been conducted
in conformity with the plan of Cuernavaca.4 The
decree of March 14th authorizing the sale of the
lands affording a pretext, the Saltillo deputies retired
from the legislature, protesting against the passage of
it. Governor Cantii called out the militia, and pre-

•2 Kennedy, Tex., ii. 85-7; Footc, Tex., ii. 57.
3 Copy of decree in Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 38.
* Cor. Atlant., June 6, 1835, 42. It would appear from this that the elec
tions ordered by Santa Ajina had not been legally conducted.

154 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

pared to enforce obedience. Cos, being appealed to,
supported Saltillo, and declaring that city provision
ally the capital, ordered a company of presidial troops
stationed at Saltillo to enforce his decision and dis
band the militia at Monclova. When the legislature
heard of this, it issued a decree, April 7th, authoriz
ing the governor to oppose the entry of the presidials
into the city. Matters were assuming a serious as
pect, but on the 14th Viesca entered office as gov
ernor, and recognizing the gravity of the situation —
which now involved a contest with federal troops — he
induced the legislature to revoke the decree, and dis
banding the militia, allowed the company from Sal
tillo to enter Monclova.5

The action of the legislature had roused the anger
of General Cos, and he issued an address denouncing
it for alienating the public lands, and refusing quar
ters to government troops ; he regarded the maintain
ing a permanent local militia as an indication of a
meditated insurrection, and threatened to put down
by force the 'revolutionists,' as he called them, if
they did not speedily reform their 'criminal acts.'6
Viesca's action precluded the necessity of carrying
his threat into execution. The legislature, after de
creeing that the seat of government might be changed
to such place as the governor might select, adjourned
April 21st, but not before it had framed the above-
mentioned protest. " Thus closed forever," says Yoa-
kum, "on the 21st of April, 1835, the legislature of
Coahuila and Texas."7

Yiesca, disregarding the threats of General Cos,
with the object of reducing Saltillo to obedience,
again called out the militia, but was immediately
ordered in peremptory terms not only to disband them,
but to disarm them. He decided to move the seat of
government to Bejar, and instead of obeying orders,

5 Filisola, Mem. Hist. Otter. Tej., ii. 111-13.

6 Kennedy, ii. 89; Tex. Col. Doc., Pinart Col, Print, no. 64.

7 Hist. Mex., i. 335-6, this series.

THE GOVERNMENT QUESTION. 155

left Monclova May 25th, with the archives, escorted
by 150 militiamen and about twenty Anglo-Texans.
Having proceeded as far as the hacienda de Her-
manas, he was alarmed at hearing that orders had
been sent to the military commander at the presidio
of Rio Grande to oppose his crossing the river; and
thoroughly disheartened, he returned to Monclova,
disbanded the militia, and decided to await events.
But his fears got the better of him, and in company
with Colonel Milam, Doctor John Cameron, and some
officers of the state government, he attempted a secret
retreat to Texas. The party was captured in a moun
tain pass by the forces under Cos, and sent prisoners
to Monterey. Here Milarn escaped. Orders having
arrived to transfer the captives to the dungeons of
San Juan de Uhia, they were fortunate enough to
effect their escape on their transit to Saltillo, and
eventually reached Texas. The state authorities
were deposed by the general government, and all the
decrees of the late session annulled. Those members
of the legislature who remained in Coahuila were
arrested and banished.8 Jose Miguel Falcon was
appointed governor, but was removed August 8th,
and succeeded by Rafael Eca y Muzquiz.9

The questions which the Texan s had to decide,
now that the legislature had been deposed, was
whether to submit to Santa Anna and the rule of a
governor appointed by him, or establish a govern
ment of their own. Opinions on the subject were
divided, and at first the peace party dominated. In
different municipalities committees of vigilance and
safety were established, and meetings held to dis
cuss the position of affairs. But these steps were
only of a preliminary character. In June an event
occurred which complicated matters, and by affording

*Filisolo, ut sup., ii. 115-17; Kennedy, ii. 89, 90; Yoalcum, i. 336; Roa
Bdrcena, Recuerdos, 12; Tornel, Tej. y Estad. Unid., 55; Edwards, 232-3.
9 Texas, Col Doc., Pinart Col, MS., no. 43.

156 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

the Mexican government just ground for taking de
cided measures, hastened the approaching crisis.

Captain Tenorio with twenty Mexican soldiers had
been stationed for some time at Andhuac to guard
the port against smuggling, and afford protection to
the collectors of the customs. He had often been
annoyed and harassed by the opposition offered by
the merchants of that place to the payment of the
high duties upon imports, and riotous demonstrations
had lately occurred. To such an extent had these
disturbances arrived, that on June 1st the ayunta-
miento of Liberty issued an order enjoining observ
ance of the peace, and calling upon all officers, civil
and military, to aid in sustaining the revenue officials
at Andhuac and Galveston. But this order had DO
effect. Shortly afterward William B. Travis and
about fifty armed Texans attacked and disarmed
Tenorio and his men, who being driven from the
town retired to San Felipe. This high-handed pro
ceeding was condemned by the municipality of Lib
erty and the central committee.10

Cos meantime had addressed from Matamoros a
conciliatory circular, dated June 12th, in which he
maintained that the government in its views with
respect to Texas was guided by justice and paternal
regard ; but at the same time a courier was despatched
to the commandant at Andhuac, informing him that
a strong force would shortly be sent to Texas. The
despatch was intercepted,11 and its contents excited
public feeling to a high degree.

On June 22d a meeting of the war party was held
at San Felipe. The news of Viesca's capture had
lately arrived, and it was proposed to effect his rescue
and expel the Mexicans from Bejar. This bold prop-

10 Edwards' Hist. Tex., 235-8, 240; Tex. Col. Doc., Pinart Col, nos 16,
21, 28, and 42, MS. Edwards, page 238, states that Tenorio arid his men
were ordered ' to be seen in San Felipe as soon as God would let them. ' They
were well treated at San Felipe and assisted on their way to Be"jar, their arms
being restored to them. Yoakum, 337, 341.

11 Tex. Col. Doc., Pinart Col, nos 37, 38, 44, and 62, MS.; Edwards, 240;
Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tej., ii. 127.

WAR THREATENED. 157

osition not meeting with the favor of the peace party,
another, equally audacious, was made. Ramon Mus-
quiz, the ex-vice-governor, was at Bejar, and expressed
himself ready to act as governor if the colonists would
sustain him. It was proposed to take possession of
that town and install Musquiz, who was to appoint
land commissioners to extend titles to the settlers.
Several municipalities supported these views, while
others denounced the proceedings of the meeting as
tending to plunge the people into a hopeless civil
war.12 When this revolutionary step became known
to General Cos, he issued a proclamation, July 5th,
declaring that the inevitable consequences of the war,
which would result from any attempt to disturb the
public peace in favor of the state authorities lately
deposed, would be visited upon the persons and prop
erty of the disturbers of tranquillity.13 About the
same time, July 15th, an address of a soothing tenor
appeared from Colonel Ugartechea, then in command
at Bejar with 500 men.14 Ugartechea possessed many
good qualities, was not unpopular among the Anglo-
Texans, and would have averted the coming storm.
Referring to false information which had been spread,
to the effect that it was the intention of the govern
ment to send troops to dispossess the colonists of their
lands, he states that the object of the authors of the
reports was no other than " to prosper by means of a
revolution ; " and he assures the settlers that " they
have nothing to fear from the introduction of troops ;
as this measure would have no other object than that
of placing them as detachments at the ports, to pre
vent the smuggling trade which is carried on with
impunity by adventurers, and likewise to prevent the
incursions of the Indians."15

12 Yoakum, i. 339-40; Tex. Col. Doc., nos 18, 31, MS., and no. 47, print.

13 Id., no. 17, MS.; Edwards, 245. .

u He had been sent to B«5jar with this force by Cos, ostensibly to collect
the revenue, but Thrall, page 200, is in error in stating that he arrived in July.
See Yoakum, 338.

15 Proclamation in Edwards, 246-7.

158 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

Nor can it be denied that any means were omitted
by the war party to fan the flame of rebellion. The
majority of the settlers were still peaceably inclined,
and would have remained so but for the excitement
aroused by inflammatory addresses and exaggerated
representations, hard to controvert, of the dire enmity
of the government. The finger of warning was pointed
to the spectre of despotism and oppression, not only
by their own countrymen, but by prominent Mexicans.
Many of the fugitive authorities from Coahuila were
among them ; Lorenzo de Zavala, late governor of the
state of Mexico, had fled from the tyranny of Santa
Anna and sought an asylum in Texas ; 16 and Viesca,
just before his fall, had addressed the Texans in such
words as these : " Citizens of Texas, arouse yourselves,
or sleep forever ! Your dearest interests, your liberty,
your property — nay, your very existence — depend
upon the fickle will of your direst enemies. Your de
struction is resolved upon, and nothing but that firm
ness and energy peculiar to true republicans can save
you." The war party was not slow to take advan
tage of such language and the impression it made.
Agitators preached about liberty and patriotism, op
pression and ruin, spreading alarm with one breath,
and rousing the spirit of resistance with the next.
Now, these agitators represented outside interests,

16 Zavala arrived in Texas early in July. He was born in Merida, Yucatan,
1781, where he was educated and practised as a physician till 1820, when he
was elected deputy to the Spanish cdrtes. On his return he was first made
deputy, and then senator, in the Mexican congress. In March 1827 he was
governor of the state of Mexico, which office he held till the revolution of
Jalapa in 1830, which forced him to leave the country. In 1833 he was again
elected to congress, and also governor of the state of Mexico, the house pass
ing a unanimous resolution permitting him to hold both positions. Zavala
was appointed minister to France in the following year, but resigned his posi
tion as soon as he perceived the direction toward centralism which the party
in power was taking. He was too liberal a republican and too honest in his
principles to take part in the overthrow of the federal constitution. He served
his country faithfully, but on his retirement to Texas he was stigmatized as
a traitor and vagabond. Zavala was the author of two works, Ensayo Histo-
rico de las Revoluciones de Mexico, and Viaye d los Estados Unidos, mention of
which has been made in another volume — Hist. Mex., v. 88, this series. Pre
fixed to the latter work will be found his biography, written by Justo Sierra
of Merida. Zavala died at Lynchburg, Texas. Nov. 15. 1836.

" Edwards, 234.

PARTY MEASURES. 159

those of land speculators in the north of the United
States, and those of the slave-holders in the south;18
and when it is borne in mind how tenaciously both
classes pursued their object, and what powerful allies
they had in their work of wresting Texas from Mex
ico — the antipathy of race, the contempt of the Anglo-
American for the Mexican, and the jarring relations
between the two races in the social, civic, and indus
trial phases of life — it is not to be wondered that the
firebrands thrown broadcast by their agents lighted
the blaze of rebellion. And so it was. Before long
all the colonists deeply compromised themselves; so
far, indeed, that the only alternative was war or an
abject submission to an offended power. The liberty-
loving Anglo-Texans were not likely to choose the
latter.

The war party naturally expected that any insub
ordinate act would be regarded by the government in
the light of a general expression of feeling; but both
the peace party and the Mexican commanders rec
ognized the fact that if a revolt occurred it would
be more the result of operations directed from the
United States than actual inclination on the part of
the mass of the colonists.19 Yet the loss of Texas,

18 The reader is referred to a pamphlet of 32 pages, entitled, The Origin
ar)d True Causes of the Texas Insurrection, Commenced in the Year 1835, repub-
lished in Phil, in 1836 from the Phil. National Gazette. The author, who
writes under the nom de plume of Columbus, states that the easy terms on
which lands were obtained in Texas, and the liberal exemption from duties
granted to the colonists, were abused and made avail of as a means of smug
gling. Many foreigners took up lands exclusively for the purpose of supply
ing the natives with contraband goods. When the time approached for those
who had taken up large grants to fulfil the condition of colonizing them or
giving them up, great efforts were made to throw any kind of population into
the districts. The establishment of an independent government for Texas
would be an effectual way of legalizing all grants, and strenuous efforts were
made to obtain it. When this failed, the colonists, feeling themselves too
weak to compete with the power of the republic, declared for the constitution
of 1824, in the expectation that Coahuila and the contiguous states would
unite with them. The writer goes on at some length to show that a number
of the grievances set forth in the Texan declaration of independence did not
exist, but his main object is to prove .that the revolt was not so much the
deed of the actual settlers as of the land speculators and slave-holders in the
U.S.

19 Gen. Cos, in a letter to the gef e politico of the department of Nacog-
doches, July 12th, attributes the disturbances in Texas to the acts of aliens

160 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

already foreshadowed, was feared by the Mexican
government, and in its anxiety it took the very steps
to alienate the peace party and hasten the crisis.

During the month of July the agitation increased.
The inhabitants could no longer doubt that Santa
Anna's intention was to establish a military yoke in
Texas, arid numerous meetings were held, both of a
conciliatory and contrary spirit. Committees of safety
were organized in all the municipalities during this
and the previous month, and these now applied them
selves with ardor to the discharge of their duties.
On July 17th representatives from the jurisdictions
of Austin, Columbia, and Mina met in council at San
Felipe to discuss the condition of affairs.20 The in
clination of this convention was pacific ; and a concili
atory letter, denouncing the late outrage at Anahuac,
was addressed to Ugartechea; but at the same time
the opinion was expressed that, if troops were sent
into Texas in any great number, a union of all parties
would be the consequence, and a fierce civil war fol
low. Very different were the meetings held on the
19th at Rio Navidad and Guadalupe Victoria, at
which warlike resolutions were passed, and Santa
Anna's arbitrary acts condemned.21

Thus at this time the balance was still somewhat
equally poised ; but the scale soon turned. When the
Mexican authorities heard of Zavala's arrival in Texas
an order was issued for his arrest.22 But it was not
the intention of the authorities to stop here : they

and political intrigants. Tex. Col. Doc., MS., no. 36. See also the procla
mation of Wylie Martin, the political chief of Brazos, counselling moderation
and peace. Id., no. 35, and A rrillaga Recop. , 1835, 574-6.

20 The delegates from Columbia were John A. Wharton, James F. Perry,
Stirling McNeil, James Knight, and Josiah H. Bell; from Austin: A. Somer-
ville, John R. Jones, Wylie Martin, Jesse Bartlett, and C. B. Stewart; from
Mina: D. C. Barrett. Wylie Martin was chosen president, and Stewart
secretary. Yoakum, i. 340.

21 Tex. Col. Doc., nos 10 and 17. These resolutions were sent to the
political chief of Brazos.

22 Cap. Tenorio presented it July 24th to Wylie Martin, political chief of
Brazos, who refused to comply with it, on the ground that having received no
order from the government, his civil capacity did not admit of his doing so.
Yoakum, i. 344.

COS' PROCEEDINGS. 161

wanted also to lay their hands on the ringleaders of
the hostile party, and on those who had taken a lead
ing part in the affair at Andhuac. On July 31st
Ugartechea issued r, circular order to the alcaldes of
the municipalities to make every effort to secure the
persons of Johnson, Williamson, Travis, Williams, and
Baker; at the same time he threatened to send a suffi
cient force to effect their capture if those officers failed
to execute the order. Yet fail they did; and a report
being spread of the departure of the prescribed persons
for the United States, the matter rested. When this
demand for the arrest of prominent colonists became
known, a far more bitter feeling was developed in the
peace party, and the war party was strongly reenforced.
Events were occurring at Andhuac, too, which aggra
vated the spirit of war.

When Cos became aware of Tenorio's ejection from
that port, he sent thither in July the schooner Correo,
Captain Thompson, to protect the revenues. Thomp
son was somewhat of that buccaneering stamp for
which Galveston Bay had previously been famous, and
his main object was to make a fortune.23 Accordingly,
he proceeded in a high-handed manner, and in violation
of orders. He bullied the citizens and traders at
Andhuac, threatened to burn the town, and in August
captured the American brig Tremont, engaged in the
Texan trade. Such action intensely exasperated the
settlers. He now kept a sharp look-out for the San
Felipe?* Captain Hurd, expected at Brazoria from
New Orleans. On September 1st Hurd arrived off
the mouth of the river Brazos, and the Correo at eight
o'clock in the evening came up, and without warning

23 He was an Englishman by birth, and of unprepossessing appearance.
Washington Stiles, in the trial of Thompson at New Orleans for piracy, swore
chat Thompson said that if he could capture two American vessels, the Tre-
mont and the San Felipe, his fortune 'would be made, and he would stop.
Wmthrop, Report of the Trial of Thomas M. Thompson, 3, 16. Stiles was one

of the crew of the Tremont.

24 Yoakum, i. 356, states that this vessel was purchased and armed at New
Orleans expressly to capture the Correo — a questionable assertion.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 11

162 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

fired into the San Felipe. An engagement followed,
which lasted for three quarters of an hour, when
Thompson drew off. In the morning the San Felipe,
taken in tow by a small steamboat, the Laura, went in
pursuit of the Correo, which was almost becalmed
about six miles off. The Mexican captain surrendered
without further fighting. The vessel was sent to New
Orleans, where Thompson was tried for piracy.25

At the convention held at San Felipe, July 17th,
Wharton had proposed to call a general council of the
people of Texas ; but the motion had been voted down,
inasmuch as such a step could not fail to be regarded
by the Mexican government in a rebellious light. On
August 15th a great meeting was held at the town of
Columbia, and a committee of fifteen persons appointed
to prepare an address to all the municipalities of Texas,
urging them to cooperate in the call for a consultation
of all Texas. The address was drawn up and sent to
every jurisdiction. It requested that each one would
elect five delegates, and that the consultation should
convene October 15th at the town of Washington,
situated on the Brazos River some miles above San
Felipe. But stirring events occurred before that date.

Early in September Austin, so long absent from
the colonies, returned to find them, as he describes it,
" all disorganized, all in anarchy, and threatened with
immediate hostilities. " ' 5 He had been released through
the intervention of Santa Anna,27 who, after his vic-

25 This account of the affair between the San Felipe and the Correo is
mainly derived from Report of the Trial of Thomas M. Thompson, for a Pirati
cal A tfack upon the. American Schooner San Felipe. By John Winthrop, A. M.,
counsellor at law. N. Orleans, 1835. 8vo, pp. 44. The jury could not agree,
and Thompson was remanded to prison, but finally released. He had been
in the Mexican service some years. Edwards, pages 248-9, states that Thomp
son was sent to N. O. as a pirate, because he could show no document to sup
port the official character he had assumed. He certainly was unable to
produce his commission at the trial, though he was sustained by his govern
ment.

26 See his speech in Footers Tex., ii. 60.

27 After being liberated from prison under bonds, amnesty was granted him,
and he was allowed to return to Texas through the friendship of Santa Anna.

AUSTIN'S SPEECH, 163

tory over the Zacatecanos, had returned to Mexico,
and who doubtless believed that Austin would be in
strumental in restoring order in Texas. On Septem
ber 8th he was entertained at a public dinner given
in his honor at Brazoria, where a great concourse ot
settlers had congregated to greet him. On this occa
sion he delivered a speech to a large assembly,28 ex
plaining his conduct while in Mexico, and discussing
the position of Texas. He recognized the critical
state of affairs, and the almost inevitable result.
While informing his hearers that the federal constitu
tion would be overthrown and a central government
established, he deemed it his duty to relate the
friendly messages of Santa Anna, his wishes for the
prosperity of Texas, and his intention to use his in
fluence to give to its people a special organization
suited to their education, habits, and situation. Aus
tin had advised the president not to send troops to
Texas, expressing his decided opinion that war would
be the inevitable consequence, and concluded his speech
with these words : "The crisis is such as to bring it
home to the judgment of every man that something
must be done, and that without delay. The question
will perhaps be asked, What are we to do ? I have
already indicated my opinion. Let all personalities,
or divisions, or excitements, or passion, or violence, be
banished from among us. Let there be a general
consultation of the people of Texas as speedily as
possible, to be convened of the best, and most calm,
and intelligent, and firm men in the country, and let
them decide what representation ought to be made to
the general government, and what ought to be done
in the future." He then gave this toast : " The con
stitutional rights and the security and peace of Texas

Tornel, Tej. y Estad. Unid., 53. Filisola, ut sup., ii. 140-1, states that Aus
tin embarked at Vera Cruz, proceeded to New Orleans, and there provided
himself with arms and munitions of war, with which he returned to Texas in
September.

28Foote says, ii. 60, more than a thousand Anglo- America" s listened to him
for nearly an hour with unbroken delight.

164 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

— they ought to be maintained. ; and, jeopardized as
they now are, they demand a general consultation of
the people."' It is evident that Austin regarded the
preservation of peace as hardly possible, and anxiously
though he hoped for it, and deeply distressed though
he was at the critical situation of his colony, he would
not see the settlers' rights invaded or their future
welfare imperilled without a struggle. The effect of
his discourse was beneficial. The high opinion in
which he was held caused his views to be generally
adopted, and henceforth more harmony of spirit and
unity of purpose prevailed among the colonists.

Indeed, at this time war was no longer doubtful.
In the latter part of August a further demand had
been made for the surrender of Zavala and the pro
scribed settlers,30 the list of the latter being greatly
enlarged,31 and positive information had been received
that Cos, with a large reeforcement, was on his march
to Bejar, with the intention of breaking up the foreign
settlements in Texas. Preparations for the impend
ing struggle were at once commenced. Austin, who
had been appointed chairman of the committee of
safety of the jurisdiction which bore his name, issued
a circular,32 September 19th, in which that committee
recommended that the people should insist on their
rights under the federal constitution of 1824, and that
every district should send members to the general
consultation, with full powers to do whatever might
be necessary for the good of the country, organize its

29 See copy of speech in Foote, ii. 60-65, and in Kennedy, ii. 97-102.

30 Letter of Ugartechea to Edward Gritton, dated August 17th, in Tex.
Col. Doc., no. 14.

31 Y oakum supplies a copy in Spanish of Ugartechea's list. The names
appearing in it are Johnson, Williamson, Travis, Williams, Baker, John H.
Moore, J. McCarvajal, and Juan Zambrano, besides those who opened the
official correspondence, the names of whom are not given. Hist. Tex., i. 360.
The list bears the date of Sept. 3, 1835.

32 At San Felipe there was a printing-press which greatly facilitated the
rapid and extensive circulation of addresses to the colonists. The Texas Tele
graph, the first permanent newspaper in Texas, and devoted to the revolu
tionary cause, as it was considered, began to be published weekly at San
Felipe; the editors were Gail Borden and Mosely Baker. Foote, ii. 66-7;
Thrall, 502. Edwards states that the public press was in Brazoria, the only
one then in Texas. Hist. Tex., 249. Baker was one of the proscribed.

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 165

militia, and raise volunteer companies. The commit
tee concluded by stating that it was their duty to say
that conciliatory measures with Cos and the military
at Bejar were hopeless. " War is our only resource.
There is no other remedy. We must defend our
rights, ourselves, and our country by force of arms."

The country was now all astir ; committees of safety
were active ; volunteers hastened to enroll themselves ;
and a marked enthusiasm displayed itself. The in
tention was to oppose the entrance of Cos into Texas ;
but a diversion occurred which left his movements
uninterrupted ; and having landed at Matagorda with
500 men, he proceeded to La Bahia, or Goliad, where
he arrived October 2d, and continuing his march on
the 5th, reached Bejar on the 9th.33

Cos was allowed free passage to Bejar, owing to a
demand made by Ugartechea for a cannon which had
been given four years before to the town of Gonzalez,
on the east bank of the Guadalupe, for the purpose of
defence against Indians. The alcalde refused to com
ply, and the inhabitants, satisfied that the demand had
been made only to get a pretext to attack the place
and plunder the district, made application to the com
mittee of safety at Mina for assistance. This was not
only immediately responded to, but the communica
tion of the people of Gonzalez wTas also sent to the
committee at San Felipe.84

As soon as Ugartechea received the refusal to de
liver up the cannon, he despatched Lieutenant Fran
cisco Castaneda, with about 10035 of the presidial
troops, to take possession of it. Having arrived on
the west bank of the Guadalupe Castaneda, finding
that the ferry-boat and every means of crossing had
been removed to the other side, encamped about half

^Filisola, utsup., ii. 144-5, 151, 156.

34 Consult Austin's letter of Sept. 29th, in Foote, ii. 69-70.

35 Filisola, ii. 145, says 80. Anglo-Texan accounts exaggerate the number
of the Mexicans, Macomb placing it at 200. Foote, ii. 98. Kennedy, ii. 107,
gives the same number. Yoakum is more impartial, and states that the Mexi
can force was 100 cavalry, i. 361. Thrall, p. 207, says ' with about 150 men.

166 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

a mile from the ferry. This was on September 29th.
Meantime volunteers from the Colorado and Brazos
rivers were hastening to the point of danger, and by
October 1st numbered 168 men, 50 of whom were
mounted. They now decided to attack the enemy,
who had moved his camp about six miles away ; and
having organized, John H. Moore being elected colo
nel, and J. W. E. Wallace lieutenant-colonel, crossed
the Guadalupe that evening, taking with them the
disputed piece, a brass six-pounder. Having formed
line, they silently commenced their march about eleven
o'clock, with the intention of attacking the enemy
next day.

Day broke with a dense fog, under cover of which
the Texans advanced to within 350 yards of the
enemy. The Texan scouts, having approached, deliv
ered their fire and fell back, pursued by a small body
of Mexicans. Fire was now opened with the six-
pounder, whereupon Castaneda sounded a parley. A
conference took place, but no adjustment was arrived
at. The Texans would not deliver up the piece, nor
would Caste neda surrender. He was evidently pro
crastinating in the expectation of reinforcements.
When the leaders retired to their respective lines, the
Texans fired their gun, which was loaded with grape,
and charged ; upon which the Mexicans ignorniniously
fled, and hurried at full speed to Bejar, the Texans
returning to Gonzalez.36

In this trivial engagement the Mexicans lost a few
men, while the Texans had not a single man killed;
but insignificant though it was in the matter of blood
shed, it was to the Anglo-Texans what the affair at
Lexington was to the American colonists.

36 Consult the account given by ' an old soldier, ' who was personally pres
ent in Tex. Aim., 186' 1, 60-2; Macomb's account in Foote, ii. 98-102; Kennedy,
ii. 105-9; Y oakum, i. 361-4; Filisola, ii. 145-6. This last author stigmatizes
Castaneda's conduct. He says, ' regrisd a Be" jar tray endo consigo una man-
cha que labar, una nueva ofensa a las armas nacionales que vengar, y un
crimen que perseguir y escarmentar. . .en vez de haber vuelto con el canon.1
Linn states that Castaneda had only 25 men, and that not a man was killed
on either side. ' Reminis. Tex., 107-8.

COMMITTEES FORMED. 167

The die was cast; there was no longer room for
hesitation; all must now be up and doing, for all
would be held to account. To the farthest settlements
news of the affair at Gonzalez was speedily borne,
awakening a warlike enthusiasm. The ayuntamiento
of Nacogdoches had already, September 5th, passed a
resolution to obey no orders but those emanating from
the legitimate authorities of the state ; and on the 21st
of the same month a great public meeting had been
held on the road between the Neches and Trinity
rivers, at which changes in the Mexican constitution
had been vehemently denounced. Thus the people of
that department were not disposed to lag behind in
the coming contest. On October 10th the committee
of safety of the town of Nacogdoches called on the
ayuntamiento to adopt at once an active course,37 and
private individuals displayed their earnestness in the
cause by pecuniary contributions.38 At San Augus
tine a spirited meeting was held October 5th, and a
company of volunteers raised then and there to march
to the south-west. Sam Houston, Thomas Jefferson
Rusk,39 and the proscribed Johnson were present, and
hastened without loss of time to the scene of action.
Zavala also left his retreat on the San Jacinto 40 and

37 Tex. Col Doc., MS., nos 24, 39, 41.

38 A. McLaughlin & Bros gave the committee of safety §500, Oct. llth.
Id., MS., no. 26.

39 Rusk was born Dec. 5, 1803, in South Carolina, his father being an emi
grant from Ireland, and following the occupation of a stone-mason. Through
the interest of John C. Calhoun, 011 whose land the family lived, young Rusk
was placed in the office of William Grisham, clerk for Pendleton district,
where he made himself familiar with the law, to the practice of which he was
soon admitted. He afterward removed to Clarksville, Georgia, where he
married the daughter of Gen. Cleveland. Here he obtained a lucrative prac
tice, but unfortunately engaging in mining speculations, was swindled out of
nearly all his earnings. The agents of the company in whose stock he had
invested absconded, and he pursued some of them to Texas. He overtook
them west of the Sabine, only to find that they had squandered and gambled
away his money. This was in 1834. Rusk proceeded to Nacogdoches, where
he located himself, being determined to make Texas his home. At the meet
ing mentioned in the text he delivered an eloquent address to the people, ap
pealing to their patriotism, and volunteered to be one of a company to march
at once to the seat of war. Tex. Aim., ?.358, 105; Thrall's Hist. Tex., 607.

40 Zavala possessed a grant of land in Texas — consult Austin's map —
and had taken up his residence on the San Jacinto River.

168 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

repaired to San Felipe, where he was warmly received
by Austin.41

In a circular addressed by Austin, October 4th,
to the committees of safety of Nacogdoches and San
Augustine, it is boldly proclaimed that war was de
clared against military despotism, and that one com
mon purpose animated every one in the department
of Brazos; namely, to take Bejar and drive the Mex
ican troops from Texas. On the 8th a general appeal
was issued by him and distributed broadcast through
the land, calling for volunteers, and appointing Gon
zalez as the present headquarters of the army of the
people.42 Nor were these appeals slowly responded
to. The people were aroused, and in a few days such
numbers of volunteers flocked to Gonzalez that Ugar-
techea, who after Castaneda's disgrace had prepared
to march against the rebels with 500 men of all arms,
desisted from his purpose. There were more men,
indeed, than arms. A leader was required for the
assembled forces, and the wishes of all pointed to
Austin. In order, therefore, to relieve him from his
position at San Felipe, a permanent council, composed
of one member from each committee, was appointed,
R. R. Royall being elected president. Austin now
proceeded to Gonzalez, where he was made com-
mander-in-chief. On October 13th the army, about
350 strong,43 commenced its march, and advancing
to the San Antonio River, took up a temporary posi
tion about eight miles below the town. Here Austin
waited for reinforcements.

While these movements were being made, a bold

41 Austin's circular of Oct. 4, 1835, in Foote, ii. 84.

«M, ii. 84-90; Tex. Col Doc., Print, no. 59.

43 The intention had been to march again at Be"jar with 500 men, but a
detachment under captains Benjamin Fort Smith and Allen had been sent to
protect Victoria on the Guadalupe, where a body of Mexicans had been com
mitting acts of violence. Foote, ii. 108-11. Austin wrote to the committee of
safety at San Felipe, Oct. llth, urgir^it to press on volunteers, begging them
' to hurry on by forced marches, and not to stay for cannon or for anything '
Id., ii. 119.

CAPTURE OF GOLIAD 169

design to capture Goliad was successfully carried out
by Captain George Collingsworth. With about forty
planters from the neighborhood of Matagorda and the
banks of the Caney, he had gone in pursuit of the
Mexicans marauding at Victoria, and determined to
attempt the capture of Goliad. The company arrived
below the town at midnight on the 9th of October,
and sent two or three of their number to reconnoitre
the place. While these scouts were thus engaged
Colonel Milam was discovered in a thicket by a
party who had got separated from their comrades.
The wayworn man, after his escape from prison at
Monterey, had made his way alone through the
country, riding night and day to reach Texas. He
heartily volunteered to assist in the enterprise.
When all were reunited, their number, including
Milam and one or two others who had joined them,
was forty-eight. Guided by settlers acquainted with
the town, they attacked the quarters of Lieutenant-
colonel Sandoval. The sentinel discharged his piece,
and was instantly struck dead with a rifle-ball. The
door was battered in with axes, and Sandoval taken
prisoner. The garrison, summoned to surrender, laid
down its arms after a slight resistance. One Mexican

O

soldier was killed and three wounded. The Texans
had one man slightly wounded. This was an impor
tant capture, $10,000, two pieces of artillery, and 300
stands of arms falling into the hands of the victors.44

Preliminary meetings of some of the members of
the consultation had been held at San Felice and
Washington, and on October 1 6th thirty-two members
assembled at the former place. As this number did
not form a quorum, the consultation was adjourned
till November 1st, and a letter having been received
from Austin, inviting the members to assist person
ally in the capture of Bejar, a large portion of them
repaired to the army. It was, however, necessary to

"Id., ii. 112-18; Kennedy, ii. 117; Yoakum, i. 368-9

170 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

organize a government, as well as provide ways and
means for carrying on the war; and after some delib
eration they returned to San Felipe to take their
places in the coming consultation.

There was no longer any want of unanimity among
the colonists. Even the jurisdiction of liberty, op
posed though it was to a rupture with Mexico,45 and
the last to cast peace aside, on the news of the fall of
Goliad joined the revolution with a corresponding
firmness, and sent assistance to the army. Every
where the committees of safety were tireless in their
exertions to send men and provisions to the front, and
raise subscriptions. At Nacogdoches and San Au
gustine, the committees, aided by the central council,
took measures to conciliate the civilized Indians, who
were in no amiable mood on account of the neglect
with which their claims had been treated. A depu
tation was sent to confer with them, and arrangements
made that they should have a representative at the
consultation. To keep the wild tribes in check,
mounted rangers were sent to the confines of the
districts which they occupied. Sam Houston was ap
pointed to command the eastern volunteers. As re
ceivers of contributions and public moneys, committees
were appointed by the central council; J. L. Hood,
Jacob Garrett, and Peter J. Menard composed that
for the jurisdictions of the department of Nacogdo
ches, and R. R. Royall and Gail Borden that for other
jurisdictions. Appeals, too, were made to the citizens
of the United States, and not in vain. On October
7th a public meeting had already been held at Natchi-
toches, at which the warmest sympathy was expressed,
and a resolution enthusiastically carried to support the
people of Texas.46 This friendly disposition was dis
played elsewhere in the United States. In New Or
leans two companies were quickly formed, the Grays,

45 See the address of the committee of safety of Oct 24, 1835, in Tex. Aim.,
1868, 39-40. The document is signed by Edward Tanner, David G. Burnei-t,
William Hardin, Jesse Devone, B. M. Spinks, and Henry W. Farley.

46 Tex. Col. Doc., MS., no. 34.

LAND FRAUDS, 171

one of which left October 17th by way of Natchito-
ches, and the other on the 19th by the gulf route.

It was not until November 3d that the general
consultation assembled. Hitherto the council, com
posed of one member from each committee, had acted
and been recognized as a temporary kind of govern
ment. An important measure taken by this council
was one touching the extension of land titles. Ugar-
techea had addressed, September 3d, an order to
the political chief at Nacogdoches to suspend the
functions of the land commissioner, so that no more
titles should be granted till the receipt of instructions
from the supreme government. The committee of
safety, however, decided that Ugartechea had no con
trol over the civil authorities, and his order was disre
garded. Unfortunately, this action afforded opportu
nity for the perpetration of outrageous land frauds by
the commissioner, and extensive tracts were alienated
by titles in the names of fictitious persons and those
who had left the country. The central council, to
prevent further robberies of this nature, ordered all
land -offices to be closed, and prohibited surveying.47
The labors of this council, during its brief existence,
were extremely arduous, but were rendered less irk
some by the general harmony of feeling and the will
ing spirit of cooperation everywhere displayed. On
October 3d the central system of government was
established in Mexico by decree.48

When the consultation met at San Felipe on the
day above mentioned, fifty-five members were present,
whose names I give below.49 Branch T. Archer hav-

47 Yoakum, i. 359, 377.

^Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 75-8.

49 According to the convocation, a meeting had taken place Nov. 1st, but
sufficient members were not present to form a quorum. The names of the
delegates are the following: For the municipality of Austin: Wylie Martin,
R. Jones, Jesse Burnam, William Menifee. Nacogdoches: Sam Houston,
James W. Robinson, William Whitaker, Daniel Parker, William N. Sigler.
Washington: Philip Coe, E. Collard, Jesse Grimes, Asa Mitchell, Asa Hoxey.
Harrisburg: Lorenzo de Zavala, C. C. Dyer, John W. Moore, M. W. Smith,

172 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

ing been duly elected president, and P. B. Dexter
secretary, the former delivered an address, in which
he sketched out the duties to be performed by the
consultation and the measures which it would be ad
visable to adopt.50 The first matter attended to was
the preparation of a declaration, or bill of rights, set
ting forth the causes which had driven the Texans to
take up arms. John A. Wharton was commissioned
to draught the bill, and a committee of five — Harris,
Barret, Martin, Barnell, and Wharton — was ap
pointed to draw up and submit a plan of a provisional
government. On November 7th Wharton laid his
draught of the declaration before the consultation.
It caused a lengthy discussion ; a large number of the
delegates were in favor of a declaration of indepen
dence, whereas the one submitted to them announced
adherence to the constitution of 1824.51 Policy, how
ever, overruled; none doubted that independence
would be the ultimate outcome, and the declaration
was adopted.

The ordinance establishing the plan and powers of

David B. Macomb. Liberty: George M. Patrick, William P. Harris, Henry
Millard, J. B. Woods, A. B. Hardin. Gonzalez: W. S. Fisher, J. D. Cle
ments, Geo. W. Davis, James Hodges, William W. Arrington, Benjamin
Faqua. Teiiehaw: Martin Parmer. Columbia: Henry Smith, John A. Whar
ton, Edwin Waller, John S. D. Byrom. San Augustine: A. Houston, William
N. Sigler, A. E. C. Johnson, A. Horton, A. G. Kellog. Mina: D. C. Barret,
J. S. Lester, R. M. Williamson. Matagorda: R. R. Roy all, Chas Wilson.
Bevil: S. H. Everitt, John Bevil, Wyatt Hanks. Viesca: Saml T. Allen, A.
G. Perry, J. G. W. Pierson, Alexander Thompson, Jas W. Parker. Jeffer
son: Claiborne West. Journals of the Consultation, 50.

50 Copy of Archer's speech will be found in Id., 6-9, and Foote, ii. 144-7.

51 The declaration set forth that the federal constitution having been over
thrown by Santa Anna, the social compact which existed between Texas and
the other members of the Mexican confederacy was dissolved; that the Texans
had taken up arms in defence of their rights and liberties, which were threat
ened; that they offered their assistance to such states as would take up arms
against military despotism; that they did not acknowledge the right of the
present Mexican authorities to govern in Texas, and would not cease to carry
on war against them as long as their troops remained within its limits; that
during the disorganization of the federal system they withdrew from the
union, but would continue faithful to the Mexican government as long as the
nation was governed by the constitution of 1824; Texas would be responsible
for the expenses of the armies in the field, and was pledged for the payment
of debts contracted by her agents; she would reward by donations of land
volunteers who offered their services in the struggle, and would receive them
as citizens. Journals of the Consult., 18-19, 21-2. Copy of the declaration
also in Holley's Tex., 235-6, and Kennedy, ii. 488-9.

PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 173

the provisional government was passed November
13 tli. It comprised twenty-one articles, and pro
vided for the creation of a governor, lieutenant-
governor, and general council, to be elected from the
consultation — one member from each municipality.
The governor and lieutenant-governor were ap
pointed by the consultation. The former in con
junction with the council was authorized to contract
loans not exceeding §1,000,000, hypothecating the
public lands if necessary; to treat with the Indian
tribes concerning their land claims, and secure their
friendship; to establish a postal service, and exercise
the functions of a high court of admiralty. They
were invested with the power to create and fill the
necessary offices of government, and organize the
regular forces according to emergencies. A provis
ional judiciary was to be constituted in each juris
diction; all land commissioners, empresafios, and
surveyors were to be ordered to cease their opera
tions during hostilities, and all grants and sales of
lands in Texas fraudulently made by the state of
Coahuila and Texas were declared null. All per
sons, widows and minors excepted, who should leave
the country during the existing crisis would forfeit
their lands. An army ordinance was also passed,
providing for the creation of a regular army of 1,120
men, rank and file, to be governed by the rules, regu
lations, and discipline observed in the army of the
United States during time of war, the commander-
in-chief, with the rank of major-general, being ap
pointed by the consultation.52

Henry Smith was appointed governor, and James
W. Robinson lieutenant-governor. Sam Houston was
elected commander- in -chief,53 a commission of three
persons, Austin, Branch T. Archer, and William H.

52 Journal, sut sup. , 43-9. A full copy of these ordinances will be found in
Kennedy, ii. 489-97.

;>3 Austin had previously expressed his wish to resign the command, as his
attention had never been directed to military matters, and had urged Hous
ton to assume it. Y 'oakum, i. 371-2.

174 EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLT OF TEXAS.

Wharton, was appointed to proceed to the United
States and promote the interests of Texas in that
country, and the general council elected. The mem
bers of this council, whose duties were to devise ways
and means, and advise and assist the governor in the
discharge of his functions, were : A. Houston, Daniel
Parker, Jesse Grimes, A. G. Perry, Claiborne West,
D. C. Barret, Charles Wilson, Henry Millard, Mar
tin Parmer, J. A. Padilla, J. D. Clements, Wylie
Martin, W. P. Harris, John A. Wharton, and W.
Hanks.54 On November 14th the consultation, hav
ing completed its labors, adjourned to meet on the
1st of March following. It never reassembled, how
ever, as on that date a convention was held of dele
gates chosen at the general election of February 1836.

51 Journal of the Gen. Council, 3.

CHAPTER IX.

SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.
1835.

BATTLE OF CONCEPCION — THE GRASS FIGHT— PROTRACTED SIEGE — DISSATIS
FACTION OF THE VOLUNTEERS — BURLESON SUCCEEDS AUSTIN — ORDERS
AND COUNTER-ORDERS — MILAM'S CALL — DESCRIPTION OF SAN ANTONIO —
THE FIRST ASSAULT — STEADY ADVANCE OF THE TEXANS— DEATH OF
MILAM — His BIOGRAPHY— CONFUSION AT THE ALAMO — Cos SURRENDERS
— TERMS OF CAPITULATION — THE VOLUNTEERS DISBAND — AFFAIR AT
LlPANTITLAN — THE TAMPICO TRAGEDY — DlSCORD IN THE GOVERNMENT —
FINANCIAL MATTERS — HOUSTON'S PROCLAMATION — GOVERNOR SMITH AND
THE COUNCIL — GRANT'S SCHEME — DESCENT ON MATAMOROS MEDITATED —
SMITH SUSPENDED — THE EFFECT OF DISCORD.

AUSTIN having reached the Salado creek, some
skirmishing took place, in which the Texans were in
variably victorious. On October 27th he sent for
ward Colonel James Bowie1 and Captain James W.
Fannin, with a detachment of ninety-two rank and
file, to reconnoitre the old missions above Espada,
and select a suitable position for the army. Having
reached the mission of La Purisima Concepcion, about
one mile and a half from San Antonio, Bowie en-

1 James Bowie was a native of Georgia. His brother Rezin was the inven
tor ot the knife which bears the family name. While Lafitte occupied Gal-
veston, the three brothers, James, Rezin P., and John, engaged in buying
African negroes of Lafitte's men, conducting them through the swamps of
Louisiana for sale. They are said to have made $65,000 by this traffic.
James Bowie was connected with Long's expedition in 1819. In October
1830 he became a naturalized citizen of Saltillo, and soon after married a
daughter of Vice-governor Veramendi, of San Antonio de Bejar. Nov. 2d,
1831, he fought a remarkable battle with Indians on the San Saba River, in
which, with his brother Rezin, nine other Americans, and two negroes, he
defeated 164 Tehuacanas and Caddos, the Indians losing nearly half their num
ber, while the Anglo-Texans had only one man killed and three wounded.
When hostilities broke out, he attached himself to the Texan cause. Thrall.
502-5.

(175)

176 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

camped in a bend of the river pointing southward, and
when morning broke, found himself almost surrounded
by about 400 Mexicans. Perceiving that there was
no chance of escape, he withdrew his men into the
river bottom, nearly 100 yards wide, and protected
by a bluff from six to ten feet high, affording an ex
cellent position for defence, since the men could fire
from a natural covert without being much exposed.
The position was further strengthened by a skirt of
timber around the bend and below the bluff, to which
retreat could be made if necessary. Bowie divided
the command into two parties, which respectively oc
cupied the upper and lower arms of the bend, Fannin
being in charge of the latter. Before them stretched
an open plain.

A heavy fog for some time prevented the opponents
from seeing each other, but when it rose, the Mexicans
advanced to within 200 yards of Fannin's right, and
poured in a heavy fire, every volley being marked in
the yet gloomy light by a blaze all along their line.
It was ineffective, however; while the rifles of the
Texans, more deliberately discharged, and with deadly
aim, wrought havoc. In order to avoid striking each
other, Bowie now wheeled his detachment round the
bend and stationed himself on Fannin's left. Pres
ently the Mexicans pushed forward a brass six-pounder
to within about eighty yards, and opened with grape,
at the same time sounding the charge. The attempt
was attended with disaster. The fire of the Texans
was more fatal than ever; each man after discharging
his rifle dropped out of sight to reload while another
took his place. Three times the piece was cleared of
the gunners, and three times the charge repulsed. On
the last occasion the Mexicans fled in disorder, leav
ing the cannon in the hands of the victorious Texans.
It had only been fired five times. According to Colonel
Bowie, the Mexicans lost nearly 100 men, of whom 67
were killed. The Texans had one killed and no one

BATTLE OF CONCEPCION. 177

wounded.2 About an hour after the engagement the
main body of the army came up, and the camp was
established near the city.

The extraordinary success which attended this en
gagement, called the battle of Concepcion, induced a
general desire in the Texan forces to assault the town
at once ; but Austin, anxious to avoid the loss of valu
able lives, deemed the enterprise too hazardous, though
his army now numbered over 1,000 men. Moreover,
he was entirely without siege cannon, his artillery
consisting of only five small field-pieces. He there
fore held a council of war, at which it was decided
that in view of the fortifications of San Antonio, it
was too strong to storm without battering guns. At
the same time Austin was doubtful of being able to
keep the army together long enough to await the
arrival of such aid.3

Cos meanwhile, little anxious to risk a general en
gagement, confined himself to strengthening his posi
tion, by barricading the streets, erecting batteries, and
adopting other means of defence. Ugartechea, more
over, was despatched with 100 presidials to bring up
from Laredo 400 or 500 convict soldiers.4

The operations of the besieging army were now
very tedious to brave and eager volunteers ready to
take desperate hazards, and many began to leave for
home. On November 2d Austin broke camp, and
passing by the garita,5 took up a position on the east
bank of the river, near its source, on the north side of
the town, a constant patrol being kept up, which was
very effective in cutting off supplies. A demand for
the surrender of the place was made a few days later
and promptly refused; whereupon the besiegers ad
vanced nearer to the town and occupied an eminence

2 Bowie's account in Kennedy, ii. 121-2, and Foote, ii. 121-5. Dewees, who
frequently exaggerates, says : ' Over 104 of the Mexicans lay stretched in death
on the bloody field.' Letters, 157.

3 Austin to Capt. Dimit, Nov. 2d, in Foote, ii. 125; Id., to committee at San
Felipe (orig.), in Tex. Col. Doc., no. 15; Morphis, Hist. Tex., 108.

4 Filisola, ut sup., ii. 186.

5 See plan elsewhere in this volume.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 12

178 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

immediately above the old mill, which was situated
about half a mile from the enemy's pickets. Skir
mishes of slight importance occasionally took place,
and attempts were made to draw the Mexicans from
their fortifications; but Cos, though straightened for
provisions, pertinaciously declined an engagement,
and waited for his reinforcements. He had at this
time about 800 men.

On November 25th Austin, having been informed
of his appointment as commissioner to the United
States, resigned his command and returned to San
Felipe, where he arrived on the 29th. He was suc
ceeded by Colonel Edward Burleson, who was elected
without opposition to fill his place on the field.

On the following day a severe skirmish took pla.ce.
It has been called the 'grass fight,' and again proved
the superiority of the Texans in the field. The
arrival of Ugartechea was now daily looked for, and
it was expected that he would bring with him a large
sum of money. Scouts were accordingly sent out to
watch for his approach. On the 26th Cos despatched
a body of 100 men on the old presidio road to cut
grass for his famished horses. On their return with
their pack-mules loaded they were discovered by the
scout Deaf Smith,6 who, supposing them to be Ugarte-
chea's advance guard with the silver, reported them
as such at headquarters. This news caused great
excitement in camp. Bowie with 100 mounted men
galloped off at once, and the rest of the army has
tened to follow. About a mile from the town Bowie
intercepted the foragers, who took up a position in a
ravine. Bowie prepared to attack them, but his

6 Erasmus Smith, known as Deaf Smith on account of his defective hear
ing, was a celebrated guide and scout. He was born in New York April 19,
1787, visited Texas in 1817, and became a permanent citizen in 1821. A few
years later he married a Mexican woman of San Antonio, by whom he had
several children. His coolness in danger was unsurpassed, and during the
war lie did eminent service on the Texan side. Smith was much given to
solitude, was remarkable for his gravity, and seldom spoke except in mono
syllabic answers to questions. He was severely wounded in the shoulder at
the storming of San Antonio, presently to be narrated. He died at Richmond,
Fort Bend, Nov. 30, 1837. Thrall, 620-1; Y oakum, i. 251-2.

DISGUSTED VOLUNTEERS. 179

movements having been observed from San Antonio,
a strong force was sent out in aid of the grass-cutters,
which compelled him to change his front. Almost
simultaneously the main body of the Texans came up,
and a running fight was maintained till the Mexicans
reached the town. Their loss was about fifty killed
and some wounded, while the Texans had only one
wounded and one missing. The mule-packs which
the enemy left behind, on examination, were found
to be filled, not with silver as was hoped, but grass,
whence the name given to the engagement.7

But these occasional conflicts were not sufficient to
avert the impatience which the general inactivity pro
voked, and the dissatisfied volunteers kept returning
to their homes. For more than a month they had
been hanging around San Antonio, and its capture
seemed no nearer accomplishment than at first. By
the middle of November the besieging force was re
duced to less than GOO men. Fortunately about this
time the two companies of New Orleans Grays ar
rived, under the command respectively of Captain
Robert C. Morris and Captain Breece ; also a company
from Mississippi, Captain Peacock, and one from east
ern Texas, Captain English. Yet the army dwindled
day by day, so that even with these reinforcements it
barely numbered 800 men at the end of the month.

It is not to be wandered that the United States vol
unteers became disgusted, and affairs looked serious
when 200 of them declared their determination to
leave Bejar on the last day of November and march
against Matamoros, where they expected to be joined
by from 5,000 to 8,000 men from the United States.
Their ultimate intention, they said, was to proceed
into the interior of Mexico. A rumor that an attack

7/<7., ii. 17-18; Tex. Aim., 1860, 37; Taylor's account, in Balers Tex., 92;
Thrall, 216; S wisher's Am. Sketch Book, vi., no. v. 378. Mrs Hollcy, pp.
340-1, followed by Kennedy, ii. 133, gives a different account of this fight,
confusing it with an affair which took place on the 8th, occasioned by the
death of one House, who broke his neck by a fall from his horse. A party
went out to bring in the body, and was attacked by a superior body of Mexi
can cavalry, which was driven off with some small loss.

180 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BE JAR.

was being planned prevented them, however, from
carrying out their purpose.

On December 3d three Texans, Holmes, Smith,
and Maverick, appeared in camp. They had been
detained by Cos in San Antonio as suspected persons
after the affair at Gonzalez, and having escaped,
brought encouraging information relative to the gar
rison and defences of the town. It was decided to
assault it just before daybreak on the following morn
ing. All was now bustle and preparation; but dur
ing the night one of the scouts, Arnold by name, was
missed, and it was supposed that he had gone over to
the enemy and informed him of the meditated attack.
After a serious deliberation in Burleson's headquar
ters he countermanded the order for assault. The
volunteers were now furious and insubordinate ; many
companies refused to turn out at the morning parade ;
and when Burleson, later in the day, issued orders to
raise the siege, it was feared by some that blood would
be shed. At this juncture Arnold returned, and bet
ter still, a deserter, a lieutenant in the Mexican army,
arriving in camp, stated that the garrison was in con
fusion, that the enemy had no knowledge of the in
tended attack, and that the strength of the place was
greatly exaggerated. Enthusiasm was again aroused,
and Colonel Milam, who after the capture of Goliad
had followed the fortunes of the Texan army, enlisting
in th-3 ranks, urged Burleson to seize the opportunity
and storm the place. Burleson assented, and author
ized Milam to proceed with the enterprise. Stepping
in front of the commander's tent, the intrepid old sol
dier, waving his hat, cried out, "Who will go with me
into San Antonio ?" A ringing shout was the reply ;
volunteers for the assault fell promptly into line, and
Milam was elected their leader on the spot. The men
were ordered to rendezvous that night soon after dark
at the old mill.

8 The words as reported by Foote, ii. 165, were: 'Who will join old Ben
Milam in storming the Alamo ? According to Yoakum, ii. 25, who doubtless
quoted from the State Gazette, 1849, Sept. 1, 8 15, they were: ' Who will go
with old Ben Milam into San Antonio ?

THE BATTLE-FIELD.

181

San Antonio de Bejar — called indiscriminately San
Antonio and Bejar — is situated on the San Antonio
River, the San Pedro Creek lying on its southern

SAN ANTONIO AND ENVIRONS.

A. Old Mill.

B. House of Veramendi.

C. House of Garza.

G. Redoubt.

H. Quinta.

I. Priest's House.

D. Main Square, or Plaza de la Constitucion. J. House of Antonio Navarro.

E. Military Plaza.

F. Powder-house, or Garita,

K. Zambrano Row.
L. Mexican Redoubt.

side. To the north-east, oh the opposite side of the
river, was the fortified mission of the Alamo. The
ground is generally level in the neighborhood, some-

182 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

what more undulating on the west, and a number of
irrigating ditches afforded some defence to the town,
the principal buildings of which were of thick stone
walls, and strong. The town proper is of oblong form,
but on its eastern side it extends into a curious bend
of the river. It contains two squares, one the old
military plaza, and the other the plaza de la Constitu-
cion, laid off in 1731. These are separated by the
church and other buildings. On the north side of
these squares runs the main street. The accompany
ing plan will enable the reader to understand the rela
tive positions and operations of the combatants.

At the appointed time and place 300 volunteers
appeared with two field-pieces, a tw^elve-pounder and
a six-pounder, and provided with crow-bars to break
through the walls of the houses. Burleson retained the
remainder of the forces as a reserve, a portion of them
under Colonel Neill being despatched at three o'clock in
the morning across the river, with a piece of artillery,
to create a diversion by a feigned attack on the Alamo.
The plan of operations meantime was arranged by the
storming party. Two divisions were formed, one un
der Milam, assisted by Colonel Midland Franks of the
artillery, and Major Morris 9 of the Grays, Maverick,
Cook, and Arnold serving as guides. The second
command was led by Colonel Frank W. Johnson, as
sisted by colonels James Grant and William J. Aus
tin, and Adjutant Bristow. Deaf Smith and John
W. Smith acted as guides.10

A little before dawn, on the morning of December
5th, the storming columns moved rapidly but silently
forward, Milam directing his course to Acequia street,
and Johnson to that of Soledad, both of which led
directly to the main plaza, where, at the entrance of

9 Morris was raised to the rank of major on his arrival on the field.

10 The 1st division consisted of portions of the companies of captains York,
Patton, Llewellyn, Crane, English, and Landram, witn Lhe two pieces of ar
tillery and 15 artillerymen. The 2d division was drawn from the companies
of Cook, Swisher, Edwards, Alley, Duncan, Peacock, Breece, and Placido
Venavides. Johnson's report, in Tex. Aim., 1861, 52.

THE MEXICANS SURPRISED. 183

these streets into it, breastworks had been erected and
batteries planted.. As they advance, Neill is heard
battering at the Alamo. The Mexicans are taken by
surprise, and without trouble Milam gains possession
of Garza's house, and Johnson that of Veramendi,
each about 100 yards from the square. A sentinel
having fired his piece, the alarm is given, and a tre
mendous cannonade opened. But the assailants are
already under cover, and it produces no effect more
serious than preventing a communication between the
two divisions. The twelve-pounder was, however,
dismounted, and the smaller piece was of little or no
service for want of a cover. But when the light came,
the rifle did its usual deadly work, and during the day
the enemy's guns within range were several times
abandoned. On this day the Texans had one killed,
and two colonels, one first lieutenant, and twelve
privates wounded.

All through the night the volunteers, though a
ceaseless fire was kept up against them, labored at
strengthening their position, by opening trenches to
secure a safe communication. Nor had the besieged
been idle. At dawn the assailants discovered that
the roofs of the houses in their front were occupied
by sharp-shooters, who during the day kept up a
brisk fire of small-arms. The 6th passed, however,
with few casualties, only five men being wounded,
while a detachment of Captain Crane's company,
under Lieutenant William McDonald, gallantly took
possession of a house in front and to the right of
Garza's dwelling, thus extending the line toward the
military plaza.

At daylight on the 7th the Mexicans opened a
brisk fire of small-arms from a trench which they had
made during the night on the east side of the river,
and a heavy cannonade from a battery planted on the
cross-street leading to the Alamo. But these new
positions were of no avail ; by eleven o'clock the fire
from them was silenced. About mid-day anoth/

184 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

building, situated directly in front of the first division,
was captured by the Texans. This feat was accom
plished by Henry Cams, of York's company, who
effected an entrance with a crow-bar, under a heavy
fire. The company followed and held the position.
Keeping well under cover, the casualties of the
Texans were extremely few ; but this day was marked
by the fall of one whose memory will ever be grate
fully cherished. Milam, while crossing from his own
position to the Yeramendi house, was struck by a
rifle-ball in the head and instantly killed. He fell in
the gateway of the building, and was buried by his
comrades in arms within a few feet of the spot. His
remains were subsequently removed to the protestant
burial ground at San Antonio, where they still rest.
His loss was deeply deplored.11

On the death of Milam a meeting of the officers
was held, and the chief command conferred upon
Johnson. At ten o'clock that night captains Llewel
lyn, English, Crane, and Landram, with their com
panies, gained possession of the house of Antonio
Navarro, situated close to the square. Connected
with it was a row of buildings known as the Zambrano
Row. The Mexicans endeavored to expel the volun-

11 Kennedy, ii. 149; Thrall, 592. Benjamin R. Milam was a native of Ken
tucky, born, of humble parents, and having little education. He distinguished
himself in the war between the U. S. and England in 1812-15, and afterward
engaged in trading with the Indians at the head waters of the Texan rivers.
Later he joined Mina in his disastrous expedition in aid of the revolutionary
cause in Mexico, and being one of those who escaped death, rendered valuable
services. When Iturbide proclaimed himself emperor, Milam was among the
first to join the party that opposed him. For this he was cast into prison,
where he languished till Iturbide 's dethronement, when he was released.
For his services in the republican cause he received in 1828 a grant of eleven
square leagues of land in Texas. It seems, however, that he located it by
mistake in Arkansas, and applied to the government of the state of Coahuila
and Texas for and obtained an empresario grant. He was in Monclova at the
time of Viesca's deposal, and his capture in company with him has already
been narrated in the text. Milam escaped from his prison at Monterey by
winning the confidence of his jailer; and being supplied with a fleet horse and
a little food by a friend, he travelled alone COO miles, journeying by night and
and concealing himself by day, till he reached the vicinity of Goliad almost
exhausted. After the capture of that place he enlisted in the ranks. Milam
was about 45 years of age when he fell. Holletfs Tex., 244-8; Tex. Aim., 1861,
84-5; Thrall, 590-2; Niles' S. Am. & Hex., 283-4; Cordova's Tex., 144-5;
Ward's Max., i. 556.

MOVEMENTS OF THE TEXANS 185

teers from Navarro's house by firing through loop
holes made in the roof, but they were soon dislodged ;
the Texan rifles were pointed at the same loop-holes
by quicker hands than theirs, and with more certain
aim.

The morning of the 8th was cold and wet, and op
erations on both sides flagged; but at 9 o'clock, the
partition wall being pierced, an attack was made on
the Zambrano Row. As wall after wall was broken
through, the Mexicans were successively driven out
of their several rooms, till the Texans held possession
of the entire row. That evening certain information
was received that Ugartechea during the attack had
succeeded in entering the town with a strong reen-
forcement,12 but the news did not daunt the stormers.
The companies of Swisher, Alley, Edwards, and Dun
can were sent to reenforce the holders of Zambrano
Row, and shortly after ten o'clock, under cover of the
darkness, Cook and Patton, with a company of the
Grays and one of the Brazoria companies, by a quick
rush made their way up to the priest's house. Break
ing through the surrounding wall of the yard, they
soon dislodged the Mexicans, gained possession of the
house, and barricaded and loop-holed it, ready for
rifle practice in the morning. But the capture of this
strong building, situated on the north side of the
main square, and commanding every part of it, was
the crowning work.

For some hours after, on every house held by the
Texans and all along the line of their intrenchments,
a furious cannonade was kept up, while the fire-flashes
from volley after volley of small-arms illumined the
darkness and the smoke. But this display of gunnery
was only a ruse. Cos, during the night, retired to

12 This force consisted of 500 convicts, guarded by 100 regulars. Yoakum,
ii. 31. Filisola, ii. 199, particularizes it thus: 47 Morelos infantry, 14 artil
lerymen, 150 presidial cavalry, and 400 substitutes, that is, convicts. He
states that a large convoy of provisions was expected with these troops, and
that when they arrived without any, the discontent was general. They had
better have not come at all than by their arrival hasten the consumption of
the little food that was left.

186 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

the Alamo with the intention of making a general
assault upon Burleson's camp, and the garrison and
guns were gradually withdrawn from the plaza, with
the exception of one piece and a company of the
Morelos battalion. But desertion be<mn to manifest

O

itself,13 and insubordination was abroad. Cries of
"Treachery! treachery!" were raised, the impression
being that the deserters had gone over to the enemy.
The scene of confusion at the Alamo, whither half-
starved women and children had flocked by hundreds,
is indescribable. There was a perfect panic; it was
believed that the soldiers withdrawn from San An
tonio had been utterly routed. Soldiers and citizens
hustled each other in one common crowd, while many
of the former were seen making hurried preparations
for a speedy flight. Cos in vain attempted to allay
the commotion ; his voice was unheard in the din, and
his person maltreated in the darkness.14 Nothing
was left for him to do but surrender. Accordingly,
Adjutant-inspector Jose Juan Sanchez was sent at
dawn with a flag of truce.

During the period of the attack on San Antonio,
Burleson had kept vigilant watch over the operations,
ready to aid with reinforcements, or frustrate any
strategical movement of the enemy. On the 8th,
about fifty men from the Alamo attempted to create
a diversion by approaching the camp and opening fire
upon it ; but a six-pounder being brought to bear upon
them, they were soon made to retire. The same day
captains Cheshire, Lewes, and Sutherland, with their
companies, were sent as reinforcements to the assail
ants. When advice was received from Johnson that

13 Captains Juan Galan and Manuel Barragan marched off with their com
panies to the Rio Grande, taking with them 18 of the company of La Bahia;
and Juan Jose Elguezabal, inspector of Coahuila, left with 23 soldiers of the
1st company of Tamaulipas; in all 175 mounted men, six being officers. Id.,
ii. 201; Tex. Aim., I860, 41.

14 ' Los intempestivos gritos de traicion ... no solo apagaran la voz del
aflijido general, sino que confundido entre la multitud por la oscuridad de la
noche . . . fu<§ atropellado y maltratado de una manera brutal. ' Fdisola, ii. 203.

SURRENDER. 187

a flag of truce had been sent in, Burleson proceeded
to the town.

After a long discussion regarding the terms of sur
render, the commissioners that had been appointed u
on each side agreed upon a treaty, which was signed
on the llth. The conditions were as favorable as Cos
could possibly have expected. He and his officers
were allowed to retire with their arms and personal
effects, under parole of honor not to oppose the rees-
tablishment of the constitution of 1824; the convict
soldiers were to be conveyed by General Cos with 100
regular infantry, and the cavalry beyond the Rio
Grande ; the troops might follow their general, remain
in Texas, or go elsewhere as they might deem proper,
in any case, however, retaining their arms and effects;
public property and war material were to be delivered
to General Burleson; General Cos was to depart
within six days after the signing of the capitulation,
and was to be provided with provisions sufficient for
his journey as far as the Rio Grande, at the ordinary
price. The sick and wounded were permitted to re
main.16

On December 14th Cos, with 1,105 men and a four-
pounder, according to stipulation, moved from the
Alamo to the mission of San Jose, and on the fol
lowing day continued his inarch to the Rio Grande.
What his losses were has never been ascertained;17
those of the Texans, according to Johnson's report,

10 Those appointed by G-en. Cos were Jose" Juan Sanchez, Ramon Miisquiz,
and Lieut Francisco Rada. Gen. Burleson nominated Col Johnson, Major
Morris, and Capt. S wisher. Tex. Aim., 1861, 54-5.

16 Copy of capitulation in Tex. Aim., 1861, 54-5.

17 Thompson, ii. 151, considers the estimate 200 killed and 390 wounded
as an exaggeration. Yoakum, ii. 31, thinks that the number of killed did
not exceed 150. Filisola states that he does not know the number, but gives
that of the men who left with Cos as more than 800, including the convicts.
ii. 208. Burleson estimated the number of effective men at the time of the
surrender at not less than 1,300, 1,105 of whom left with Cos. If these num
bers are correct, it would only leave 100 as the total of killed and wounded,
for Cos had only about 800 men before the arrival of Ugartechea with 600 from
Laredo. If Filisola's figures are correct, and Cos left with no more than be
tween 800 and 900 men, the loss in killed and wounded would be between 300
and 400.

188 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR

were two killed and twenty-six wounded, one half of
them severely. Twenty-one pieces of artillery, 500
muskets, with ammunition and other appurtenances,
fell into the hands of the victors.18 On the 15th Bur-
leson returned to his home, leaving Johnson with a
sufficient force stationed at the Alamo, destined ere
long to become the scene of tragical events. The
citizen volunteers of the army dispersed.

With the departure of Cos no Mexican soldier
remained in Texas. What troops were stationed
elsewhere had been compelled to retire during the
siege. After the capture of Goliad, Captain Philip
Dirnit was placed in command there, and reinforce
ments having been sent from Bay Prairie and the
Nueces, his force was presently raised to nearly 100
men. Dimit thereupon detailed, November 4th or
5th, about forty of them, under Captain Westover, on
an expedition against the town of Lipantitlan on the
Nueces River.19 Lieutenant Nicolas Rodriguez was
in command of the place, and was causing much an
noyance by detaining traders and travellers on their
way eastward. While Westover's force was on the
march, Rodriguez, leaving a few soldiers at Lipanti
tlan, proceeded, according to orders from Cos, against
Goliad. The Texans, avoiding him, crossed the river
a few miles below San Patricio, and advanced to
Lipantitlan, which surrendered at the first sum
mons.20 Rodriguez, meantime, aware of the situa-

18 The above account of the capture of San Antonio is mainly derived from
the reports of Gen. Burleson and Col Johnson, in Tex. Aim., 1861, 50-4, and
Foote, ii. 165-73, and the authors quoted. Other authorities that have been
consulted are: Newell's Rev. in, Tex., 67-71; Thompson's Mex., 176-7; Dome-
neck's Miss. Advent., 21; Halliard's Hist. Tex., 93-5; Young's Hist. Mex.,
250; Gregory's Hist. Mex., 53-4; Holley'sTex.,331-4A; Deweex Letters, 157-8;
Crockett, Life, 369-70; N lies Reg., xlix. 313, 365, 396; Id., S. Am. & Mex., i.
287-96; Tex. Aim., 1860, 38-41; Swisher, Am. Sketch Book, vi., no. v., 379-83;
Bustamante, Voz de la Pat., MS., x. 136 et seq.; Tornel, Tej. y Estad. Unid.,
63.

19 Linn was one of the party, and due weight has been given to his account
on pp. 119-23 of his Reminiscences, as also to those of Filisola, ii. 187-8;
Yoakum, ii. 19-20; Kennedy, ii. 132-3, and other authorities.

28 Two four -pounder cannon, eight old Spanish muskets, and a few pounds

THE TAMPICO TRAGEDY, 189

tion of affairs, retraced his steps and took up a posi
tion a few miles to the north of the Texan s, who
having remained a day at Lipantitlan were on their
return to Goliad. While Westover was crossing the
Nueces in the afternoon, Rodriguez advanced against
him. Throwing the captured cannon into the river,
the Texans prepared for action, and a sharp engage
ment of half an hour ensued, from which the Mexi
cans retired with a loss of about twenty men in killed
and wounded. The Texans had only one man
wounded. The captives taken at Lipantitlan had
been released under the condition that they would
not bear arms against Texas. Rodriguez retired to
Matamoros.

On the day that Cos moved his troops from the
Alamo, a terrible tragedy was being enacted at Tam-
pico. On November 6th a schooner named the Mary
Jane cleared the custom-house at New Orleans for
Matagorda. There were about 130 emigrants on
board, most of whom, confidently believing in the as
surances that had been made them, expected that they
were bound for Texas. They were deceived, however,
and entrapped. A vile scheme had been got up by
General Mejia to make a descent upon Tampico, and
induce the passengers, inveigled on board by fair
promises, either by persuasion or compulsion to take
part in the enterprise. He sailed in the same vessel
with them, but it was not until the sixth day out that
the majority of them was aware that a Mexican gen
eral was on board, and that Tampico was their desti
nation. When the Mary Jane arrived off the bar of
that port, the whole matter was explained, and about
fifty of the emigrants, supposed to have had a previous
understanding about the expedition, joined Mejia's
standard. The rest were driven below, and the ves
sel presently struck on the ' bar and was wrecked. A

of gunpowder composed the spoil. The fort was a simple embankment mis
erably constructed.

190 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO BE BEJAR

landing having been effected at great risk, the fort at
the north of the harbor surrendered through the
treachery of the officer in command. On Sunday
the 1 5th arms were put in the hands of those who had
previously refused to serve, and an attack directed
against the town. Mejia had expected that the Mex
icans would rally to his standard; but he was soon
undeceived by the unanimous cries of "Viva Santa
Anna! Death to foreigners!" which greeted him in
the streets. The attack on the plaza was a wretched
failure ; but Mejia and most of his force escaped in
a small merchant vessel to the Brazos. Thirty-one
unfortunate victims, however, were captured, of whom
three died of their wounds in the hospital; the re
maining twenty-eight were shot December 14th.21

While the events above narrated were taking place,
the provisional government was far from adequately
active. The position was a difficult one, but alas!
dissension between the governor and the council pro
duced embarrassments which imperilled the probabili
ties of success for the Texan cause. Money was badly
wanted. Little coin had the colonists at this period;
their wealth consisted in their lands, their cattle, and
the produce of their toil — property not readily convert
ible into specie, and in most instances only sufficient
to supply their wants. The richer settlers, it is true,
contributed freely, but they were few in comparison

21 Fisher's Memorials, passim. Edwards' Hist. Tex., 260-9. Among the
documents supplied lrr the writer is the last petition of the victims, with
a list of their names, ^arge sums of money were offered for the lives of the
sufferers by sympathizers; even $5,000 for any individual, and $100, 000 as a
ransom for all. These offers were sternly refused. Consult Filisola, ii. 188-
92. Mejia on his return to Texas endeavored to interest the provisional gov
ernment in an expedition which he meditated into the interior of Mexico.
The council, contrary to Gov. Smith's advice, were disposed to help him, but
requested him to operate with the forces besieging B^jar. Mejia declined
and the council withdrew its aid, whereupon he took his departure. Mejia's
account of the expedition against Tampico will be found in Fisher's Memorials,
praying the Texan congress for relief in favor of those who took part in the
expedition. These memorials, which furnish a large number of documents on
the subject, were printed in pamphlet form at Houston in 1840. Fisher was
secretary to the expedition.

POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 191

with those who had nothing to offer but their services
in the field. These latter enthusiastically responded
to the call for volunteers, but a long campaign would
necessarily disperse them. During their absence their
fields and workshops were abandoned, and their fami
lies in many cases reduced to distress. Such troops,
however brave and patriotic they might be, could not
be depended on as a standing army in a protracted
war. Moreover, they had to be provided with food
and clothing, arms and munitions of war. The first
necessity, therefore, was money, and only in the
United States could the government hope to raise
funds.

Immediately after its inauguration the council2'2
proceeded to appoint special committees to attend to
the immediate work required to be done in connection
with the different branches of government. Accord
ingly, the army and navy, financial, Indian, and state
affairs, were assigned to respective committees for
their reports thereon.23 The first symptoms of dis
agreement between Governor Smith and the council
occurred November 24th, occasioned by the latter hav
ing appointed Thomas F. McKinney special agent to
negotiate a loan of $100,000. The governor con
sidered that this appointment was an interference
with the duties assigned to the commissioners already
appointed, and who were about to proceed to the
United States. He therefore vetoed the bill; but
it was passed nevertheless by a constitutional majority
in the council.

On November 27th the financial committee pre
sented its report. The domains of Texas were esti
mated at 250,000 square miles, 10,000,000 acres only
of which, or 15,625 square miles, were considered as
appropriated, and on these it was suggested that a
tax of one cent per acre be levied. The population

22 The members of the council were being continually changed, and some
men of doubtful capacity and integrity were installed during these changes.
Tex Aim., 1860, 43.

23 Journal q/ Gen. Council, 17-18.

192 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

was calculated at 50,000. A tax of one dollar per
caput on slaves was also recommended, as well as a
duty on foreign tonnage, one of one quarter of a cent
per pound on the exportation of cotton, and another
of from 15 to 30 per centum on imports.24 But re
ceipts derived from such sources would be slow in
coming in, and the negotiation of a loan was evidently
the only means of speedy relief from the pressing
wants of the government.

When Austin arrived at San Felipe, November
29th, he found that his instructions had not even yet
been prepared by the council, and it was not until
December 6th that Governor Smith was authorized
to give them. Shortly after that date, the commis
sioners, Austin, Wharton, and Archer, left for the
United States, accompanied by A. Huston and John
A. Wharton, appointed by General Houston, at the
suggestion of the commissioners, as agents to procure
arms, ammunition, and provisions at New Orleans.

General Houston, as commander-in-chief, had re
mained at San Felipe to aid in the organization of the
army. Under his guidance a number of measures
were framed and passed providing for the establish
ment of a regular army of 1,120 men, of local militia
companies, and a corps of rangers. On December
12th he issued a proclamation,25 appealing to the
patriotism of the people, and setting before them the
condition of affairs. Santa Anna's letters had been
intercepted, he said, and his plans for their destruction
were known. An invading army of 10,000 men had
been already ordered to Texas to exterminate the
Anglo-Americans, or drive them from the land. A
force of 5,000 volunteers was wanted to oppose the
invasion. To all who would enlist in the regular army
a bounty of $24 and 800 acres of land would be given;

s FM. Hist. Tex., 32-3; Journal of the Council, 63 et seq.
25 Copy of which will be found in Morphis, Hint. Tex., 126-31, and Yoakum,
ii. 450-2.

GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL. 193

and to those who tendered their services foi A term
of two years, or for the war, as soldiers in the auxiliary
volunteer corps which it was the design of the govern
ment to raise, G40 acres would be given. But Hous
ton's efforts were fettered by the rupture between the
governor and the council, and the unfriendly spirit
shown by the latter and their supporters toward him
self. He bitterly complained December 17th that
more than a month had elapsed since the adjournment
of the consultation, and yet the army was not organ
ized. He even expressed his belief that the chairman
of the corresponding committee was interposing every
obstacle in his way. Nor did the evil rest here ; its
baneful influence affected the foreign volunteers.
Houston, by order of the governor, removed his head
quarters, December 25th, to Washington, on the
Brazos ; and on reporting his arrival, mentions that he
found there two companies, lately from Alabama and
Kentucky, who did not conceal their mortification at
the dubious position in which they found themselves,
and showed a disposition to abandon the cause.26

The breach between the governor and council wid
ened daily. Incessant changes in the latter caused
its members to be carelessly indifferent as to their
duties and responsibilities, and their action was guided
more by the spirit of opposition than by that of pa
triotism. The proceedings of this provisional govern
ment present a page in the history of Texas painful
to read. At a time when her vitality depended upon
the harmonious working of all her members, they were
at variance. Recriminations, ribald abuse, and mutual
reproaches were bandied between the opponents, and
as each side had its supporters, two strong factions
were developed. Governor Smith on divers occasions
considered it necessary to exercise the veto; but it
mattered not, his vetoes were always overruled.
The office of judge-advocate-general was created by
the council, and D. C. Barret, a member of that

26 Houston to Gov. Smith, in Id., ii. 448-50, 453-5.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 13

194 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

body, was elected to fill the position. Edward Grit-
ton was at the same time appointed collector of rev
enue at the port of Copano. Smith refused to ratify
the appointments, and in his message of December
17th, gave his reasons. Gritton's past record, he said,
was not satisfactory; he had been the secretary of
Almonte, who had been sent by Santa Anna to report
on the condition of Texas, and the governor regarded
Gritton as a spy. Barret, he asserted, had forged
an attorney's license in North Carolina, and he de
nounced him as a passer of counterfeit money, and for
having embezzled funds that had been furnished to
him and Gritton when sent a few months before on
an embassy to General Cos. The council neverthe
less sustained their member.27

A plan for the capture of Matamoros brought mat
ters to a climax. The scheme originated with a cer
tain Doctor Grant, a man of wealth, and possessing
large estates at Parras in Coahuila. Grant had
assisted at the capture of San Antonio, had fought
bravely there, and was severely wounded. But his gal
lantry was displayed for the promotion of his personal
interests, and not in support of the Texan cause. He
was an active federalist, and having been a member of
the dispersed legislature at Monclova, had taken refuge
in Texas. His object now was to restore the old
order of things, and regain possession of his estates.
It was he who, by his highly colored descriptions of
the interior of Mexico, had excited among the foreign
volunteers before San Antonio a desire to march
against Matamoros ; and after the fall of the former
place the ardent victors, elated at their triumph,
listened still more eagerly to his representations, and
were ready to engage in any adventurous undertaking.
Besides, he assured them that the inhabitants of
Matamoros and the interior were opposed to Santa

27 Yoakum in narrating this quarrel had before him the original message,
which was read in secret session, and ordered to be placed on file, and not
entered on the journals of the house, ii. 44-5.

RESTLESSNESS OF THE VOLUNTEERS. 195

Anna and the central system, and would rally round
their standard on their approach. Application was,
therefore, made to the government for its approval of
the scheme. The council readily granted it ; but the
governor and Houston were already proceeding in the
same direction, and making preparations for the com
ing campaign.

After the fall of San Antonio, the foreign volunteers
there, in number over 400, showed a restlessness at
the inaction which followed, while at the same time
others kept arriving from the United States;28 in
order to retain them, it was necessary to engage in
some enterprise. Early in December Captain Dimit,
in command at Goliad, had warmly urged the govern
ment to make a descent on Matamoros, and it was
doubtless in consequence of his representations that
Houston, in obedience to instructions from Governor
Smith, on December 17th, directed James Bowie, then
at Goliad, to organize an expedition against that place.
If the reduction of Matamoros was not practicable, he
was to secure the most eligible point on the frontier
and hold it. Under any circumstances, the port of
Copano was to be secured.29 At the same time Hous
ton issued orders that volunteers who should arrive
at the Brazos should proceed to Copano, and ordered
several detachments to repair to Goliad and Refugio,
which he designated as places of rendezvous. In
structions were sent to the agents at New Orleans
regarding the shipment of provisions and munitions of
war, with directions to store them at Matagorda and
Copano, and colonels William B. Travis and J. W.
Fannin were stationed at San Felipe and Velasco,
respectively, on recruiting service. Thus Governor
Smith and the commander-in-chief had already formed
their plan and discountenanced any other.

*8 On Dec. 20th there were about 400 men at Be" jar, 70 at Washington, 80
at Goliad, and 200 at Velasco, 750 in. all, besides several companies on the
march to different places of rendezvous. Id., ii. 46. These numbers doubtless
include the few citizen volunteers who still remained in service. Consult
R. R. Brown's account, in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134. He estimates the number of
U. S. volunteers at San Antonio at about 4b'0 men.

29 Houston to Bowie, in Id., 454; Morpkis, Hist. Tex., 133.

196 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BE JAR.

Colonel Johnson was in favor of the plan proposed
by Grant, and repaired to San Felipe, where he
readily obtained the approval of the government
and the necessary order for the expedition. Grant
left San Antonio de Bejar soon after, in the latter
part of December, with about 400 volunteers, leaving
Colonel James C. Neill in command of the Alamo
with a force of little over sixty men.30 Grant appro
priated the clothing, ammunition, and provisions in
tended for the garrison as its winter supplies.

Colonel Neill at once informed the commander-in-
chief of the destitute and defenceless condition in
which San Antonio had been left. Houston, by
despatch of January 6th,31 transmitted the report to
the governor, who on the perusal of it lost all control
of his temper. On January 9th he sent in to the
council a message couched in most intemperate lan
guage. He stigmatized Grant's expedition as preda
tory and piratical, and charged the council with
conniving at it. "Instead of acting," he said, " as
becomes the counsellors and guardians of a free peo
ple, you resolve yourselves into low, intriguing, cau
cusing parties." He applied the terms " Judas,"
"scoundrels," "parricides," and "wolves "to a por
tion of the members ; 32 and having heaped all the
abuse upon them that his power of language was capa
ble of, he declared the council adjourned till March 1st,

30 R. R. Brown's account in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134; F. W. Johnson, in
Bakers Tex., 80-1.

31 Copy in Yoakum, ii. 457-8.

32 Full text of this extraordinary document will be found in Journal of the
Gen. Council, 290-3. I quote the following extracts: 'I know you have hon
est men there, and of sterling worth and integrity; but you have Judas in the
camp — corruption, base corruption, has crept into your councils — men who,
if possible, would deceive their God.' 'lam now tired of watching scoun
drels abroad and scoundrels at home.' ' Look around upon your flock; your
discernment will easily detect the scoundrels. The complaint: contraction
of the eyes; the gape of the mouth; the vacant stare; the hung head; the
restless, fidgety disposition; the sneaking, sycophantic look; a natural mean
ness of countenance; an unguarded shrug of the shoulders; a sympathetic
tickling and contraction of the muscles of the neck, anticipating the rope; a
restless uneasiness to adjourn, dreading to face the storm themselves have
raised. ' ' Let the honest and indignant part of your council drive the wolves
out of the fold. ' ' They are parricides, piercing their devoted country, al
ready bleeding at every pore. '

GOVERNOR SMITH DENOUNCED, 197

unless it immediately "made the necessary acknowl
edgments to the world of its error, furnishing ex
presses to give circulation and publicity in a manner
calculated to counteract its baleful effects."

The council considered itself grossly insulted, and
was proportionately exasperated. The message was
referred to a committee, which reported on it January
1 1th. Smith was denounced as a man whose language
and conduct proved "his early habits of association to
have been vulgar and depraved." His charges against
the council were indignantly repelled, and his style
and language condemned as " low, blackguardly, and
vindictive." The committee, therefore, advised the
return of the paper, and that resolutions be passed
declaring that the council was the representative of
the people ; that it would sustain the dignity of the
government; and that Governor Henry Smith be
suspended from the exercise of his functions. The
report, having been read, was unanimously adopted.33
Lieutenant-governor Robinson was called to fill the
office of acting governor, and the secretary of the
executive was notified that he would be held responsi
ble for all records, documents, and archives of his
office. A proclamation explaining their action to the
people of Texas was also issued.

This resolute attitude astonished Smith, and he made
a half-apologetic attempt at reconciliation. While
still requiring the council to acknowledge its error, he
says: " Believing the rules of Christian charity require
us to bear and forbear, and as far as possible to over
look the errors and foibles of each other, in this case I
may not have exercised towards your body that de
gree of forbearance which was probably your due ; "
and he expresses the hope that the " two branches of
government would again harmonize, to the promotion

33 Id., 294-6. Copy of it will be .found in Dewees' Letters, 161-3. The
committee was composed of R. R. Roy all, chairman, Alexander Thomson,
Claiborne West, J. D. Clements, and John McMullin. One of the charges of
Smith against the council was that it passed ' resolutions without a quorum,
predicated on false premises.'

198 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

of the true interests of the country." 34 But the coun
cil was not in a mood to practise Christian forbearance :
it refused to revoke its resolutions ; Robinson became
acting governor; while Smith resisted all efforts to
obtain from him the executive records. He retained
his seal of office and the archives, threatening, when
they were demanded of him, to defend them by force,
and in retaliation called for certain papers, with the
menace that unless his demand was promptly complied
with, he would order the arrest of the members of the
council and send them to Bejar for trial by court-
martial.3'' And thus this miserable contention went
on, at a time when Santa Anna was making prepara
tions to invade Texas with an overwhelming force.
The two parties surfeited the public with explanations
of their conduct, and caused no small disgust and
lukewarmness. One conclusion only was arrived at,
namely, that the council and executive having been
created by the consultation, neither had the power to
suspend the functions of the other. From January
1 8th the council never had a quorum, and the shadow
of its existence disappeared shortly after the meeting
of the convention on March 1, 1836.36

But this lamentable discord was productive of con
fusion and its subsequent evils. A lethargy seemed
to settle upon the Texans. At the time when they
ought to have been in the field by thousands, citizen
volunteers were wanting, and the brunt of the first
onsets was borne by hundreds of brave men who had
left their homes in the United States to fight for
Texas, and whose blood was poured upon her soil.37
The efforts of the commander-in-chief were paralyzed.
At a most momentous crisis he found that the

34 Journal, itt sup., 308.

33A full account of these quarrels will be found in Id., 29(5-309, 312-13,
319-28, 338-9, 351-2.

556 See the entries in the Journal, 347-63.

37 ' Los soldados de Travis en el Alamo, los de Fannin en el Perdido, los
rifleros del Dr Grant y el mis mo Houston y sus tropas de San Jacinto con
pocas es cepciones es notorio que vinicro de Nueva Orleans, y otros puntos de
la republica vecino.' Santa Anna Monif., in Pap. Far., 149, no. 15, p. 12.

CIVIL AND MILITARY OFFICERS. 199

council had appointed, on January 7th, J. W. Fannin
military agent to raise and concentrate all volunteers
who were willing to take part in an expedition against
Mataraoros, empowering him at the same time to call
upon all public agents for provisions and supplies of
all kinds. This was clearly an encroachment upon
the commander-in-chief's prerogatives; the organic
law of November 13th declared that the major-general
should be commander-in-chief of all the forces called
into public service during the war.38 Houston had
left Washington on the 8th, arrived at Goliad on the
14th, and thence proceeded to Refugio, where he had
an interview, on the 21st, with Colonel Johnson, who
had just arrived from San Felipe, empowered by the
council to undertake the expedition against Mata-
moros. Johnson informed Houston of the authority
granted him; and showed him the resolutions of the
council suspending Governor Smith. When the com
mander-in-chief became aware of the action taken by
the council, he recognized its intention to supersede
him. He immediately denounced the proposed ex
pedition as unwise and unauthorized, in a speech
addressed to the volunteers assembled there; and con
scious that if he remained with the army every mishap
would be ascribed to him, returned to Washington,
having been elected by the citizens of Refugio their
delegate to the convention, and on January 30th re
ported matters to Smith.39

Houston, Forbes, and Cameron had been appointed
by the governor and council as commissioners to
treat with the Indians. When Houston returned
he received a furlough from Smith till March 1st,
with instructions to proceed on his commission. Ac
cordingly he and Forbes went to Bowl's village, and
entered into a treaty with the Indians, February 23,

38 See article ii. of the declaration 'defining the military regulations. Ken
nedy, ii. 496.

a9 Houston to Gov. Henry Smith, Jan. 30. 1836, in Yoakum, ii. 460-70;
-ft R. Browns Account, in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134.

200 SIEGE OF SAN ANTONIO DE BEJAR.

1836, in accordance with the ' solemn decree' of the
consultation.40

40 On Nov. 13, 1835, the consultation had issued a 'solemn decree,' declar
ing that the Cherokees and their 12 associate tribes had derived just claims to
lands, and denned the boundaries to be the San Antonio road and the Neches
on the south, and the Angeline and Sabine rivers on the east. It guaranteed
to them the peaceable enjoyment of their rights to their lands. All grants
and locations within the bounds mentioned were declared null; and that it
was the sincere desire of the consultation that the Indians should remain
friends of the Texans in peace and war. The public faith was pledged for the
support of these declarations. Journals of the Consult., 51-2. The treaty was
subsequently rejected by the Texan senate. Tex. Aim., 1860, 45.

CHAPTEK X.

THE iLAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.
JANUARY-MARCH 1836.

APATHY OF THE TEXANS— SANTA ANNA'S PREPARATIONS AND MARCH —
DESCRIPTION OF THE ALAMO — DAVID CROCKETT — THE SIEGE — STORM
ING OF THE ALAMO— THE ASSAULT— HAND-TO-HAND CONTESTS — DEATH
OF BOWIE— A HOLOCAUST — VICTORY DEARLY BOUGHT — DECLARATION
OF INDEPENDENCE — NAMES OF THE SUBSCRIBERS — LABORS OF THE CON
VENTION — A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT ORGANIZED — THE CONSTITU
TION — FANNIN'S PREPARATIONS AT GOLIAD — DESTRUCTION OF GRANT'S
PARTY — URREA'S MOVEMENTS — CAPTURE OF SAN PATRICIO — FANNIN'S
FORCE — KING'S PARTY SHOT — ASSAULT ON THE MISSION OF REFUGIO
— CAPTURE OF WARD'S COMMAND — HOUSTON AT GONZALEZ — MOVEMENTS
OF THE MEXICAN FORCES — FANNIN RETREATS TOWARD VICTORIA —
A FATAL DELAY — BATTLE OF ENCINAL DEL PERDIDO — SURRENDER OF
FANNIN — A BARBAROUS MASSACRE — NUMBER OF THE VICTIMS.

THE meditated descent on Matamoros, by its diver
sion, was the cause of disaster at Bejar. Recognizing
that no adequate force could be sent for the defence
of that place, Houston, on the receipt of a letter
from Colonel Neill informing him that 1,000 men
were on the march against it, had despatched from
Goliad Colonel Bowie with a small force, on January
17th, with instructions to destroy the fortifications
and bring off the cannon.1 Neill, however, was un
able to remove the artillery from want of teams, and
therefore did not demolish the defences. When ad
vised of this, and of the fact that there were only
about 80 men in the plaice, Governor Smith sent
thither Colonel Travis with another small force, and

1 Houston to Smith, Jan. 17, 1838, in Yoakum, ii. 458.

(201)

202 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

Neill shortly afterward returned home, leaving Travis
in command. Travis now called for money, provisions,
clothing, and a reenforcement of 500 men — supplies
beyond the power of the commander-in-chief to fur
nish. The recruiting service had been sadly unsuc
cessful. Apathy seemed to have settled on the
people ; and in painful contrast with the zeal and en
thusiasm displayed in the previous year was the
disregard now shown to the call for recruits. The
quarrel between the governor and council, disbelief in
the reports that an invading army was approaching,
rumors that great numbers of volunteers were con-

O

stantly arriving or were on their way from the United
States, and the toils of the late campaign and the
privations undergone by the families of those who
took the field, combined to cause this fatal indiffer
ence. In regard to funds the government was almost
destitute. Although the commissioners to the United
States negotiated, January 8th, a conditional loan for
$200,000 in New Orleans, the sum of $20,000 only
was immediately realized, and it was applied to the
purchase of army supplies. Another loan of $50,000
was obtained, January 18th, and devoted to the same
purpose.2 Thus the garrison at Bejar was left to
its fate.3

Meantime active preparations had been made by
Santa Anna to invade Texas with an overwhelming
force. Having completely suppressed all opposition
in Mexico, he proceeded to San Luis Potosi, where
he arrived at the beginning of December 1835, and

2 Austin to Houston, Jan. 7, 1836, and to D. C. Barret, Jan. 17, 1836, in
Foote, ii. 194-7; Y oakum, ii. 62. The remainder of the first loan was never
realized, the stockholders objecting to modifications made by the executive
government in the original agreement. The loan was negotiated on a sale of
lands with the condition of the exclusive right of immediate location. This
was regarded as unfair to the volunteers in the field, who would only be able
to locate after the termination of the war. A donation of 32 leagues of land
was offered the stockholders if they would relinquish their right of priority
of location, but they unanimously voted against the modified contract.
Burnett's Message, Oct. 4, 1836; Gouge, Fiscal Hist. Tex., 50.

3 Particulars of the destitute condition of the garrison are given in Travis'
letter of Feb. 14, 1836, to Gov. Smith. Original in Pinart's Tex. Col., no. 2.

SANTA ANNA'S MOVEMENTS.

203

remained for some time making his final arrangements.
His force was composed of three brigades, numbering
over 6,000 men, the flower of the Mexican army.
General Filisola was appointed second in command.
The first brigade, under General Sesma, was imme
diately sent in advance to relieve Cos, then besieged

SANTA ANNA'S MARCH.

in Bejar. His surrender, however, was known shortly
afterward, and at the end of the month the second and
third brigades, under generals Tolsa and Gaona, and
a portion of the artillery, under General Ampudia,
marched for Saltillo, the cavalry commanded by Gen
eral Andrade following January 1, 1836. On the 2d

204 THE ALAMO AND OOLIAD MASSACRES.

Santa Anna left for the same place, and remained
there nearly a month organizing his troops. From
Saltillo General Jose Urrea was despatched to Mata-
moros with 200 cavalry, to unite with forces that had
been concentrated at that place. On the 25th of the
same month Santa Anna held a review of his army,
at which his force was found to be about 5,000 men,
exclusive of Sesma's and Urrea's commands.4 In the
beginning of February the army marched for Mori-
clova, from which place Santa Anna, having left in
structions to his generals relative to their advance,
proceeded with his staff and fifty horsemen to join
Sesma, who was at the town of Rio Grande.

The distance from Monclova to Rio Grande is eighty
leagues, through a desert country almost destitute of
resources for either man or beast ; from Rio Grande to
Bejar it is nearly 100 leagues, through a region still
more desolate. There, little water could be found, and
no produce of human hands. On the march to Texas
half-rations only were dealt out to the troops, who
were reduced to the extremes of hunger, thirst, and
fatigue. Sickness and exhaustion struck them down ;
the gun-carriages and artillery wagons became loaded
with helpless soldiers picked up on the way, and num
bers perished.5 Nevertheless, through storms of rain
and snow, beaten by icy blasts or scorched by a fiery
sun, the soldiers accomplished their painful march, and
on February 23d the advance brigade which left Rio
Grande on the 16th took possession of Bejar without
opposition, Travis having retired on the approach of
the enemy to the Alamo, with 145 men.6 Santa Anna

4 Caro, Verdad. Idea, 2, 4-5; Santa Anna, Manif., 8, in Pap. Var., 149,
no. 15. Arroniz, Hixt. Mex., 270, states that Santa Anna organized at S. Luis
Potosi an army of 8,000 men. Bustamante says that the Mex. army in Texas
did not exceed 10,000 men. Hist. Invas., i. 6-7.

'°Caro, Verdad. Idea, 7; Filisola, ut xup., ii. 347-62. The animals were
attacked with the diseases known as the mal de lengua and the telele. The
former was an inflammation of the tongue, caused by eating dry pasturage, and
want of water; the latter was a fever produced by heat, and drinking stagnant
water heated by the sun. Id., 352-3.

°This is the number given by Travis in a letter dated March 3d, in which
: ' With 145 men I have held this place ten days against a force vari-

he says

MISSION, FORT, AND PRISON. 205

arrived soon afterward with his staff, and immediately
demanded an unconditional surrender of the place and
its defenders. His summons was replied to by a can
non shot, whereupon he hoisted a blood-red flag on
the church in token of no quarter, and commenced a
bombardment and cannonade from two howitzers and
two long nine-pounders.7

The Alamo, though built for a mission, was a strong
enough place for defence except against siege artillery.
Its surrounding walls were of masonry from two arid
a half feet to one vara thick, and eight feet high.
The main area, or square of the mission, was 154 yards
long by 54 wide, though it was not a perfect parallel
ogram, being somewhat narrower at the southern than
at the northern extremity. On the south-east of it
was the old church with walls of hewn stoi e four feet
thick, and twenty-two and a half feet high. It had
never been completed, and was roofless, but was made
serviceable as a magazine and for soldiers' quarters.
From the north-eastern corner of the chapel attached
to it, a wall extended northward 186 feet, thence
westward at right angles to the convent enclosing the
yard of the convent. This was a two-story adobe
building, 191 feet long and 18 feet wide. It was
divided into apartments, and was used as an armory
and barracks. The prison was of one story, 1 1 5 by
17 feet, and from its south-eastern corner a diagonal
ditch, surmounted by a strong stockade, with an
entrance in the centre, extended to the south-west
corner of the church. The whole area of the different
enclosures was between two and three acres, and a
plentiful supply of water was obtained from two aque
ducts, one touching the north-west corner of the main

ously estimated from 1,500 to 6,000.' R. M. Potter, in Tex. Aim., 1868, 32;
Yoakum. ii. 79. Caro, itt sup., 8, gives the number 156 as supplied to him
by the citizens of Bejar. Potter indorses these figures. Santa Anna grossly
exaggerated the number of the defenders, reporting them as over 600. See his
report of March 6, 1836, in Filisola, Mem. Ttj., 1849, i. 16.

7 Travis to fellow- citizens, Feb. 24, 1836, and to the president of the con
vention, March 3, 1836, in Foote, ii. 218-22; Dewee*' Letters, 179-80, 184-7.

20G

THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

area, and the other running close to the eastern wall
of the church.

Though the Alamo had neither redoubt nor bastion

GROUND-PLAN OF THE ALAMO.

A. Entry of the Mission. D. Church, Chapel, and Vestry.

B. Carcel or Prison. E. Walls, 33 inches thick.

C. Convent. F. Stockade.

G, H, I Places where Travis, Crockett; and Bowie, respectively, fell.

to command the lines of the fort, fourteen guns were
mounted at different points, presenting a formidable
obstacle to approach. Of these, three heavy pieces
had been planted with much labor upon the walls of

ARRIVAL OF TEH ENEMY. 207

the church by General Cos, respectively pointing
north, south, and east. Two pieces protected the
entrance by the stockade; two more defended the
gateway and prison; on terre-pleins one gun was
mounted at the south-west angle of the main square,
two on the western wall, one on the north-west angle,
two on the northern wall, and a single piece on the
north-east angle.8

Travis seems to have been extremely careless about
informing himself of the movements of the enemy by
means of scouts.9 The foe's arrival was so sudden
and unexpected at last that Travis had not even time
to throw a few provisions into the Alamo, a precau
tion which it is a matter of surprise that he did not
take on receipt of the first intimation of Santa Anna's
approach. In his letter of February 24th he wrote :
" When the enemy appeared in sight, we had not
three bushels of corn. We have since found in de
serted houses eighty or ninety bushels, and got into
the walls twenty or thirty head of beeves." His
supply of ammunition, too, was small ; but under all
the unequal circumstances with which he was beset,
not for one moment did he or his heroic band think
of surrender. The men who cast their lot with him
were as dauntless as ever handled warlike weapon in
any age. Among them were such spirits as James
Bowie, his second in command, David Crockett,11

8 This description of the Alamo and its garniture is derived from Filisola,
il 182-5; Potter, in Tex. Aim., 1868, 33, 38; Thrall, 239-41; Y oakum, ii.
75-6. The latter derived his information from a letter of G. B. Jameson,
dated Jan. 18, 1836, and containing a description and plan of the place.
\ oakum is astray as to measurements.

9 Potter considers that the neglect of scouting indicates a great lack of
subordination, and that Travis had little control over his men, who were will
ing to die by him, but not ready to obey him. Tex. Aim., 1868, 37.

l()Foote, ii. 219.

11 Crockett was born in Tennessee Aug. 17, 1786, his father, John Crock
ett, being of Irish descent. In education, character, bearing, and training he
was a thorough frontier man. Tall, powerful, active, and accustomed to the
use of the rifle from childhood, he was a mighty hunter and a fearless soldier.
During the war of 1812 he fought bravely for his country. His hospitality,
honesty, and humorous sayings gained for him not only numerous friends,
but wide-spread popularity, and in 1823 he was elected to the state legisla-

208 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

whose fearlessness of soul was equalled only by his
simple integrity, and the chivalrous J. B. Bonham of
South Carolina. Victory or death was their battle-
cry; so they hoisted their flag,12 determined to die
before the enemy should pull it down.

On the 24th Travis sent an appeal to his fellow-
citizens for assistance, declaring that he would never
surrender or retreat. The bombardment was vigor
ously maintained, and day by day, as Santa Anna's
forces kept arriving, the investment of the place was
drawn closer, and more batteries brought to bear upon
it.13 Yet strange to say, up to March 3d, though 200
shells at least fell inside the works, not a single man
was injured. The cannonade, too, had little eifect on
the thin walls, as the enemy had no siege train, but
only light field-pieces. Many Mexicans, however, fell

ture. In 1827 he became a candidate as member of congress for Tennessee.
Possessed of a deep fund of original humor, of generous impulses and un
swerving integrity, while his lively phraseology was peculiarly adapted to
captivate the voters of that pioneer state, his canvass was a great success,
and he was again reflected in 1829. But eloctioiieering and legislation were
two different matters, and Crockett did not find it so easy to rise and impress
the house with his convictions as to deliver stump-speeches, seasoned with
jokes and amusing stories, to audiences of backwoodsmen and cotton-growers.
Nevertheless, politics had their fascination for him, and he was anxious again
to be returned. But his opposition to President Jackson had brought down
upon him the anger of the administration, and no effort was spared to prevent
his reelection. He was consequently defeated, and, bitterly disappointed,
determined to seek other kind of excitement in fighting for the cause of
Texas. Accordingly, he went thither at the beginning of 1836. Having
arrived at Nacogdoches, he there became a citizen, and took the oath of alle
giance to any future republican government; he refused to do so, however,
until the word ' republican ' was inserted between ' future ' and ' government '
in the document. That being done, he signed the instrument and proceeded
to Bejar, where he arrived a few weeks before the siege of the Alamo.
Crockett was twice married, having two sons and one daughter by his first
wife. Life of Col David Crockett, ivriUen by Himself. Comprising his Early
Life. . .To which is added an account of Col Crockett's glorious Death at the
Alamo, while fighting in defence of Texan Independence. By the Editor. Phila
delphia, 1859, 12mo; Kennedy, ii. 189-93.

12 The tri-colored J^Eexican flag with two stars, designed to represent Coa-
huila and Texas. This is mentioned in Almonte's manuscript journal of the
campaign, found on the battle-field of San Jacinto by Anson Jones. Kennedy,
ii. 180-1. It must be borne in mind that independence was not yet declared,
and that the heroes of the Alamo fought under the federal flag of 1824.

13 On the night of the 25th two batteries were erected on the other side of
the river in the alameda of the Alamo. Id., 182-3. Intrenched encampments
were formed in Bdjar, 400 yards west; in La Villita, 300 yards south; at the
garita, or powder-house, 1,000 yards south by east; on the Algino ditch, 800
yards north-east; and at the old mill, 800 yards north. Travis' letter of March
3d, in Foote, ii. 219-28.

THE SIEGE. 209

before the rifles of the besieged, who, economizing their
small supply of ammunition, only fired when the assail
ants came well within range. On the night of the
25th the former burned some houses of wood and straw
in the vicinity, which had furnished a cover to the
enemy, and on the 2Gth sallied out for wood and water-
without loss, firing at night more houses near a bat
tery on the Alamo ditch. The siege continued, and
sun after sun rose and set upon the beleaguered fort
ress. Occasional skirmishing occurred by day and
frequent alarms by night, harassing the garrison by
the necessity of unremitted watchfulness, and the
ceaseless expectation of assault. Yet the investment
was not so complete as to preclude all communication
with the outside. On March 1st thirty-two gallant
men from Gonzalez, conducted by Captain J. W.
Smith, safely effected their entrance into the Alamo at
three o'clock in the morning; arid on the 3d J. B.
Bonham, who had been sent to Goliad for aid before
the approach of the enemy, arrived without mishap.14
During the siege the defenders were actively em
ployed in strengthening the walls, by throwing up
earth and intrenching on the inside.

On March 4th picked companies of Santa Anna's
3d brigade arrived by forced marches, and the Alamo
was surrounded by at least 5,000 men.15 A council
of war was now held by Santa Anna on the ques
tion of assaulting the place. Almonte says: ''Cos,
Castrillon, and others were of opinion that the Alamo
should be assaulted after the arrival of two twelve-
pounders expected on the 7th instant. The presi-

14 //>. Caro erroneously stcites that 25 men from Gonzalez entered in open
daylight. Vcrdad. Idea, 9.

lj These figures are nearly correct. The whole of Gaona's brigade- had not
yet come up. On Feb. 29th at midnight Gen. Sesma left camp with the cavalry
of Dolores and the infantry of Allende to meet Fannin, who was supposed to
be on his inarch from Goliad with 200 men to the relief of the Alamo. Find
ing no trace of the enemy, Sjsma returned on the following day. Almontes
Diary, in Kenned//, ii. 183. Fannin", in fact, did leave Goliad with 300 men
and 4 guns, Feb. 28th, having received a letter from Travis on the 25th; but
being short of provisions, and not having sufficient teams, he held a council of
war, at which it was decided to return to Goliad. Fannin to Lieut. Gov. Robin-
son, Feb. 29, 1836; Y oakum, ii. 78.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 14

•>10 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

dent, General Ramirez Sesma, and myself were of
opinion that the twelve-pounders should not be waited
for, but the assault made."16 On the 5th Santa
Anna decided to act according to his own opinion,
formed his plan, and issued his orders for the attack.
The storming columns were four in number ; the first
was commanded by General Cos, who had dishonor
ably broken his parole; the second by Colonel Fran
cisco Duque, with General Castrillon as his successor;
the third by Colonel Jose Maria Romero, with Colo
nel Mariano Salas; the fourth by Colonel Juan Mo
rales, with Colonel Jose Minon. The reserve was com
manded by Santa Anna, and placed under the orders
of Colonel Agustin Am at. All the columns were pro
vided with ladders, crow-bars, and axes. The attack
ing force numbered about 2,500 men, while the cavalry
were ordered to be stationed at suitable points so as
to cut off all possibility of escape.17 The sharp-shoot
ers were withdrawn from their positions during the
night, and the artillery ceased its fire.

At four o'clock on the morning of the 6th the
storming columns silently took up their positions,
one on each side of the Alamo, awaiting the signal
of the bugle to assault. Meantime the besieged were
on the alert, and had made preparations to receive
their assailants.18 It was the sabbath day, and at
the first glimmer of light the fatal bugle-blast broke
the silence of the hour, followed by the tramp of the
columns as they rushed to the assault. They were
met with a terrible discharge of artillery and rifles,
and recoiled at the slaughter inflicted upon them.
Colonel Duque, whose column was directed against
the northern wall, fell grievously wounded, and his
men were thrown into utter confusion. Those also
directed against the western and eastern sides came

16 A Imontes Diary, ut sup.

17 Copy of the general order in Filisola, Mem. Tej., 1849, 1, 7-9.

18 Santa Anna claims that he would have surprised the garrison but for
the imprudent shouts raised by one of the columns when the signal was
given. Manifesto, 10, In Pap. Var., 182, no. 8.

SANGUINARY CONFLICT. 2H

to a disorderly halt. But the officers urged them
on, arid driven forward by those behind, these two
columns gained the foot of the walls. Unable to
scale them, they moved by the right arid left to the
northern side, and uniting with Duque's column,
formed one dense mass. Again the assault was made,
and again repulsed. The carnage was horrible. But
what could the feeble garrison avail against a multi
tude, when 1,000 men would barely have manned the
defences ? After the first two shots the artillery was
useless against a foe crowded below the range of fire.
Travis fell dead, shot through the brain, while work
ing the gun at the north-western angle;19 a small
breach, too, had been made in the wall by the can
nonade during the siege. A third time, animated by
the example and courageous bearing of General Juan
Valentin Amador, the storrners returned to the attack,
scaling the parapet, and pouring in through the breach
faster than rifles could be loaded. While this was
occurring on the northern side, the column under colo
nels Morales and Minon had under similar circum
stances gained an entrance through the opening in the
stockade and captured the gun. The outer walls had
how to be abandoned, and the devoted defenders re
tired to the rooms of the long barracks and to the
church. And now commenced a series of consecutive
death-struggles. There was no connection between
the apartments, and each group of heroes fought and
died in quick succession. For a short time, from win
dows and loop-holes, their rifles crack fast and vicious
ly, and the hissing bullets strike down the foe. But
their own artillery is quickly directed against them,
arid cannon-balls crash through door and wall, while
volleys of musketry are poured in at every opening.

19 ' On the north battery of the fortress lay the lifeless body of Col Travis
on the gun-carriage, shot only in .the forehead.' Account of Francisco An
tonio Ruiz, in Tex. Aim., I860, 80-1. Ruiz was alcalde of San Antonio de
Bejar, and was on the ground immediately after the fall of the Alamo. The
stories that Travis committed suicide, and that he as well as Crockett was
one of the captives put to death, are utterly unworthy of credence. Yoakum,
11. 81; Gould, Alamo, Git. Guide, 21 j Tex. State Re<j., 1878, 30.

212 THE lLAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

Then follows the bayonet charge, and fierce resistance
with clubbed rifles and sharp-pointed knives. In
room after room furious hand-to-hand contests are
fought out to the death, till all those gallant men are
stretched lifeless on the ground.

The church was the last point taken. One of the
guns mounted on it had been brought to bear upon
the Mexicans when they gained the large square, and
did great execution, but after a few discharges all
those who manned it fell under the heavy fire of the
enemy. Then the church was carried by a coup-de-
main, the defenders within it fiofhtingr till the last man

' O O

was slain. Crockett fell between the church and the
long two-story barrack. His corpse was seen by the
wife of Lieutenant Dickenson™ — -her life having been
spared --lying mutilated on the spot indicated.21
Bowie had been injured by a fall from a platform, and
was unable to move from his bed. He was lying in
an upper room at the south-eastern extremity of the
long barrack, and was bayoneted as he lay ; not, how
ever, before having killed several of the enemy with
his pistols. Bonham fell while working a cannon.
In less than an hour after the bu^fle sounded, all was

O

over.22 During this time Santa Anna remained at

O

the south battery, while the bands of the whole army
played the air of the murderous degiiello.23 When all
danger was past he proceeded to the Alamo. Half an

O JL J.

hour after, five captives who had secreted themselves
were dragged from their hiding-places and brought

20 Dickenson commanded a gun on the east platform of the church. The
story that he endeavored to escape with his child, when all was lost, by leap
ing from a window, but was riddled by bullets before he struck the ground,
Potter, in Tex. Aim., 1868, 35, 37, is not worthy of credence. Mrs Dickenson,
later Mrs Banning, stated to Morphis that her husband rushed into her room
in the church, exclaiming, 'All is lost! If they spare you, save my child. '
He then rushed out into the strife. Morphis, Hist. Tex., 176.

alMrs Dickenson 's account in Id., 177. In 1876, Mrs Dickenson, then 66
years of age, visited the scene of this tragedy, and pointed out the spot where
tho last man, a gunner named Walker, fell. Linn's Reminis., 141-4.

2'2 The writer of the glowing description of the fall of the Alamo, in Put
nam's Monthly May., iii. 179-80, is unfortunately incorrect in nearly all his
details.

2 •'• Meaning throat-cutting; it signified no quarter.

THE FUNERAL-PYRE. 213

into his presence by General Castrillon. Castrillon
had some feelings of humanity, and hoped that their
lives would be spared; but his Excellency was of a
more tigerish nature. Severely reprimanding him,
he angrily turned his back, whereupon the soldiers,
though already drawn up in line, fell upon the un
armed men and despatched them.24 Of all those who
had been besieged in the Alamo, the lives of six were
spared. Mrs Dickenson and Mrs Albury of Bejar,
with their two children, a negro servant-boy of Travis,
and a Mexican woman, were not slain. Mrs Dicken
son was supplied with a horse and allowed to depart,
the bearer of a proclamation from Santa Anna. The
negro was placed under guard, but escaped.'25

The right of burial was denied the fallen Texans.
Their bodies were piled in layers, with wood and dry
brush between; on this funeral-pyre more fuel was
heaped, and then it was set on fire. The number of
corpses burned in this holocaust was 182.26 On Febru-

24 Caro was an eye-witness to this atrocity, and can be ralied upon as to
the number of the victims, and the particulars of their slaughter. He says:
' Todos presenciamos este horror que reprueba la humanidad, pero que cs una
verdad evangelica. ' Verdad. Idea, 11. Gen. Houston, in a letter of the
llth, erroneously states that seven men were thus put to death. Tex. Aim.,
1868, 36.

'* Potter, in Tex. Aim:., 1868, 36; Caro, Verdad. Idea, 11; Mrs Dickenson's
accounts in Morphia, tit sup., 176, and L'nn, 144. Mrs Dickenson was fired
at and wounded while passing out of the Alamo, escorted by a Mexican officer.
The escaped negro was met by her lurking in the bush a short distance be
yond the Salado. It should be mentioned that a Mexican, named Anselmo
Bogarra, who was with the garrison to the last, escaped, and leaving Be" jar
on the evening after the fall of the Alamo, reported the event to den. Houston,
then at Gonzalez. Linn, 141; Tex. Aim., 1868, 36. In 1878 an aged Mexican,
named Brigido Guerrero, applied to the county court of Be\jar county for a
pension as a survivor of the Alamo. His story was that he was one of the
soldiers under Travis, and when the enemy had gained the enclosure, entered
the room occupied by the women, who concealed him under some bedding,
where he remained till night, when he made his escape. His veracity was

Antonio, I was with some of the neighbors collecting the dead bodies and
placing them on the funeral-pyre.' Mrs Dickenson also states that the num
ber of the Texans was 182. Morpkls, 170. There is some doubt as to the
exact number of the garrison before its destruction. Yoakum and Potter
say it was 188, though the latter appears to be in doubt. Caro, utsup., states
that the enemy numbered 183 at the time of the assault. It is not improba
ble that during the siege several couriers were sent out by Travis and cut off
by the enemy. Capt. John W. Smith was the bearer of his letter of March 3d

214 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

ary 25, 1837, the ashes and a few remaining bones were
collected by Colonel Seguin and his command, were
placed in a coffin, and interred with military honors
near the spot where the ' heroes of the Alamo ' fell.
In after years a small monument was made from
stones taken from the ruins of the fortress, and placed
in the entrance to the state-house at Austin. On it
are inscribed the names of 166 of the slain.

What the loss of the Mexicans was will never be
accurately known. Santa Anna, to magnify the glory
of his dearly bought victory, reports it as 70 killed
and about 300 wounded;27 General Andrade's official
returns give 60 killed and 251 wounded.28 But these
figures are utterly unreliable. Much more trustworthy
are those supplied by Ramon Martinez Caro, who was
Santa Anna's secretary. He states that over 300
Mexicans lay dead on the ground, and that probably
100 of the wounded died.29 Alcalde Ruiz, who super
intended the burial of the dead, asserts that there
was not room sufficient for them in the grave-yard,
and that he ordered some of them to be thrown into
the river, which was done. "Santa Anna's loss," he
says, "was estimated at 1 ,600 men. " Anselmo Bogarra,
who left San Antonio on the evening after the occur-
to the president of the convention. Gould, Alamo City Guide, 18. Gould
states that Travis proposed on March 4th to surrender on condition that the
lives of himself and comrades should be saved, and that Santa Anna replied:
' You must surrender at discretion without any guarantee, even of life,
which traitors do not deserve. ' p. 19. This is in. accordance with Filisola's
statement, who, however, only mentions it as a report. 'Se dijo que Travis
Barnet . . . por medio de uiia muger hizo propuestas al general en gef e, que ren-
diria las annas yel fuerte,' etc. Mem. Tej., 1849, i. 9.

27 He shows such contempt for the truth as to assert that more than 600
Texans were slain, and that the attacking force was only 1,400 in number.
Copy of his official report in Id., i. 15-17. His equal in lying is Maillard,
who asserts that the garrison numbered 450 men. Hist. Rep. Tex., 101-3.

*8 Filisola, ut sup., 12.

29 Verdad Idea, 10. Speaking of Santa Anna's report that over 600
Texans fell, he says: 'I must state that I myself drew it up, putting down
the number ordered by his Excellency,' adding, ' pero ahora se habla la verdad,
y en consequencia 110 fueroii mas que los citados ciento ochenta y tres.
p. 11. Doctor Barnard, who afterward tended on some of the wounded,
about 100, mentions that he saw in the streets 200 or 330 more who were
crippled, and that citizens informed him that 300 or 400 had died of their
wounds. Linns Rem., 177. The Mexican surgeons informed him that 400
men had been brought into the hospitals on the morning of the assault.

INDEPENDENCE URGED. 215

rence, reported to General Houston 'that 521 Mexicans
were killed and as many wounded. Potter considers
that this number probably represented the total cas
ualties. General Bradburn was of opinion that 300
men were lost in this action to the service, including
those who died of their wrounds and the permanently
disabled. Whatever the loss was, there can be no
doubt that it far exceeded in number the defenders.
While these events wrere occurring, the convention
had assembled and the independence of Texas was
declared.

Separation from Mexico had gradually taken a firm
hold on the minds of all The question had even
been put to the vote at the consultation, and though
lost by a large majority,80 the necessity of the step
became daily more apparent. A decided move in the
direction of independence had been made as early as
December 20, 1835, by the troops and citizens at
Goliad, headed by Captain Dimit, who on that date
attached their signatures to a formal declaration of
independence, drawn up in a spirited proclamation.31
As such declaration could only be made by a popular
representation of the people, the action was premature
and unwarranted, but it aroused general attention.
Moreover, Austin writing from New Orleans in Jan
uary 1836, urged that the independence of Texas
should be proclaimed,32 and other leaders were equally
decided on the matter.33

30 Ayes, fifteen; noes, thirty-three. Journals of the Consult., 18-19.

31 The number of signers is 91. On the 22d a committee was appointed to
attend to the printing and circulation of the proclamation. Full text will be
found in Tex. Aim., I860, 76-9. It was taken from the State Gaz., 1852,
which copied it from the Texas Republican, published at Brazoria, Jan. 13,
1836, and said to have been the only copy in existence.

32 In a letter to Gen. Houston, dated Jan. 7th, he says: 'Were I in the
convention I would urge an immediate declaration of independence; ' and
again, in one of Jan. 17th to D. C. Barret, chairman of the council, he
writes: 'The whole nation of all parties is against us; they have left us but,
one remedy — independence. I# is now necessary as a measure of self-
defense.' Foote, ii. 195-7.

33 Houston said that he felt confident that but one course was left for
Texas to pursue, and that was an unequivocal declaration of independence.
Letter to John Forbes, Jan. 7, 1836; Yoakurn, ii. 55.

216 THE ALAMO AND GOLJAD MASSACRES.

Thus the delegates to the convention when they
assembled, March 1st, were unanimous in their opin
ion ; nor did they lose time. The convention having
organized, Richard Ellis being chosen president, and
H. S. Kiinball secretary, on the 2d it solemnly de
clared political connection with the Mexican nation
forever ended, and that the people of Texas consti
tuted a free, sovereign, and independent republic,
fully vested with all the rights and attributes prop
erly belonging to independent nations. This dec
laration of independence was signed by fifty-eight
delegates, three only of whom — namely, Antonio
Xavarro, Lorenzo de Zavala, and Francisco Ruiz-
were Mexicans.34 The statement of grievances was
based upon the changes made in the government by
Santa Anna, and the establishment of a combined
despotism of the sword and priesthood, in the place of
the constitution under which the immigrants had set
tled in Texas. Particular instances of tyranny and
of failure to provide for the welfare of Texas are
enumerated. The rejection of the petition for a sepa
rate state government; the imprisonment of Austin;
the failure to establish trial by jury and a public sys
tem of education ; arbitrary acts of oppression on the
part of military commandants; the dissolution by
force of arms of the state congress of Coahuila and
Texas, thereby depriving the people of the right of

34 The following were the signers, Stephen W. Blount; R. Ellis; C. B.
See wart; James Collins worth; E.lwin Waller; A. Brighain; John S. D. By-
rom; Francisco Ruis: J. Antonio Xavarro; William D. Lacy; William Menifee;

R. M. Coleman; Sterling C. Robertson; George C. Chihlress (Childers); Bailey

xv. BL. ^oieman; overling u. -tiooertson; ueorge u. Lniklress (Lmluers); .Bailey
Hardimau; Robert Potter; Charles Taylor; John S. Roberts; Robert Hamil
ton; Collin McKinney; A. H. Latimore; James Power; Sam Houston; Ed
ward Conrad; Martin Palmer; James Gaines; William Clark, Jr; Sydney
O. Pennington; Samuel P. Carson; Thomas J. Rusk; William C. Crawford;
John lurner; Benjamin Briggs Goodrich; James G. S wisher; George W.
Barnet; Jesse Grimes; E. 0. Legrand; David Thomas; S. Roads Fisher;
John W. Bower; J. B. Woods; Andrew Briscoe; Thomas Barnett; Jesse B.
Badgett; H. S. Kimble, secretary. Tex. Laic Rep., 1838, i. 6-7. In Niks'
Key., Ixiii. 195, the list of names is supplied with the place of nativity of each
individual; but Samuel A. Maverick and J. W. Moore appear in the places of
Thomas Baruett and Samuel P. Carson.

ARMY ORGANIZATION. 217

representation ; piratical attacks on Texan commerce ;
the denial of religious tolerance ; invasion of the coun
try for the purpose of driving the colonists from their
homes ; and inciting savages to massacre inhabitants
on the frontiers, were set forth as the prominent
causes of separation.35

The invasion of Texas by Santa Anna necessitated
immediate attention to the formation of an army. On
the 4th Houston was unanimously reappointed com-
mander-in-chief, with authority over all regulars,
volunteers, and militia in the field, the point of his
headquarters being left to his own discretion. All
able-bodied males between seventeen and fifty years
of age were made subject to military service, and an
official was appointed for each municipality to form a
list of all such within its district. Xames were to be
drawn by lot till the number called for at any time
was filled, and the men so drafted were to serve for a
term not exceeding six months. In order to retain

O

and attract foreign volunteers, lands to an increased

O

extent were promised. To those already in service,
and who should so continue till the end of the war,
1,280 acres were granted; 640 acres for six months'
service, and 320 acres for three months' service. All
those who should thereafter volunteer and serve dur
ing the war would receive 960 acres.36 Moreover, an
appeal for sympathy and aid was sent to the people
of the United States.

Executive ordinances were adopted March 16th,
preliminary to the establishment of the constitution
which the convention had been diligently occupied in
draughting. These provided for the organization of a
provisional government, with plenary powers in all
matters save legislative and judicial acts. This gov-

35 Copies of the declaration will be found in Id., 1. 99-100; Hollas Tex.,
236-41; Sen. Doc., 24th cong., 1st ses., vi., no. 415, pp. 3-18; Tex., Address of
JJ~. H. Wharton, 49-53; Tex., Lat'rs Rep., 1838, i. 3-7. The Mexican gov
ernment in a manifesto to the Mexicans, July following, calling upon them to
unite in subjugating Texas, denied her right to separate, and charged her
people with black ingratitude. Mex. Manif. del Cong., 1830, sin. 4to, pp. 20.

30 Ordinances of the Cony., March 12 and 17, 1836.

2ts THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

eminent was to consist of a president, vice-president,
a secretary of state, and one for each of the depart
ments of war, the navy, and the treasury, and an
attorney-general, all of whom were to be elected by
the convention. It was authorized to negotiate a
loan not exceeding $1,000,000, and appropriate the
funds of Texas to the defence of the country; also
to issue writs of election for members of congress,

Q

to enter into negotiations and treaties with foreign
powers, and to appoint commissioners to the same.37
Forthwith David G. Burnett was elected president;
Lorenzo de Zavala, vice-president ; Samuel P. Carson,
secretary of state; Thomas J. Rusk, Robert Potter,
and Bailey Hardiman, secretaries of war, the navy,
and the treasury, respectively; and David Thomas,
attorney-general. Having taken the oath of office,
the members of the government at once entered upon
their respective duties. On the 17th the constitution
was adopted and signed by the delegates. The con
vention then adjourned sine die. I append below a
synopsis of the constitution,38 in which the reader will

3T Exec. Ord., in Kennedy, ii. 502-4.

38 Copies of the constitution will be found in Id., ii. 505-22; Tex., Laws
Rep., i. 9-25; Tex., Repealed and Obsolete Laws, 5-14. It divided the powers
of the government into the usual three departments of the legislative, execu
tive, and judicial, the first being vested in a congress composed of a senate
and house of representatives. The powers of the executive and congress were
defined and rules laid down for their government. The judicial power was
vested in one supreme court, and inferior courts established by congress from
time to time; the republic wtte to be divided into convenient counties; and
congress was to introduce by statute the common law of England, with such
modifications as circumstances might require. In criminal cases the common
law was to be the rule of decision. Slaves for life were to remain in like state
of servitude. Congress could have no power to emancipate slaves, nor could
any slave-holder manumit his slaves without the consent of congress. No
free African could reside permanently in the republic without similar consent;
the importation of Africans or negroes into the republic, excepting from the
U. S., was prohibited, and declared to be piracy. Head rights were defined,
to each head of a family who had not received his portion of land one league
and a labor being assigned, and to every single man of 17 years and upwards,
one third of a league; additional grants were to be made in favor of colonists,
married and single, already settled, so as to raise the quantity of land received
by them to the above standards respectively. The land system was to be
suspended till those serving in the army had a fair and equal chance with
those remaining at home to select and locate their lands, and a general land-
office was to be established. The constitution was made subject to amend
ments proposed by congress, which were to be submitted to the people for
approval. The document concludes with a declaration of political and civil

EFFECT OF HOUSTON'S SPEECH. 219

not fail to notice the stringent regulations laid down
for the firm establishment of slavery in Texas — meas
ures strikingly in contrast with the more enlightened
legislation of the Mexican government on the same
question.

Houston's speech at Refugio, mentioned in the last
chapter, produced such an impression upon the vol
unteers that most of them abandoned Grant and
Johnson, whose force was thereby reduced to little
over sixty men.39 Indeed, to persevere in a descent
on Matamoros would have been madness, as it was
presently known that considerable forces of the
enemy were concentrated at that place. It was now
a question of self-defence, and Colonel Fannin, who
arrived at Goliad soon after Houston's departure,
actively engaged himself in preparing to resist the
expected invasion. He at once proceeded to organize
the troops, who were almost to a man volunteers
from the United States,40 and on February 7th an
election was held for the appointment of colonel and
lieutenant-colonel, Fannin and Major Ward of the
Georgia volunteers, respectively, being almost unan
imously elected. The erection of a fortress called
Defiance at Goliad was commenced, and was expected
to be completed by March 3d. Writing on the 1st of
that month, Fannin says : " I have 420 men and as
many spare muskets, but no men to back them."

rights. Religious tolerance, freedom of speech and the press, and personal
rights were guaranteed. In criminal prosecutions the accused was to have
the right to he heard. No titles of nobility or hereditary privileges could
ever he granted. The right of trial by jury was to remain inviolate, and the
privilege of habeas corpus was not to be suspended except in cases of rebellion
or invasion. No person could be imprisoned for debt in consequence of in
ability to pay; treason was defined; and perpetuities and monopolies were not
to be allowed.

39 1?. /?. Brcnvn's Account, in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134. Brown accompanied
Grant to the time of his death, and I consider his statements reliable. F. W.
Johnson, in Baker's Tex., 81.

40 Fannin bitterly complains in* his letters to the government of the disin
clination of the citizens of Texas to muster in the ranks, and the destitute
condition of the U. S. volunteers, many of whom were naked and barefoot.
Writing on Feb. 14th, he says that he could find but some half-dozen citizens
of Texas in the ranks. Foote, ii. 202, 207.

220 THE ALA:JO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

^ Meanwhile disaster fell upon Grant and Johnson.
These leaders proceeded to San Patricio with a force
of less than 100 men, where they received informa-
ation from Fannin, then at Matagorda Bay preparing
for the expedition against Matamoros. This was in
January, and the undertaking had not yet been
abandoned. At Yelasco was a large number of vol
unteers, and Fannin was attending to their trans
portation to Refugio. Being instructed by him to
collect as many horses as possible, Johnson and
Grant divided their command into two parties, one of
which, under the latter, proceeded toward the Rio
Grande in quest of horses, while Johnson remained at
San Patricio with the other. When about sixty
miles from San Patricio, Grant's party captured Cap
tain Rodriguez and sixty-six Mexican soldiers, who
were in charge of 300 or 400 horses collected for the
forces at Matamoros. The prisoners were released
from confinement under parole ; they decamped, how
ever, on the first opportunity. The horses were
taken to San Patricio. Grant, with Johnson in com
pany, started on another scouting expedition almost
immediately; when near Sal Colorado the command
divided, Johnson returning, while Grant pushed his
way to the Rio Grande in pursuit of a large band of
horses driven by fifty Mexicans. Having taken a
considerable number of the animals at the river,
Grant returned on his way back to San Patricio, and
arrived at the Agua Dulce, within twenty miles of
the place, unmolested. Making an early start on the
morning of March 2d, the party had not proceeded
far before it was suddenly surrounded by several
hundred Mexican dragoons, commanded by Urrea in
person, that issued from two belts of timber between
which Grant was passing. Nearly all his men were
shot down or lanced, Grant and Reuben R. Brown in
a, few minutes considering themselves the only sur
vivors. The firing stampeded the captured horses,
which broke the line of the dragoons, and Grant

A RACE FOR LIFE. 221

and Brown following in their wake, endeavored to
escape. The race for life was continued for six or
seven miles, till at last, overtaken and surrounded,
the pursued men dismounted, determined to sell their
lives as dearly as possible. Grant fell pierced by
several lances, after having shot dead a Mexican who
had lanced Brown in the arm. A moment after,
the latter was lassoed and dragged to the ground.
Brown was conveyed to San Patricio, then in pos
session of the Mexicans, where his life was saved by
the interposition of a priest and a Mexican woman.
Thence he was sent to Matamoros, where again he
was spared through similar intercession. On both
occasions he had been led forth for execution. He
eventually succeeded in escaping, through the assist
ance of outside friends, in the latter part of December
of the same year, and arrived at Guadalupe Victoria
about the 1st of January, 1837.41

As already stated, San Patricio had fallen into the
hands of the enemy before the destruction of Grant
and his party. Urrea had arrived at Matamoros on
January 31st. There he remained till February 18th,
when, having already passed his forces over the river,
he proceeded on his inarch to meet the Texans, of
whose intentions against Matamoros he was well in
formed. His command consisted of the infantry
battalion of Yucatan, in number 350 men, about the
same number of dragoons drawn from Cuantla, Tam-
pico, Durango, and Guanajuato, and several companies
of permanent militia; in all between 900 and 1,000

41 This account of Grant's raid and death is taken from Brown's narrative
in Tex. Aim., 1859, 134-7, and that of F. W. Johnson in Bakers Tex., 80-2.
Brown's statement regarding Grant's death is corroborated by Urrea, who
says that Grant and 41 riflemen remained dead on the field. Diario, Camp, de
T(.'j., 10. The absurd story told by Yoakum, that Grant was wounded, and
taken prisoner to San Patricio, where, after ministering to the wounded of
the enemy for three weeks, he was. tied Mazeppa-like to the back of a wild
mustang and mangled to death, is an instance of the most confiding credulity
on the part of that author. Hist. Tex., ii. 84-5. Brown mentions the escape
also of Placido Benavides, a Mexican, and Johnson that of Plaude and Wil
liam Innlock. Their accounts are the most reliable ones of this event, and
bear every mark of truthfulness.

222 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

men,42 about 200 of whom were left at Matamoros to
follow later. Though ill supplied with provisions, he
pushed forward toward San Patricio, the wreather
being- very severe, and causing much suffering.43 At
three o'clock in the morning of the 27th, he arrived
at San Patricio, and half an hour afterward, in the
midst of a storm of rain, assaulted the barracks, which,
after an obstinate resistance on the part of the gar
rison, commanded by Pierce, was carried, and the
defenders to the number of forty put to death or shot,
afterward. Johnson with three companions, Daniel J.
Toler, John H. Love, and Jarnes M. Miller, escaped.
The house which they occupied was surrounded, and
they were ordered to make a light. A few minutes
afterward firing opened in front, and the Mexicans in
the rear of the house moved away; whereupon John
son and the others escaped by the back door and made
their way to Refugio. A Frenchman, who had se
creted himself, was granted his life.44

After the destruction of Grant's command, Urrea
returned to San Patricio, and on March 7th he was
joined by the troops that had been left at Matamoros.
On the 13th he marched against Goliad, and on the
following day, having learned that the mission of
Refugio was occupied by a strong detachment of Fan-
nin's force, turned aside to attack the place. Refugio
was distant from Goliad between twenty and thirty
miles, and a few days previously Fannin had sent
Captain King and his company45 thither to bring off

42 These figures are supplied by Potter, who was in Matamoros at the time
and counted the troops. 7V.r. Aim., 1868, 31-2. Filisola, ii. 402, says GOO
men. Urrea states that his force was 320 infantry and 230 dragoons. Diano,
Camp, de T(j., 1.

43 On the night of the 25th an icy wind blew, but Urrea kept his troops on
the march, and six of the Yucatan soldiers died from the cold. Id., 8.

41 Johnsons A ccount, ut sup. Urrea states that 16 of the defenders were
killed and 24 made prisoners. His own loss was one dragoon killed, and four
wounded! Dtano, Camp, de, TV/., 9.

40 Fannin's force at this time was about 500 men, consisting of volunteers
from Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, Kentucky, Mobile, and New Orleans.
It was divided into two battalions, the Georgia and the La Fayette. The first
consisted of Ward's and Wadsworth's company, and Capt. Ticknor's company

ASSAULTS ON THE MISSION. 223

some families there who were in much alarm at the
appearance of Mexican troops in the vicinity. King's
force numbered in all only twenty-eight men, and at
the mission he was confronted by a strong body of
the enemy. Whereupon he sought protection in the
church, a strong stone building, and sent an express
to Goliad for a reenforcement. Ward was accordingly
sent with 120 men to his assistance, and reached the
mission on the day before Urrea's assault upon it.
It appears that King and Ward had a dispute as to
who should command, the former claiming the priority
on the ground of his having been sent first, and that
Ward had been despatched to him as a reenforcement.
The result was, that King, with his company and
eighteen of Ward's men, withdrew early on the 1 4th,46
and took up a position in a wood, where he was cut off,
attacked, and himself and nearly all his men killed, or
captured and shot during" that and the following day.47
Meantime three fierce assaults were made upon the
mission, but were repulsed with great slaughter, the
besieged reserving their fire until the enemy ap
proached within close range.48 These repeated attacks,

of Montgomery, Alabama, about 250 strong. The second battalion consisted
of the New Orleans Grays, Capt. Pettis; the Mustangs of Kentucky, Capt.
Duval; Mobile Grays, Capt. McManeman; Louisville and Huiitsville, Tennes
see, volunteers, Capt. Bradford; Capt. King's company; and the Red Rovers
from Alabama, Capt. Shackleford. There was also a part of Capt. Morton's
company, and a regular company of artillery, Capt. Westover. Shacklqford'a
Account, in Foote, ii. 228, 235, 244; S. T. Browns Account, in Tex. Aim., 1860,
84; Telegraph and Texas Register, 1S36, in Id., 88-91.

46 This is Brown's statement. Id., 85. See also Bakers Tex., 144; Linns
Rem., 199. Another version — also by a participator in the events — is that
King was sent forward to reconnoitre, preparatory to commencing the return
march. Foote, ii. 249.

47 All but two, who made their escape, were shot. Hardaway's Statement, in
Id., 256. According to Kennedy, ii. 201-2, the captives were shot by order of
Urrea; Thorn saw their mangled remains. Col Francisco Garay states that
in the attack five men were killed and two taken prisoners, and that on the
following day 36 more of the band were captured, their ammunition having
been exhausted. Fdixoltt, ii. 412-13. This author states that Urrca caused
about 30 prisoners to be shot, and defends his action. Id., ii. 418-19. An
other statement — by E. N. Hill, an eye-witness— i.s to the effect that King's
company with a few of Ward's men remained at the mission and surrendered
oil the morning after Ward's departure. They were all shot with the excep
tion of one man, on the road to Bejar, about a mile from the mission. Tex.
Aim., 1860, 72.

4*The loss on the part of the Mexicans was severe, but is greatly exag
gerated by Texan accounts. Brown says that between 400 and 500 of their

224 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

however, almost exhausted the ammunition of the
Americans, and Ward, having received a despatch
from Fannin ordering him immediately on its receipt
to return to Goliad at all risks, 49 effected his escape
through the enemy's lines during the night, and di
rected his course to Victoria. In his retreat Ward
marched through woods and swamps where cavalry
could not pursue him. On the 19th the Americans
crossed the San Antonio and proceeded toward Vic
toria, where they expected to find Fannin. The town,
however, was already in possession of the enemy, and
on their approach they were attacked by a force of 500
or 600 cavalrymen. Firing their last three rounds of
ammunition, they retreated into the Guadalupe swamp,
where they passed the night. On the next day,
March 22d, not having a shot left, they surrendered
as prisoners of war,50 against the advice of Ward, who
even in these desperate circumstances would have
preferred to take the chance of escape to trusting to
the faith of a perfidious foe. But the vote of the
companies decided the question by a large majority,
and the prisoners were marched to Goliad, there to
increase the number of victims soon to be sacrificed
by order of the inhuman Santa Anna. Fannin and
his command had fallen into the hands of the enemy !

Houston, on March 2d, had issued a proclamation
announcing the declaration of independence, and call
ing on the citizens of Texas to rally, as war was raging

dead were left upon the field. Tex. Aim., 1860, 85. Another eye-witness
states that ' the acknowledged Mexican loss was 400 killed ami wounded;' and
a third, that it was believed to be not less than 200. Foote, ii. 252, 256. Au
thorities on the other side go into the opposite extreme. Urrea gives his loss
as 11 killed and 27 wounded; Filisola indorses this statement, remarking that
Garay's assertion that there were 13 killed and 43 wounded is incorrect, ii.
412, 414. The Texans had none killed, but three men were severely
wounded.

49 This despatch was intercepted by Garay, but the courier was allowed to
proceed with it in order that Ward might leave his position. /(/., ii. 413-14;
Tex. Aim., 1860, 85.

60 Browns Statement, in Id., 85-6. Urrea asserts that Ward surrendered
at discretion. Diario, 19-20.

EFFECT OF THE ALAMO SLAUGHTER. 225

on the frontier.51 Appointing Gonzalez as the point
of headquarters of the army, he hastened thither and
arrived on the llth. Including a company of Ken
tucky volunteers, nearly 400 soldiers had assembled,
but they were without organization, and inadequate to
oppose the enemy, who was already moving into the
interior of the country.

News of the slaughter at the Alamo reached Gon
zalez on the day of Houston's arrival, and orders were
sent forthwith to Fannin, instructing him to fall back
to Guadalupe Victoria, and place it in a state of de
fence.52 On the 12th Mrs Dickenson reached the
place, and confirmed the mournful tidings, adding
many terrible details of the event. The inhabitants
were panic-stricken. There was hardly a household
in the town that had not to mourn the loss of a father,
a son, a brother, or other relative. Not less than
twenty widowed mothers bemoaned their husbands'
deaths. The families of the citizens who had fallen
abandoned themselves to grief and despair, and the
inhabitants began to flee. The panic was contagious,
and many who had assembled in arms returned to their
homes to provide for the safety of those whom they
had left behind.53 With no force capable of repelling
the enemy, Houston decided to retreat, and having
thrown his artillery, consisting of two brass 24-pound-
ers, into the river, began his march just before mid
night of the 12th. On his departure the town was
set on fire and reduced to ashes.54

Santa Anna, having received despatches from
Urrea, informing him of the capture of San Patricio
and the destruction of Grant's party,55 regarded the

51 Copy in Foote, ii. 265-6.

52 Copy in Y 'oakum, ii. 472.

53Capt. Sharpens Statement; Foote, ii. 268; Thrall, 256; Houston's Letter to
Collingworth, Mar. 15, 1836, in Y oakum, ii. 475-6.

54 There is little doubt that Houston gave verbal orders to burn the town,
that it might not afford shelter to the Mexicans. His defenders claim that
he did not do so, but the evidence tends to a contrary conclusion. Consult
Sftaiyes Narrative, in Foote, ii. 268.

5aHe^ received the despatches 011 the 3d and 7th of March, respectively.
Almontes Journal, in Kennedy, ii. 184, and Filisola, Represent., 8-9.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 15

223 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

war as ended, believing that no further opposition
would be made by the Texans. He accordingly made
his dispositions to occupy the country with his army.
On March llth generals Sesma and Woll, with the
battalions of Aldama, Matamoros, and Toluca, and
fifty cavalrymen, in all 725 men, supported by two
pieces of artillery, were sent to take possession of San
Felipe, and thence proceed by Harrisburg to Analmac.
On the same day Colonel Morales, with the battalions
of San Luis and Jimenez, a twelve and an eight
pounder, and a mortar, marched for Goliad. Owing
to information received from Sesma and Urrea, rela
tive to the forces of the enemy, on the IGth General
Tolsa was despatched, with two more battalions and
forty horse, as a reenforcement to Sesma; and Colonel
Cayetano Montoya, also with two battalions and a
twelve-pounder, to aid Urrea.

Fannin received Houston's despatch on the morn
ing of March 14th,56 and at once made preparations
for his departure. An express was sent to Ward,
ordering his immediate return, as we have seen; an
other was despatched to Colonel A. C. Horton at
Matagorda, instructing him to join the main body
as soon as possible; and a third to Captain Samuel
A. White, calling upon him to hasten up carts and
wagons, and order a supply of ammunition to be sent
up the Colorado for the army.57 All these letters
were intercepted; nevertheless Horton arrived at
Goliad on the IGth with twenty-seven mounted men.
The guns were dismounted, and such as were not
transportable were buried. And now occurred a fatal
delay. Fannin waited for the return of Ward and
King, not for one but several days. Courier after
courier was sent with instructions, but still no news

56 ' On the morning after Ward left Goliad. . .Col Fannin received Gen.
Houston's order to evacuate Goliad and fall back on Victoria. ' Shackleford's
Statement, in Foote, ii. 229. Shackleford errs, however, in saying, page 228,
that Ward was sent to King's relief on the night of the 14th. Ward left
Goliad on the 13th.

67 Tra'nsl/ations in SpanisJi, in Ui'rea, Diario, 57-8.

FANNIN'S FATAL MISTAKE. 227

was received of the detachment. The message all
fell into the hands of the enemy. On the 16th a
fourth messenger was despatched, and still Fannin
lingered, so great was his anxiety to learn the fate of
Ward and King, and his unwillingness to abandon
them in their dangerous position. His yielding to
this generous impulse was a fatal mistake. On the
17th Horton was sent to reconnoitre in the direction
of San Antonio, and returned to report that a large
force was advancing slowly and in good order upon
Goliad. It was Morales sent by Santa Anna from
Bejar. Not till the 17th did Fannin obtain any inti
mation that Ward's detachment had been hopelessly
cut off,58 and on the 18th the enemy appeared in forci*
on the opposite side of the river, near the old mission,
Horton, being sent across with what mounted men he
could collect, made a furious charge, and drove the
Mexicans into the timber, where they were supported
by a strong body of infantry. He then fell back in
good order. The same day Urrea joined his forces
with those of Morales, numbering 500 men. His
position was about a league to the north of Goliad, on
the Arroyo de la Manahuilla.™ At last Fannin de
cided to retreat, and began so doing on the following
morning. Two roads led from Goliad across the San
Antonio River, the lower one being that to Victoria.
This was reconnoitred by Horton, and reported clear
of the foe. The march began very early, a dense fog
concealing the movement. At the ford much time
was lost in passing over the artillery, which consisted of
nine pieces; nevertheless, the retreat was unobserved,
and the Americans, in number about 300 men,60 ad
vanced unmolested to within about five miles of the
Coleto River, the banks of which were well timbered.

58 Captain Frazer volunteered on the 16th to ascertain the state o affairs.
He returned with the news late in "the afternoon of the 17th. Doctor Bar
nard "s Account, published in the Goliad Guard, 1875, and transcribed by Linn
in his Reminiscences, 148-82.

59 Urrea, Diario, 13. Urrea's force now amounted probably to 1,200 men.
0 Shackleford in Foote, ii. 234, says Fannin's force did not exceed 275

effective men. This number did not include Horton 's cavalry. Urrea states
that he took about 400 prisoners — an exaggeration. Diario, 18.

228

THE iLAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

Fannin, though a brave and intrepid officer, was
deficient in caution, and had too much contempt for
the Mexicans, whom he could not believe would dare to
follow and attack him. Unfortunately, his low appre
ciation of the foe was too generally shared in by his
men, and as the teams were weary and weak for want
of food, he halted for an hour to refresh them. The

march was then continued four miles farther, the road
lying through an oval prairie skirted by belts of tim
ber. In front, not more than a mile and a half distant,
was the Coleto, the goal of safety, with its sheltering
woods, and on right and left, four or five miles away,
was the forest. And now, from a skirt of timber two
miles distant toward the west, the enemy's cavalry
emerged, and rapidly took up a position on the front
and right, while from the same quarter his infantry

A CRITICAL SITUATION. i>29

presently issued, and deliberately deployed on the
left arid rear. The Americans were completely sur
rounded.

Urrea, unconscious of the enemy's movements, had
leisurely prepared to lay siege to Fort Defiance.
When, however, he discovered that it had been evac
uated, he hastened to repair his mistake, and went in
pursuit with his cavalry, and a portion of the infantry,
instructing Colonel Garay to occupy the fort, and then
send forward the artillery and the remainder of the
troops. The pursuit began at eleven o'clock, and be
fore two in the afternoon the Americans were over
taken and their advance intercepted.

The enemy closed around so quickly that Fannin
had to abandon the attempt to reach the timber in
front, and make immediate disposition for battle. He
formed his men into a hollow rectangle, the artillery
being advantageously placed. Unfortunately, in try
ing to reach a commanding eminence, the ammunition
wagon broke down, and they were compelled to take
up a position in a depression in the prairie six or seven
feet below the surrounding plain. The companies
which composed Fannin's force at this crisis were the
Red Rovers, the New Orleans Grays, the Mustangs of
Kentucky, the Mobile Grays, and the regular artillery.
Horton had been sent forward with his cavalry to
examine the Coleto crossing, and was unable to rejoin
the main body when the engagement began.61

Some time was occupied in preparing for the battle.
Though Urrea had no artillery, he decided not to wait
for it, but attack at once. The Jimenez battalion,
and some companies under Colonel Salas, were sent in
front. Morales was placed on the left flank of the
Americans, and the grenadiers and San Luis compa
nies on the right. A strong body of cavalry was

61 Some censure was cast upon Horton for not making an attempt to cut
through the enemy. But his men failed him, and most of them rode off to
Victoria, leaving him no choice but to follow. Shackleford does him justice,
and says that with his whole force he could never have cut his way through
such an immense number of Mexican cavalry. Foote, ii. 236.

230 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

stationed in the rear. The Red Rovers and New Or
leans Grays formed the front line of the Americans;
Duval's Mustangs occupied the rear; and the other
companies were stationed on the sides.

The attack was begun about three o'clock in the after
noon by a simultaneous assault on the two sides of the
square, which was somewhat protected by a barricade
formed of the baggage and wagons. When the ad
vancing foe had come within easy range, the Americans
being ordered to withhold their fire, the volunteers
opened upon them with rifle and artillery, causing
great havoc in their ranks. Nevertheless the Mexi
cans pressed on with persistency, and attempted to
charge with the bayonet. But the Americans had an
abundant supply of weapons, and each man was pro
vided with two or three rifles or muskets. Before
their withering volleys the charge was stopped, and
the baffled troops were ordered to lie down within
range and only rise above the grass to fire. Urrea
now attempted a charge on the rear with his cavalry,
which he led in person. But men and horse were
swept down by canister and rifle-bullet; the troop
was thrown into confusion, halted, and retreated in
disorder. The artillery was now directed against the
infantry, which was compelled to retire beyond range.
After this the cannons were of little service, having
become too hot to load, there being no water with
which to sponge them out.

As soon as Urrea could restore order in his ranks,
he made a third assault. On this occasion he sought
to overwhelm the devoted band by assailing it on all
sides at once. His officers succeeded in urging on
their dispirited troops to within fifty or sixty yards of
the Texan lines, and again the bayonet charge and
cavalry onset were attempted, only to be repulsed as
before. An eye-witness thus describes the discom
fiture : " The scene was now dreadful to behold ; killed
and maimed men and horses were strewn over the
plain, the wounded were rending the air with their

DESPERATE FIGHTING. 231

distressing moans; while a great number of horses
without riders were rushing to and fro back upon the
enemy's lines, increasing the confusion among them;
their retreat resembled the headlong flight of a herd
of buffaloes, rather than the retreat of a well-drilled
regular army."( The contest lasted till sunset, and in
the dusk of the evening trained Indian sharp-shooters,
concealed by the tall grass, crept to within easy range
of the Texans, and for some time kept up a well-directed
and telling fire. It was only when the darkness ren
dered the flashes of their fire-arms visible that the
Texans could reply with effect.63 Then the assailants
were withdrawn, and the Mexican general disposed
his forces around, taking every precaution to prevent
escape during the night.

In this action, known as the battle of the Encinal
del Perdido, and also of the Coleto, the Americans
lost seven killed, several mortally and sixty badly
wounded,64 Farinin being among the latter, having
received a shot in the thigh early in the fight. As in
the case of all engagements fought with Mexicans, it
is impossible to arrive at any accuracy with regard to
their loss. Mexican generals invariably reported their
casualties as far less in number than those really sus
tained, while Texan authorities as often exaggerate in
the other direction. On this occasion Urrea's state
ment, that in the several severe contests — for he de
scribes them as such — he had only eleven killed and
fifty-four wounded, cannot be believed; nor are the
assertions even of some American participators in the
engagement worthy of more credence. They do not
hesitate to state that many hundreds, one eye-witness
saying 600, of the Mexicans were killed and wounded.65

^Kennedy, ii. 205-6.

63 The sharp-shooters caused more loss to the Texans than they had sus
tained during all the previous fighting. An eye-witness states that they
wounded fifty and killed four in the spaco of an hour. Id., ii. 206.

ot These are Shackleford's ntfmbers. Foote, ii. 234. Urrea says 27 were
killed and 97 wounded. Diario, 18. Barnard writes: ' We had 7 men killed
and 60 wounded, about 40 of whom were disabled.' Linn* Rem., 158.

65 Shackleford's A ccount, in Foote, ii. 235; Kennedy, ii. 207. Doctor Barnard,
who was present at the engagement, shows his good judgment in refraining

232 THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

Indeed, if Texan statements as to Urrea's losses are
accepted, that general would have lost over 1,000 men
since he left Matamoros. The same tendency to mis
represent the numerical strength of the Mexican army
is observable on both sides. The Texan authorities
quoted, with the exception of Doctor Barnard,66 swell
the numbers to 1,900 and 2,000 men, while Urrea
would lead us to suppose that he fought the battle
with only 360 infantry and 80 cavalry.67

Both sides were vigilant all through the night
The Texans suffered much from thirst, but labored to
strengthen their position by running, as best they
could, a shallow ditch around it, and forming a barri
cade with the carcasses of the animals, most of which
had been killed or had strayed off during the conflict.
Urrea' s troops kept wakefully alert, and on every side,
at short intervals of time, the bugle signals rung
through the night air all along the cordon of cavalry
men that encircled the doomed Americans.

The dismal night ended at last and day dawned.
It was Sunday, March 20th ; and before it was well
light, a strong reenforcement was seen coming up to
join the enemy. The position of the Americans was
now perilous in the extreme. They numbered little
more than 200 effective men, and these were worn out
by the incessant toil and exertion they had undergone
since the previous morning. Moreover, the Mexicans

from exaggeration. He says: 'The loss of the enemy I could never learn
with precision. They had above a hundred wounded badly, that we [the sur
geons] were afterwards obliged to attend to. Fifteen of their dead were
counted within a few hundred yards of our intreiichment early in the morn
ing, besides an officer who died shortly after. The accounts of the Mexicans
themselves, of whom I subsequently inquired, varied in their statements of
their dead from forty to four hundred.' Linn's Rein., 163.

60 This writer not only strives to be impartial in his statements, but shows
great correctness in his estimates. He calculated the force of the enemy to
be 1,300 on the morning after the engagement. He judged it to be about 500
strong when the attack began, and not less than 1,000 at the end of the day,
while in the morning a reenforcement of 300 or 400 men arrived. Id., 157,
160. These numbers are nearly correct, although probably still too high.
Assuming that Urrea left Matamoros with 1,000 men, his total strength with
Morales' contingent would be 1,500; and bearing in mind that he had left de
tachments at San Patricio, Refugio, and Goliad, besides incurring losses, it
is not likely that he had more than 1,200 men on the 20th.

67 Uiario, 14.

SURRENDER. 233

were now provided with two pieces of artillery, and
presently began to fire grape and canister. The men
were still confident that they could fight their way
through the foe to the timber, but in that case the
wounded would have to be abandoned, and honor and
humanity forbade their being left to the mercy of the
enemy, who had so lately shown such barbarity by
the massacre of King's party and the defenders of
San Patricio. The question of surrender was there
fore agitated, and submitted to the companies by their
respective officers after they had consulted. It was
generally agreed that if an honorable capitulation
could be obtained, they would lay down their arms
as prisoners of war. A white flag was accordingly
hoisted, and Colonel Salas, Lieutenant-colonel Holsin-
ger, and Adjutant Jose de la Luz Gonzalez were sent
by Urrea to confer with Fannin, who met them mid
way between the hostile lines. The result was that
the surrender was made. It has been denied by
Urrea and Holsinger that the former signed any
capitulation, but the survivors of the band tell but
one story, namely, that every one understood at the
time that articles of capitulation were signed.63

On the same day such of the Americans as were
able to march were sent to Goliad, the wounded arriv
ing at the same place on the 22d. The prisoners were
confined under a strong guard in the church, which
was so crowded that on the 23d all except the Mexi
can wounded were removed, the well ones to the
fort, and the wounded to barracks on the west wall.
Meantime Urrea marched to Victoria, and on the 22d
captured Ward and his command, as already nar
rated. He also made dispositions for the occupation
of Copano; and on the 23d Major Miller, with eighty-
two volunteers just arrived from Nashville, was made

68 Consult Hist. Hex., v. 170-1, this series; also Holsinger's letter to
Wharton of June 3, 1836, in Caro, Verdad. Idea, 73-8; Urrea, Diario, 17,
23, 58, 128-33; Doctor Barnard's Account, ut sup., 101-3; Skackleford's Ac
count, in Foote, ii. 237-9; Kennedy, Tex., ii. 208-10; Yoakum, ii. 514-16;
Santa Anna, Manif., 49.

234 THE ^LAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

prisoner by Colonel Yara at that place on landing.
All were sent to Goliad, Ward's command being
brought in on the 25th.

On the outbreak of hostilities, the supreme govern
ment, in view of the notorious preparations carried on
in the south of the United States, to enlist volunteers
in the Texan cause, passed a law December 30, 1835,
to the effect that all foreigners landing in the republic
with arms in their hands should be considered pirates,
and punished as such.69 When Santa Anna was in
formed of the capture of Fannin and his command, he
determined that this Draconian measure should be car
ried out to the letter. He despatched an order to Lieu
tenant-colonel Nicolas de la Portilla, the commandant
at Goliad, commanding him immediately to execute
the prisoners, and expressing his surprise that the law
had not already been carried into effect. The despatch
reached Portilla's hand at seven o'clock on the night
of the 26th. The Americans, unconscious of their
impending fate, were cheerful and buoyant with the
hope of soon being sent back to their homes. Shackle-
ford narrates that several of them on that evening
played in concert on their flutes the air of " Home,
sweet home."

Portilla passed a restless night, and not till morning
dawned did he decide to carry out the barbarous but
imperative order. The whole garrison was drawn up
under arms, the prisoners were aroused from their
sleep, formed into three divisions, and marched out of
the town in different directions. Their questionings
were satisfied with various explanations; the victims
in one band were told that they were going to Copano
to be sent home ; of another, that they were wanted
to slaughter beeves; and the third, that room in the
fort was required for the reception of Santa Anna.
Four doctors, and about a dozen others were not called
out. It was Palm Sunday. Each line marched in

69 Copy in Dublan and Lozano, iii. 114—15. All foreigners also who landed
arms and ammunition for the use of the rebels were to be similarly dealt with.

MOST VILLANOUS TREACHERY. 235

double file, with a guard of soldiers on either side.
Half a mile from the fort the order was given to halt ;
the file of soldiers on the right passed through the
prisoners' line, and in a moment after, the whole guard
poured in a volley upon them. Nearly all fell ; a few
survivors only escaped into the long grass of the
prairie, some of whom, eluding their pursuers, gained
the river. The first division to suffer w^as that which
had been led out on the road to the lower ford, but
the sound of distant volleys in other directions soon
after told those at Goliad that the murderous work
was being consummated elsewhere. For an hour
after the first firing, the ring of intermittent shots
smote on the ear, producing in the listener's mind a
terrible picture of the flight and chase, of the hunter
following his unarmed prey through the tall grass and
dark weeds, of the fiendish eagerness of the one to
kill and the desperate struggles of the other to escape.
Over 300 victims were put to death in this cold
blooded butchery, without a warning, without a mo
ment in which to prepare for death, send home a
farewell, or even utter a prayer ! Twenty-seven only
escaped. Miller's company was not included in the
first massacre. The wounded were dragged from the
barracks an hour later and shot. Fannin was reserved
till the last, and met his fate with a soldier's calmness
and bearing. He gave his watch to the officer in
command of the firing platoon, with a request not to
be shot in the head, and to be decently buried. He
was shot in the head, nevertheless, nor was lie in
terred, his corpse being cast among the bodies of the
other dead. Ward faced his death with stern anger.
When commanded to kneel, he refused, and being told
that by so doing his life might be spared, he still would
not bend his knee. " You have killed my comrades in
cold blood," he indignantly exclaimed; "I have no
wish to live." A few moments later he had ceased to
breathe.70 When the slaughter was ended, the dead

70 This description of the massacre of Fannin 's command has been derived
from the most reliable of sources, namely, the accounts of Shackleford and

23G THE ALAMO AND GOLIAD MASSACRES.

were stripped of clothing, and the naked corpses col
lected into heaps; then brushwood was piled upon
them and set on fire. Even this heathenish disposal
of the dead was badly done, and days afterward many
hands and feet unscathed by the flames were seen by
Shackle ford, whose eldest son and two nephews were
among the victims.

The odium of tHis horrible deed rightly rests on
Santa Anna. The officers more directly concerned
showed some feelings of humanity. Their chief had
none. Urrea recommended the prisoners to mercy,
and received a sharp reprimand.71 Portilla hesitated,
and afterward expressed his horror and disgust at
having been compelled by his duty as an officer to
execute the hateful task.72 But Santa Anna's order

Barnard, and S. T. Brown, the last being one of the Americans who escaped
from the first division of prisoners. Shackleford and Barnard at the time
were in Colonel Garay's quarters outside the fort, were in part spectators of
of the cruel scenes, and derived further particulars from eye-witnesses, ^he
narratives of all three have been previously referred to. With regard to the
number of those put to death in this massacre, Mexican and Texan authorities
approximately agree. Captain Kenny more, one of the survivors, supplied to
the Tex. Aim. of 18GO, pp. 82-91, a muster-roll of Fannin's command, which
he looked upon as correct, and also Brown's narrative. According to Kenny-
more 's table, the command numbered 444 men, of whom 33 were detained for
medical and other services, 23 escaped, and 3S5 killed on different occasions,
including 20 of King's company, and 21 of Horton's. According to a:i extract
from Portilla's diary, supplied in Urrea, Diario, 61-2, the number of prison
ers amounted to 445, or 363 after deducting Miller's company, which, not
having been taken i:i arms against the republic, he reserved for further in
structions. Deducting from the latter figures 27, the number of those who
escaped, according to Shackleford's list of their names, Foote, ii. 244, and 16
doctors and others who were retained in Goliad, it would appear that 32J
were put to death on the morning of the 27th. This number very nearly tal-

be taken from his list

lies with Kennymorc's figures. For if 41 of Horton's and King's commands
)f killed, there remain 344, showing a difference of 24
jned
and (
says:

surrender we had only 85 men, the others having left us 0:1 the route from
the mission to Victoria.' Tex. Aim., 1860, 86. Yoakum, ii. 100, gives the num
ber of killed as 330, but he only puts down eight as the number of surgeons
and attendants saved.

71 ' La rcspuesta de S. E. a la recomendacion del Sr de Urrea, fue" una
recoiivencion bastaiite fuertc, manifestaiidole su desagraJo, y al niisma
tiempo, que no manchase sus triunfos con una mala enteudida compasion.'
Caro, Vcrdad. Idea, 13. Holsiiiger, in his letter to Wharton, intimates that
Urrea did not intercede for the prisoners' lives, at any rate neglected to in
form Santa Anna of the personal promises made to Fannin. Id., 76-7. But
it must be remembered that Holsinger was endeavoring to exculpate Santa,
Anna, who was then a prisoner of Houston's.

7'JSee his diary and letter to Urrea of March 27, 1S36, in Urrea, Diario,
62-3; Democratic Review, iii. 144-5; a-ul Yoakum, ii. 519-20.

SANTA ANNA, THE FIEND. 237

was peremptory, and did not conceal his angry im
patience; still Portilla saved Miller's company from
destruction. Colonel Garay displayed his humanity in
a still more practical manner. Assuming a dangerous
responsibility, he withdrew doctors Shacklcford, Bar
nard, Field, and Hall, with some others, from the hos
pitals, and sent them with Miller's company to his own
quarters, where he had two other men already concealed
in a tent. The Seiiora Alvarez also concealed and
saved a few of the officers.73 But no ray of mercv or
of pity illumined the dark and cruel soul of the gen-
eral-in-chief. He was the incarnation of an inhuman
ity at once revengeful and cowardly. The slaughter
of his troops at the Alamo still rankled in his mind,
and he would not have spared a single life. Miller
and his men would also have been put to death but
for the representations of an officer who presumed to
plead for them.74

73 See Barnard's and Shackleford's narratives, in Linns Rem., 108, 171-3,
and Foote, ii. 244-5. Barnard says the name of Sefiora Alvarez deserves to
be recorded in letters of gold. Shaclileford speaks of her as an angel of
mercy. This was not the first or last time that she showed kindness and
humanity to her country's enemies.

74 When their case was referred to Santa Anna, he instructed hia secretary,
Caro, to draw up the order for their execution. This was done; but Captain
Savariego, the bearer of the despatch from Goliad, had the courage to address
Santa Anna on the subject of mercy, and received a sound rating for his pre
sumption. ' Pero apdnas hubo hablado, cuando recibid por respuesta taij^amar-
gas reprensiones, que salio confundido. ' Caro, Verdad. Idea, 15. Santa Anna,
however, withdrew his order and postponed his decision till he had investi
gated the matter. By this accidental interposition the lives of the company
were saved.

CHAPTER XI

SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

1836-1837.

FXJUSTON'S RETREAT — His BIOGRAPHY — PANIC or THE SETTLERS — SAN FE
LIPE BURNED — SANTA ANNA'S PLANS AND ADVANCE — His IMPETUOUS
MOVEMENTS — REMOVAL OF THE GOVERNMENT TO GALVESTON— HARRIS-
BURG IN ASHES — DISCONTENT OF HOUSTON'S ARMY— ITS ADVANCE TO
THE SAN JACINTO — SANTA ANNA BURNS NEW WASHINGTON — HE
MARCHES TO ENGAGE HOUSTON — PRELIMINARY SKIRMISHING — MEXICAN
CARELESSNESS IN AN ENEMY'S FRONT — DISCUSSION ON HOUSTON'S TACTICS
— BURNING OF VINCE'S BRIDGE— PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE — SAN JA
CINTO AND SLAUGHTER — SANTA ANNA'S FLIGHT AND CAPTURE — NEGOTIA
TIONS FOR LIFE — FILISOLA'S RETREAT — THE TREATIES — SANTA ANNA'S
DANGEROUS POSITION AND FINAL RELEASE.

NEWS of the fall of the Alamo reached Washington
on March 1 6th, and on the 18th the government moved
its seat to Harrisburg. A proclamation, however,
was issued by the president, in which it was stated
that this step was not taken through apprehension
that the enemy was near, but had been resolved upon
as conducive to the public good before any such report
was in circulation.1

Meanwhile Houston pursued his retreat to the
Colorado, where he intended to make a stand, having
sent his aide-de-camp, William T. Austin, to the mouth
of the Brazos for cannon and ammunition. His force
at this time was about 400 men, but as fresh troops
kept joining him, the army soon numbered 700. But
the removal of the government to Harrisburg,2 Hous-

1 The same express which brought intelligence of the fall of the Alamo
also reported that Houston was in rapid retreat from Gonzalez. Tex. Aim.,
1860, 51.

2 Houston, in a despatch to Thomas J. Rusk, the secretary of war, dated

/238>

SAMUEL HOUSTON. 239

ton's necessary retreat, and successive reports of dis
asters raised the panic in the country to the highest
pitch. The settlers abandoned their homes, fleeing in
all directions before the retreating army, or accom
panying it for protection. Thus, many brave men
were absent from the field, engaged in conveying their
families to places of security. On March 14th, the
commander-in-chief encamped near the Navidad, and
on the 1 7th reached Burnham's place on the Colorado.
Here he remained two days, which were spent in put
ting the families which had cast their lot with the
army across the river. The troops having then passed
over, he proceeded to a noted point on the left bank,
called Beason Crossing, where he remained till the
26th, waiting for the artillery/

As the Texan commandcr-in-chief is now about to
enter upon a career during which his action has been
severely criticised by his enemies, but which was ulti
mately crowned with extraordinary success, and won
the independence of Texas, it will be proper to place
before the reader some account of his parentage and
previous life.

Samuel Houston was born on March 2d, 1793, at a
place called Timber Ridge Church, in Rockbridge
county, Virginia, and by a singular coincidence forty-
three years after the independence of Texas was
declared, on his natal clay. Both his father and
mother were descended from ancestors who emigrated
to the north of Ireland from the Highlands of Scot
land in the troublous times of the reformation in that
country during the sixteenth century. After the

March 29, 1836, writes: 'Your removal to Harrisburg has done more to in
crease the panic in the coua'ry than anything else that has occurred in Texas,
except the fall of the Alamo.' Copy in Yoakum, ii. 485-6

3 On March 23d, G-. '\V. JU " V rv inspector-general of the army, wrote by
order of Houston to Secretary lair It, ' We Lave now upward of 700 men . . .
all in good spirits and anxious to' meet the foe. ' But this number does not
represent the force with which Houston continued his retreat from the Colo
rado, for on the same day he himself writes to Rusk, ' Men are flocking to
camp, and I expect in a day or two to receive £00 volunteers and regulars. '
'In a few days my force will be highly respectable.' Copies in Id., ii. 480-4.

240 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

siege of Londonderry, in 1690, in which they took
part, they crossed the Atlantic and settled in Pennsyl
vania, the two families seemingly following each other
in their migrations, till, at the close of the eighteenth
century, we find them established in Virginia. Hous
ton's father was possessed of only moderate means,
and died in 1807, when the future founder of the
Texan republic was thirteen years of age ; he was a
man of powerful frame, undaunted courage, and was
swayed by a strong passion for military life. The
mother was highly gifted with intellectual qualities,
was of a most benevolent disposition, and possessed
of a fortitude which the dangers that a life on the
frontiers was ever exposed to could not shake. Hous
ton inherited the qualities of both his parents.

After the death of her husband, Mrs Houston with
her family of six sons and three daughters crossed
the Alleghanies and settled near the Tennessee river,
which was then the boundary line between the Cher
okee Indians and the white race. Young Houston
thus far had received little or no education, having
displayed an aversion to attending school during such
intervals as he could be released from labor on the
farm ; and now he was more than ever confined to
hard work. Nevertheless he attended for a short
time an academy established in that part of Tennessee,
and obtained possession of several books which greatly
attracted his attention. They were translations of
Latin and Greek authors, and among them was
Pope's Iliad. The perusal of these works excited in
him an ardent desire to acquire a knowledge of the
original languages, and when his application to be in
structed in them was refused by his teacher, he in
dignantly left the institution. At home his elder
brothers exercised a kind of fraternal tyranny over
him, and at last compelled him to enter a merchant's
store, from which he presently disappeared. A.ter
much fruitless search, the family learned at last that
he had taken up his abode with the Cherokees. No

HOUSTON'S BIOGRAPHY. 241

persuasion could induce the scapegrace to abandon his
wild life, and he remained with the Indians till he
was eighteen years of age, spending his time in chas
ing wild game and self-education to which he diligently
applied himself.

Having contracted some small debt in purchase of
articles for his Indian friends, he considered himself
bound to make an effort to pay it. He accordingly
left the native village and opened a school, overcom
ing the many difficulties which opposed him at the
start. When his debt was paid he returned to his
former teacher, but soon coming to the conclusion
that he would never make a scholar, entered a store
in Kingston, Tennessee, as clerk. In 1813 Houston,
who had grown into a powerful man, over six feet
high, enlisted as a recruit in the ranks of the United
States' army, and was presently marched off to the
Creek War. In the hard-fought battle of the
Horse Shoe bend of the Tallapoosa, he displayed
rare courage and fortitude. Having been appointed
ensign, when the assault was made on the Indian for
tifications he mounted the defences, colors in hand,
and having been struck by a barbed arrow in the
thigh, compelled, with his uplifted sword and threats
of death, a soldier to pull the missile out. Though
carried to the rear, he presently returned to the fight,
and received two rifle balls in the right shoulder
which completely disabled him. His recovery from
these wounds was long doubtful, but his strong con
stitution saved him. The intrepidity which he dis
played in this battle won for him the lasting regard
of General Jackson, and he was made lieutenant for
his gallantry.

When peace was restored Houston was appointed
sub-agent to the Cherokee nation, which position he
held till about 1819, when he was removed on account
of a controversy in which he became involved with
Calhoun, the secretary of war. He then went to
Nashville and studied law, obtaining a license to prac-

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 16

242 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

tise after about eight months of assiduous study; was
presently elected attorney-general of that district;
and in 1821 was chosen major-general of the militia.
In 1823 he was elected to congress, and reflected in
1825. While member of congress Houston fought
a duel which caused much excitement in the United
States at the time. In 1826 while in Nashville he
preferred some charges against the postmaster of that
town, who sent him a challenge by the hands of Col
onel John T. Smith, a notorious duelist from Missouri.
Houston's second, Colonel McGregor, refused to re
ceive the challenge through such hands, and Smith
retired. The postmaster's communication had been
offered and rejected in the presence of a large number
of persons, among whom was General William White,
who could not refrain from remarking that he did not
think proper courtesy had been extended to Smith.
Houston overheard the remark and expressed himself
ready to give White, if he had any grievances, any
satisfaction he might demand. The result was a chal
lenge from White, and the meeting took place in Simp
son county, Kentucky, September 23, 1826. White
was dangerously wounded, being shot through the body
just above the hip. He, however, recovered ; Hous
ton was untouched.4

In 1827 Houston was elected governor of Tennessee
by a large majority. But ere long a domestic ca
lamity changed the whole tenor of his future life. In

4 The particulars of this duel are derived from the account by Col Wil-
loughby Williams, of Tennessee, published in the Louisville Courier Journal,
and reproduced in the San Francisco Post, Apr. 17, 1878. Major Framan,
in his Field of Honor, 284-5, states that White brought the challenge, and
it not being accepted insulted Houston: hence the duel. This writer relates
as authentic the following story. At the house where Houston was staying

rly in the morning of the meeting he was awakened by the barking

'Andrew Jackson.' Houston arose and began to mould bullets for the occa
sion. As the first bullet fell from the mould he was greeted by the crowing
of the game-cock; whereupon he marked one side of it for the dog and the
other for the fowl, determining that that particular ball should be the first
to be fired by him at his opponent. The bullet was used, and White fell.
After the duel Houston assumed a game-cock and a dog as a coat-of arms.
/?/., 529-30.

APPROACH OF THE MEXICANS. 243

January 1829, he espoused a daughter of a wealthy
and influential family in Tennessee. For a reason,
into the explanation of which Houston never conde
scended to enter, the husband and wife shortly after
their marriage separated forever. There is little
doubt, however, that Houston discovered that his af
fection was not reciprocated ; yet with true magna
nimity, he fully exonerated his wife from all blame in
the matter, regarding it as a misfortune and not as a
fault of hers. But the blow struck hard. Houston
sent in his resignation of the governorship to the sec
retary of state by Colonel Williams, and in disguise
loft the country, a self-exiled man. Ascending the
Arkansas river he again sought a home among the
Cherokees, who by this time were in an eastern por
tion of what is now Indian territory. He was kindly
received, and in October 1829, was admitted to all the
rights and privileges of that nation. In 1832 he went
to Washington to remonstrate against frauds prac
tised by the United States' Indian agents, which re
sulted in the removal of five of them. This involved
him in personal quarrels, and a rencounter occurred be
tween him and W. R. Stansbury, a representative in
the house from Ohio. Stansbury was severely
beaten. Houston was arrested, tried for assault, and
fined $500 The sentence, however, was not enforced
by the court, and President Jackson afterward re
mitted the fine. In December of the same year
Houston went to Texas and, as the reader is aware,
was one of the delegates to the convention which as
sembled April 1st, 1833, at San Felipe. Such was
the previous career of the man whom the fates now
called upon to guide the destiny of Texas.5

Almost simultaneously with Houston's arrival at

^Lester's Houston and his Rep., 8-47; Tex. Aim., 1859, 119-25; Cordova's
Tex., 178-9; Houston, Life of, 17-70; Quarterly Rev., v. new ser., 317; Wil
son, Hem. ly a " Mier Prisoner's" Widow, 12; Thrall, 555 et seq.; Oakland
Times, Cal., Apr. 17, 1878; Amer. Cyclop, ix. sub nom.; The Century, Aug.,
1884; Baker's Tex., 255-7.

244 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

Beason Crossing, generals Ramirez y Sesma and Woll,
with a force variously estimated at from 600 to 800,6
reached the Colorado and took up a position in a bend
of the river about two miles above the Texans. On
the approach of the Mexicans, Captain Carnes had
been sent with five men to reconnoitre, while to pre
vent Sesma from passing across the river, Colonel
Sidney Sherman and Captain Patton were despatched
with 150 men to Dewees crossing.' Carnes fell in
with twelve of the enemy, and in the skirmish which
ensued, killed one of them and captured another.
Sherman's detachment was presently increased to
from 350 to 400 men. For six days the opposing
armies remained in their respective positions within
striking distance without either side making any hos
tile demonstration.8 Houston's army by the 25th had
received such accessions that it was over 1400 strong,9
and the men were all eager to engage the enemy.
There is evidence that at one time he intended to
cross the river and give Sesma battle ;10 but on the

6 The real number was 725. Filisola Mem. Tcj., i. 20.

7 Tex. Aim., 1SGO, 56. Yoakum calls it Robertson's crossing, ii. 112.

8 Sesma was ordered by Santa Anna not to attempt to cross the river, un
less the enemy retired. JfiUsola, Mem. Gucrra Tcj., ii. 441.

9 It is impossible to find out the exact number of men under Houston at
this time. Ex-president Anson Jones says that on the day of the retreat
from the Colorado their number was over 1500 — 'I think 1570'; Col Ben
Fort Smith, 13GO; Col Amasa Turner says, 1468, besides 105 men who
joined the next day. Col Tarlton gives the number 1800; Calder thought
the muster-roll showed 1400; Franklin says upward of 1400 men; Heard
considered the numerical force to be from 1COO to 1600 men, because the issu
ing commissary told him that rations for 1600 had been drawn. Tex. Aim.,
1800, 136. Foote considers that at least 1400 soldiers were present on the
25th, and in a note gives his authorities. Tex., ii. 274. The Mexican gen
eral, Sesma, placed the number of the Texans at 1200. See his despatch to
Santa Anna of March 25, 1836, in Filisola, Mem. Tcj., i. 41. Houston in
his speech in the Senate of the U. S., Feb. 28, 1859, states that his efficient
force never exceeded 700 troops at any one point. Congressional Globe, 1859,
p. 1438. Copy of same speech in Tex. Aim., 1860, 18-35. This assertion is
somewhat contradictory to the statement in his letters of March 23, 1836.

10 Foote — ii. 278-9 — states that he is convinced that Gen. Houston, up to
the 25th of March, contemplated a struggle with the enemy in the neighbor
hood of the Colorado, and from a mass of documents, quotes one which he
considers conclusive. 'Capt. Shape says: Gen. Houston told me to tell
the people not to run any farther . . . there would be no more retreating; and
that the next news they would hear from the army would be of a battle, the
result of which no one could doubt.' The same author also supplies copy of
Army Orders of March 21st, in which Houston's intention is evident. 'In a

HOUSTON'S INTENTIONS. 245

25th news was brought by Peter Kerr of the capture
and massacre of Fannin's command. This was a
death-blow to his plans. It would be madness to as
sail under these circumstances, allow Urrea to gain
his rear, and let himself be surrounded by over
whelming forces.11 Accordingly he decided on a fur
ther retreat to the Brazos, and on the evening of the
26th fell back five miles and encamped on the margin
of a lake in the prairie. This movement increased
the prevailing consternation, and caused the greatest
dissatisfaction to both the officers and troops of his
army. The fiery spirits of which his force was com
posed were longing to strike the foe which had dealt
so savagely with their relatives, comrades, and coun
trymen, and in their rage could not perceive the pru
dence practised by their general. It is true that he
might have struck Sesrna hard, had he attacked him;
but it must be borne in niind that while the Mexican
commander had two pieces of artillery,12 Houston had
none, and it was for his cannon that he reasonably
waited so long. But it never arrived, and he did not
dream of such a blow as the destruction of Fannin and
his command, who, he supposed, were safe at Victoria,
as would have been the case had Fannin obeyed his
orders. As soon as General Houston's intention be
came known, Captain Heard and a number of other
substantial planters on the banks of the Colorado
asked for and obtained furloughs to enable them to
remove their families to places of security, and in the
subsequent retreat, as elsewhere intimated, the army
was soon reduced to half its original strength by the
departure of men bent on the same errand.

Meanwhile the government had been exerting itself

few days, ' he says, * I hope to have force sufficient to capture the enemy
before he can reach the Guadalu,pe. '

11 Moreover if he fought a 'battle, he had no means of transporting his
wounded. Houston s Speech ut sup.

- ' Dos piezas de a G con sus correspondientes dotaciones de artilleros y
municiones.' Filisola, Mem. Tej., i. 20.

246 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION

to send reinforcements, war material, and supplies to
the front. Two thirds of the militia had been called
out, and measures were adopted to arrest the panic
and flight of the inhabitants toward the Sabine. Pres
ident Burnet, on March 18th, issued a proclamation
tending to allay the public consternation, exhorting
the people not to abandon their homes, thereby de
priving their country's defenders then in the field of
additional strength. But this proved ineffectual. As
soon as the fate of Fannin's command was known, and
that Houston was in retreat, the wild hurry to escape
of the fleeing people rose into a panic, which erelong
reached Trinity, whose inhabitants fled. Samuel P.
Carson, the secretary of the navy, writing to President
Burnet, says, " Never till I reached Trinity have I
desponded, I will not say despaired."1 It was as if a
hurricane of terror was sweeping over the land.

Houston retired rapidly toward the Brazos, reach
ing San Felipe on the 28th. Here the dissatisfaction
of the troops displayed itself in a spirit of insubordina
tion. Objection was raised to marching up the river,
it being maintained that the principal settlements were
situated below. The commander-in-chief decided to
move up, whereupon two companies, one commanded
by Captain Mosely Baker, and the other by Wylie
Martin, refused to come into line,1* and he was fain to
order Baker to remain behind, with 120 men, to
guard the crossing at San Felipe, and to grant the re
quest of Martin's company to go down to the crossing
at Fort Bend, or Old Fort. These arrangements
having been made, on the 29th Houston moved up
the river with the main body, now reduced to 520 ef
ficient men, crossed Mill creek, and on March 31st
encamped in the Brazos bottom opposite Groce's plan
tation. Here he remained till April 13th, detained

13 Letter of April 4th, in Yoahim, ii. 119.

14 Labadie, in Tex. Aim., 1859, 44. Houston makes mention of only one
company as mutinous. Houston s Speech, utsup., 1435, also in Tex. Aim., I860,
23.

MEXICAN ADVANCE. 247

by the high waters of the river from any active opera
tion. The rains were unusually heavy this season;
the Brazos rose to a height not known for years, and
his camping ground was at one time converted into an
island by the floods. Provided with no tents, and
but little covering of any kind, the sufferings of the
soldiers from wet and exposure were severe, and sick
ness naturally followed.

In the evening of the day on which Houston left
San Felipe, the town was burnt to the ground by
Baker. This severe measure was adopted on account
of a report brought in by his scouts that they had seen
the Mexican advance guard within a few miles of the
place, which they would probably reach before day
light. Unfortunately, the scouts had mistaken a drove
of cattle for a squadron of cavalry, and the untimely
burning of San Felipe caused the destruction of an
immense quantity of goods which might otherwise
have been saved.10

On March 24th, General Tolsa arrived at the Colo
rado with his command, raising Sesma's division to
1,400 men of all arms,16 and this general, on the re
treat of Houston, at once proceeded to pass his troops
over the river on rafts. The Colorado was much
swollen, but in four days after the departure of the
Texans, he succeeded in placing a considerable portion
of them on the other side, and a few days later crossed
over with the remainder. When Santa Anna became
aware of the large Texan force concentrated on the
Colorado, he changed his intention of returning to
Mexico, and decided to take the field in person. In
deed, he changed all of his plans. Gaona was ordered
to cross the Colorado at Bastrop, and march to San
Felipe as a support on Sesma's left, and Urrea was

15 Foote, ii. 283. This author, in his account of this occurrence, quotes
' the very words of the last number of the San Felipe Telegraph, the accuracy
of which there is no reason to question.'

le These are Sesma's own figures, according to his despatch to Santa Anna
dated March 25, 1836, in Filisola, Mem. Tej., i. 41.

248 SAOTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

instructed to move from Victoria against the same
place. Colonel Amat was sent forward to Gonzalez
with 600 men, two eight-pounder and two four-pounder
cannon, and a seven-inch mortar, taking with him
rations for one month. Having made these arrange
ments, and leaving General Juan Jose Andrade in
command at Bejar with most of the cavalry and some
piquets of infantry, the Mexican dictator left, March
31st, with his staff and General Filisola. On April
2d he reached Gonzalez, and finding the waters of the
Guadalupe so high that it would be necessary to con
struct rafts for the passage across of Amat's brigade,
such was his impatience that he hurried forward with
his staff and an escort of about forty dragoons, leaving
Filisola to direct the crossing of the troops, artillery,
and wagons. On the 5th he reached the Colorado,
and with Sesma's and Tolsa's commands pushed for
ward with the same impetuous haste to San Felipe,
where he arrived April 7th.17

Santa Anna in the plenitude of his self-confidence
considered that he had an ample force with which to
crush the retreating Texans without the assistance of
Urrea's division, and on April 6th countermanded his
instructions to that general, ordering him to take pos
session of Matagorda, and carry out the operations
previously assigned to him.18 This proved to be a
fatal mistake. Urrea crossed the Colorado, and on
April 13th entered Matagorda, which he found evac
uated. He then directed his march to Brazoria, tak
ing possession of the place on the 22d without oppo
sition, a large quantity of goods of all kinds falling
into his hands. 19 While Urrea was thus far away from
the future field of action Gaona failed to arrive at
San Felipe at the time expected. In fact he had lost
his way in the desert region lying between Bastrop
and San Felipe, which place he did not reach till

17 Filisola, Mem. Tej., i. 41-51; Id., Represent., 12-13; Caro, Verdad. Idea,
17-18; Almonte's Journal, in National Banner, July 13, 1838.

18 Copy of despatch in Filisola, Mem. Tej., 50-1.

19 Id., Mem. Guerra Tej., ii. 446-9; Urrea Diario, 24-7.

CROSSING THE RIVER.

249

April 17th.20 These two circumstances, combined
with the impetuosity and presumptuous self-reliance
of Santa Anna greatly conduced to the catastrophe
which ended in his overthrow and capture.

SECTIONAL MAP OF 1835.

Meantime Santa Anna, finding Baker's detachment
opposed to him on the .opposite side of the river, made
no attempt to cross, but on the 9th moved down the

20Caro Verdad. Idea, 22; Filisola, Mem. Guerra Tej., ii. 449-50.

250 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

Brazos with the chosen companies and reached Old
Fort21 on the llth. Sesina was left at San Felipe
with 489 men, being instructed to place himself un
der Filisola's orders when he should arrive.'2 The last
named general had reached the Colorado on the 10th,
and moving forward arrived at the ruins of San
Felipe on the 14th, and at Old Fort on the 16th.
From the latter place Santa Anna sent instructions,
as soon as he arrived, for Sesma and Filisola to join him
there as speedily as possible. Sesma came up on the
1 3th, and on the following day the commander-in-chief,
without waiting for the arrival of Filisola, having ob
tained possession of a flat boat 23 and two canoes^ suc
ceeded in crossing the river by a ruse. At Old Fort
there were two crossings, the upper and lower, and as
Wylie Martin's force was not sufficient to guard both,
he was kept occupied by a demonstration at the
upper ferry, while the Mexicans effected their pas
sage across at the lower one. Martin thereupon pro
ceeded up the river and joined Houston who by this
time was also on the east bank of the river. Taking
with him 700 infantry with a six-pounder and 50
cavalrymen, Santa Anna hurried off to Harrisburg,
leaving Sesma with the remainder of the division at
Old Fort.

The cause of all this haste was the receipt of news
that the Texan government had its seat at Harris
burg and the Mexican commander-in-chief hoped, by-
a forced march, to capture the president and other
members. He arrived at the place in the night of
the 15th,24 only to find three printers in it, the gov-

21 Also called Fort Bend, Thompson Ferry, and Orozimbo — now Rich
mond.

22 See Sesma's note to Filisola of Apr. 9, 1836, in Id., Mem. Tej., i. 64;
Id., Represent., 13.

23 Houston states in the speech already quoted that he had ordered every
craft on the river, to be destroyed but by a ruse the enemy obtained the
only boat that was in that part of the country where a command was sta
tioned. Ihey came and spoke English. Consult Yoakum, ii. 121.

24 At this date the positions of the Mexican divisions were as follows:
Urrea was at Matagorda, 30 leagues distant from Sesma, and 40 from Filisola;
Gaona was lost in the desert between Bastrop and San Felipe; Filisola was

TEXAN MOVEMENTS. 251

eminent and inhabitants having left for New Wash
ington, whence they crossed over to Andhuac, and
from there to Galveston island in the steamer Cayuga,
the government making the latter place its seat.25

At Harrisburg Santa Anna learned from the print
ers that Houston was at Groce crossing with 800
men. He then sent forward the cavalry to New
Washington under Colonel Almonte, who presently,
from information there received, reported that Hous
ton was marching for the Trinity by way of Lynch's
ferry. Having set fire to Harrisburg,26 the Mexican
general moved, on the 17th, to New Washington, ar
riving there on the 1 8th, having previously despatched
a courier post haste to Filisola ordering him to send
General Cos with 500 picked troops to join him by
forced marches.27 And here, for the present, we will
leave him to follow the movements of the Texan army.

The impatience of the troops at the Fabian policy
of General Houston was so great that the expression
of it bordered on mutiny, and it is an undeniable fact
that while they were in camp on the Brazos several
meetings were openly held at which the question was
discussed of appointing another leader.28 On April
4th, Thomas J. Rusk, the secretary of war, arrived
at the camp, and it appears that at his suggestion an
understanding was arrived at that the army should

16 leagues distant from Sesma, and Santa Anna at Harrisburg 20 leagues
distant.

20 Pres. Burnet was nearly captured by a squadron of Mexican cavalry
on the morning of the 17th, at New Washington, escaping to the steamer in
a small boat only a few minutes before the enemy reached the shore. Yoa-
kum. ii. 136-7.

26 Santa Anna denies this, stating that the town was on fire before he en
tered it, and that he was told by the printers that the fire was accidental.
Manifesto 17, in Pap. Far., 182, no. 8; also in Filisola, Mem. Guerra Tcj-, ii.
458. But Colonel Pedro Delgado in his diary says that Santa Anna ordered
him to set fire to the place. Id., Mem. Tcj., i. 84.

27 Cos had been ordered to proceed with 500 men to the mouth of the
Brazos and take possession of Velasco. Copy of despatches in Id., i. 68-77.
Santa Anna's countermanding his orders so repeatedly caused much annoy
ance to his generals, whose suggestions or advice he would not listen to.

28 Houston says, 'mutiny and sedition were rife in camp,' Tex. Aim.,
1860, 35.

252

SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

march to Harrisburg, the seat of the government, and
there make a stand.29 Two six-pounders having ar
rived on the llth from Harrisburg,30 Houston made
preparations to cross the river. On his arrival at the
Brazos, a spacious steamboat, the Yellowstone, hap
pened to be at Groce's landing, loading with cotton.
This vessel he embargoed, and placing a guard on

ROUTES OF ARMIES.

board thus secured the means of passing the river at
any time without trouble. Thus at length the opera
tions were fairly commenced, and indeed had they
been much longer delayed it is impossible to foresee
the results that might have followed, with mutiny
and insubordination openly threatened in his camp,
for many of his followers now attributed his hesita
tion to incompetence, timidity, or indeed to any cause
except the right one. On the 12th he began to

*9 Foote says that Houston's plan was to retire to the Sabine, and ilie:-3
get up an army of 5,000 Anglo-Americans. On the other hand, it was an
nounced to him by Maj. Wharton and others that the soldiers would not
leave the central region of Texas to go north on any consideration whatever.
Foote, ii. 292. Houston asserted in his speech before the U. S. senate that
he was resolved never to pass the Trinity. Tex. Aim., 1860, 33.

30 These two small guns constituted all the artillery of the Texan's army.
They were presented to the patriots by the citizens of Cincinnati, and were
afterward christened the Twin Sisters. Id., 23; Foote, ii. 205-6, where will
be found copy of President Burnet's letter acknowledging the receipt of the
cannon.

RAPID MOVEMENTS. 253

pass the troops across, and by the 14th the whole army
was placed on the other side. The next day, the
companies of Moseley Baker and Wylie Martin ar
rived. Both officers were in a sullen humor, and the
latter proved so refractory that Houston ordered him
to march directly to the Trinity and protect the women
and children in case the Indians should prove turbu
lent.31

The army was now put in motion, and after a inarch
of extreme difficulty and fatigue over the boggy
ground,32 arrived at Buffalo bayou, opposite Harris-
burg, on the 18th, and there encamped. The ever-
active scout, Deaf Smith, and other spies were sent
across the bayou, and in the evening brought in two
captives, one of whom proved to be the bearer of de
spatches from Filisola to Santa Anna, and others from
Mexico. From these papers Houston learned for the
first time that the Mexican president in person was in
command of the advance division of the enemy.

Houston now determined to cross the bayou, and on
the morning of the 1 9th, after having addressed a
spirit-stirring speech to the troops,33 in which he in
formed them that Santa Anna himself was before
them, moved about two miles lower down the bayou,
with three days' rations, leaving in the rear the bag
gage and sick,34 with a sufficient guard. The passage

31 Tex Aim., 1860, 24. Martin died at Fort Bend county in 1842. At the
time of his death he was a member of the Texan congress. He was born in
Georgia in 1776. Thrall's Hist. Tex., 588.

2 * The prairies were quagmired. The contents of the wagons had to be
carried across the bogs, and the empty wagons had to be assisted in aid of
the horses. No less than eight impediments in one day had to be overcome
in that way.' Ho futon's Speech, in Tex. Aim., I860, 24.

33Labadie, who accompanied the army, writes thus: 'He said [that is,
Houston]: "The army will cross, and we will meet the enemy. Some of us
may be killed and must be killed; but soldiers, remember the A"lamo! the
Alamo! the Alamo!" Maj. Somerville remarked; "After such a speech, but
damned few will be taken prisoners — that I know." Col Rusk then made a
most eloquent speech ... in the midst of his speech he stopped suddenly, say
ing: "I have done," as if it had just occurred to him that it was a waste of
words to talk to men who had been so long impatient for the very conflict
that was now about to take place.' Tex. Aim., 1859, 49.

34 Yoakum makes the extraordinary statement that 200 or 300 sick and
non-effectives were left behind, ii. 184. Labadie, who surely ought to know,
says, l Phelps having been left to attend to some ten or twelve who were sick

254 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

of the main body was effected without mishap, but not
without trouble, as the only means of crossing consisted
of a boat in bad repair and a raft that had been con
structed on which to pass over the cannon and ammu
nition-wagon. The horses were made to swim across,
and by nightfall the whole force had gained the other
side. The army then moved down the bayou till mid
night, when the men were so utterly exhausted — some
even falling down from fatigue — that a halt was or
dered, and the weary soldiers threw themselves on the
wet ground and bivouacked without supper, exposed
to a cold north wind which increased their discomfort.
At daylight the march was resumed, and the indomi
table troops pressed forward without breakfast toward
the junction of Buffalo bayou with the San Jacinto.
After a march of two hours, the order was given to
halt for breakfast, but while the hungry men were
preparing it, the scouts galloped into camp and
reported that the enemy was moving from New
Washington toward Lynch' s ferry. The march was
immediately continued, and the eager soldiers hurry
ing onward halted, about ten o'clock on the morning
of the 20th, within half a mile of the ferry, in a fine
belt of timber on the elevated bank. At the ferry a
new flat-boat, loaded with provisions, was captured.
It had been sent by Santa Anna from New Washing
ton, and the supplies were intended for the troops with
which he was going, as he thought, to take possession
of Anahuac.

From New Washington Santa Anna sent Captain
Barragan on the 19th with a detachment of dragoons
to reconnoitre the movements of Houston, and on the
20th prepared for his march to Lynch's ferry, by burn
ing the warehouse on the wharf and setting fire to
the town. When everything was ready for the march
Captain Barragan, at eight o'clock in the morning, en-

with the diarrhoea, the Red Land company, consisting of some 40 men, also
remaining to guard the camp.' Tex. Aim., 1859, 49.

A WILD GENERAL. 255

tered camp at full speed reporting that Houston was
close on the rear and had captured some of the
stragglers. A scene of confusion ensued which de
nes adequate description. The excitement of the
Mexican general amounted to frenzy; and his con
duct, utterly lacking in that calmness and dignity
essential to a successful commander on occasions of
emergency, had a terrifying effect upon his troops.
The exit from New Vfashington was by a narrow
lane, a mere mule-track, through a dense wood, and
the troops arid pack animals were already filing along
it toward the open prairie beyond. Mounting his
horse, Santa Anna rushed down this lane crowded
with men and animals, wildly gesticulating and scream
ing out, at the top of his voice, that the enemy was
at hand. The disorder was terrible. By knocking
down and riding over his men like a madman, the
commander succeeded in forcing his way through to
the prairie, where in spite of the trepidation he had
caused and his contradictory orders, a column of attack
was formed.33 But no enemy was in sight, and the
army in some proper array moved forward toward
Lynch's ferry. About two o'clock in the afternoon
Houston's pickets were descried, and some firing took
place between them and the Mexican skirmishers.
When Santa Anna arrived on the ground with the
main body, his first intention was to attack at once,
and a column of infantry was directed against the
enemy ; but being received with a discharge of grape,
while the Texans kept themselves well concealed in
the wood, it was withdrawn. The Mexican general
had occupied an island of timber on a small elevation
in front of Houston's right; he now deployed the
Toluca company as skirmishers, with the object of
discovering the position of the Texans, and opened
fire with his cannon. This demonstration was re-

85 Col Delgado's Diary, in Filisola, Mem. Tcj., i. 84-6. Translation of the
same in The Battle of San Jatinto vieived from both an American and Mexican
standpoint. Its Details and Incidents as officially reported by Major-General 8am.
Houston. Austin, Texas, 1878; also in Linns Reminis., 225-46.

256

SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

sponded to by the enemy's artillery — Captain Urrizia
being severely wounded — and an interchange of small
arms occasionally took place. The artillery' continued
to fire for some time, and Colonel Neill, on the Texan
side, was wounded by a grape shot. Just before sun
set a demonstration was made by the Texan cavalry,
under Colonel Sherman, against the Mexican left,
whereupon Santa Anna ordered his own cavalry to
face the enemy without gaining ground. The Texans
charged upon the dragoons and came to close quart
ers, but were compelled to retire, before much harm
was done,36 by the advance of several companies of

«'• AUSTIN

PLAN OF BATTLE-FIELD.

Mexican infantry. This skirmish closed the opera
tions of the day. Meantime Santa Anna had selected
his ground and encamped with his whole force along
the margin of San Jacinto bay, his right flank occu
pying the extreme point of a skirt of timber.37 The

36 The Texans had two men severely wounded, one of whom died a few
days afterward. Tex. Aim., 1860, 64. Santa Anna says that one dragoon on
his side was grievously wounded. Manifesto, 64—5.

37 The disposition of Santa Anna's force was as follows: three chosen
companies guarded the wood on his right; the Matamoros battalion of regu
lars occupied the centre; and on his left was planted the cannon, protected

A SLEEPY ARMY. 257

two armies were about three-quarters of a mile apart.
At daybreak on the 21st, Santa Anna caused a
breastwork, about five feet high, to be thrown up on
his left, constructed of pack-saddles, baggage, sacks
of hard bread, etc., and having an opening in the
centre in which was placed the gun. A weak barri
cade of branches extended along its front and to the
right. At nine o'clock, A. M., General Cos arrived
with 400 men of his reentorcement, and as they had
been marching all night they were ordered to stack
their arms, divest themselves of their accoutrements,
and take their rest in the adjoining grove.38 ' Santa
Anna seems to have had no intention of fighting that
day, though in his representation to the Mexican
government he would have it appear otherwise.39 Be
his intention what it might, the hours dragged on ;
morning was succeeded by afternoon, and evening
approached. Most of the soldiers were sleeping;
some few were eating ; while others were scattered in
the wood procuring boughs wherewith to construct a
shelter for the night. The cavalry-men were riding
bare-back to and fro as they watered their horses, and
an indifferent watch was kept by the drowsy piquets.
His excellency, fatigued with his morning ride and
excitement, slumbered in his tent. His staff, too,
was fast asleep.

While the doomed army was thus unsuspicious of
danger, the trap was being set by the enemy. Hous
ton still displayed what seemed to his impatient troops

by the cavalry and a column of picked companies, which also formed his
reserve. Santa Anna, Manif., 65, in Pap. Var., 182, no. 8.

38 Santa Anna, in his account of the campaign, addressed from Manga
<le Clavo, March 11, 1837, to the Mexican minister of war, states that Cos
informed him that he had marched so rapidly that the men had neither eaten
nor slept for 24 hours. He also states that only 400 men arrived with Cos,
•ecause 100 men had been left with some baggage at a bad crossing near
ftarrisburg. Ih. Delgado says about 500 men arrived in camp. Filisola, Mem.
Tfjj., i. 90. Caro does not believe 100 men were left behind. Verdad. Idea,
38, bub there is no doubt that Santa Anna's statement is correct as it is cor
roborated by Filisola. Mem. Guerra, Tej., v. 473, and Mem. Tej., i. 120.
39 See the dispositions made by him. Id., 65-6.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 17

*58 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

an unnecessary delay in commencing hostilities, and
about noon a council of war was held/0 at which colo
nels Burleson and Sherman, lieutenant-colonels Mil-
lard, Somerville, and Bennett, Major Wells, and Rusk,
the secretary of war, were present. The question put
to the council was, " Whether they should attack the
enemy in his position, or await his attack in theirs."
The two last named officers were in favor of attacking ;
the four seniors and Rusk voted in favor of receiving
the attack, since they deemed their situation admirably
adapted for defence, whereas to charge across an open
prairie with raw militia, without bayonets, and assault
an enemy in position would be a most hazardous ex
periment. The council was then dismissed, no opinion
having been expressed by Houston.

It is much to be regretted that many bitter contro
versies arose in after years relative to Houston's method
of conducting this campaign, and that so much ani
mosity should have been displayed between men who,
apart from their unfriendly feelings toward each other,
bore a noble part in this desperate struggle for inde
pendence with a vastly superior power. The state
ments of the opposing parties are so utterly at variance
and so thoroughly contradictory that it is impossible
to arrive, with any degree of certainty, at a decision
which could be claimed as unquestionably correct.41
I shall therefore confine myself to the narration of
facts, without entering into a discussion as to the mer
its of the claims set up by either party, especially as
they unhappily merged in personal enmity, recrimina
tions, and abuse. I cannot, however, refrain from
making a few remarks bearing upon the difficult posi-

40 ' The commander-in-chief was waited on by several of the officers, sug
gesting a council of war.' Yoakum iL, 140; Tex. Aim., 1860, 65; Houston, in
Id., 25 -6.

-1 One of the most grievous charges against Houston was that he allowed
Sherman to make the cavalry charge in the evening of the 20th under the
promise that he should be supported by infantry, which support was not given.
Houston maintained that Sherman disobeyed orders in engaging with the
enemy, as he had been strictly enjoined only to reconnoitre, and by no means
to approach within gunshot of the enemy's line. Id., 25, 27, 64; Id., 1859,
52-3; Foote, ii. 298-305. See Yoakum's remarks on this affair, ii. 139-40.

AT VINCE'S BRIDGE. 259

tion in which the commander-in-chief stood with
regard to his army. After his departure from the
Colorado, Houston's plan, though entailing great self-
sacrifice on the part of the settlers, seems to have been
the only one on which he could securely rely for ulti
mate success. His object appears to have been to
retreat to the Redlands, luring the foe after him away
from supplies ; then, when the families of the Texans
had been placed in safety beyond the Sabine, he
doubted not that he would be able to raise from 4,000
to 5,000 men burning to avenge their sufferings and
losses. With such a force, he could have annihilated
the Mexican army. But Houston was a man who
kept his own counsel, and the impetuous and angry
men under him, not penetrating his designs, and little
practised in subordination, attributed his retreat to
fear of the enemy, and were not slow to express their
opinion. When the brave but unruly nature of those
with whom the general had to deal is taken into con
sideration, and when it is borne in mind that from the
beginning to the end of his retreat he met with ever-
increasing opposition, murmurings, and dissatisfaction,
giving place to contemptuous language uttered within
his hearing, and mutinous proceedings, we cannot fail
to admire the nerve and courage of the man who, in
the face of such opposition, persevered in the plan
which he deemed most conducive to the success of his
adopted country.

Soon after the council was dismissed, Houston de
spatched Deaf Smith with some others to destroy
Vince's bridge, about eight miles off,42 the accomplish-

42 This bridge was built over a creek of the same name which crossed the
road to Harrisburg, the only way by land to the Brazos. By its destruction
Santa Anna was cut off from the rest of his forces. The demolition of this
bridge was another subject of controversy, it being claimed that the idea of
destroying it originated in Deaf Smith, who made the proposition to Houston,
while the latter maintained that such was not the case. It is a matter of
no material importance. The. bridge was destroyed, and by Houston's orders,
whether prompted by Smith or not. But the ganeral-in-chief was accu seel
by his opponents of appropriating to himself all the glory of San Jaciiito,
and no charge, however trivial, was omitted to be brought to bear against
him. The accounts also of the destruction of the bridge are various and con-

260 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

ment of which would prevent the arrival of additional
reinforcements and cut off all means of escape for
Santa Anna in case of his defeat. When he deemed
sufficient time had elapsed for the destruction of the
bridge, Houston caused the general opinion of the
captains of the different regiments to be taken on
the question of engaging with the enemy at once, or
just before daybreak on the 22d. The votes were
greatly in favor of immediate attack, and the com-
mander-in-chief thereupon gave the order to parade
and prepare for action."

Under cover of the islands of timber in front the
battle array was formed unseen by the enemy. Col
onel Burleson with the 1st regiment of Texas volun
teers occupied the centre ; the 2d regiment of volun
teers, under Colonel Sherman, formed the left wing ;
on the right was placed the artillery, sustained by
four companies of regular infantry under Lieutenant-
colonel Henry Millard. The line was completed by
the cavalry which was posted on the extreme right.
There was no noise, but along* the ranks a low whis-

* o

pering might be heard, and a keen listener might have
caught the word, Alamo ! On each man's counte
nance stern determination was depicted under various
expressions. Some were pale ; others were smiling in

tradictory. Some say it was burned; Houston asserts that it was cut down;
Labadie states that Deaf Smith told him that he first fired it, but it would
not burn; he then cut away a few timbers and made it fall into the bayou.
Ihere is, however, conclusive evidence that it was burned. Santa Anna,
speaking of his arrival at the creek, says, ' cuyo puente en contre quemado. '
Manifiesto, ut sup., 67. Houston says that two men — Deaf Smith and his
comrade, Reeves — were secretly despatched to accomplish the work; Foote
states that there were four men, Smith, Carnes, Lapham, and another;
Ayhbury, who claimed to be one of the party, asserts that seven men, in
cluding Smith and himself, were employed; the names of the others were
Denmore Rives — or Reeves — John (Joker, E. R. Rainwater, John Garner,
and Moses Lapham. Id., ii. 141; Foote, ii. 305-6; Tex. Aim., 1859, 53; Id.,
I860, 26, 65-6; Id., 1861, 55-8, 65; Baker's Tex., 98-101; ThralCs Hist. Tex.,
265.

43Capt. R. J. Calder, referring to Gen. Houston's reluctance to fight,
writes thus: 'I think he wished, in case of failure or disaster, an apology, to
wit, that he fought against his own judgment, and suffered himself to be
controlled by the opinions and clamor of his officers and men. ' The same
officer did not believe that Houston felt a positive reluctance to fight. Tex.
Aim., 1861, 66.

THE TEXAN S VICTORIOUS. 2G1

anticipation of revenge ; but deep in the eyes of all
was a tigerish glare which occasionally flashed out
from beneath their brows. They were self- rest rained,
however, and only waited for the word. It was
about 4 o'clock in the afternoon when the command
was given to advance The Texans moved silently
forward through the timber in double file, and pushed
rapidly on across the prairie toward the foe. When
within 300 yards of the enemy's camp the Mexicans
opened fire, and the pace was increased to double
quick; but not a shot was fired by the Texans till
they were within point-blank range. Then, with a
deafening shout of Remember the Alamo! striking
terror into the hearts of their foes,44 they poured in
their volley, and rushed to the charge. Sherman's
regiment, which had advanced under cover of the
island of timber on the Texan left front, was the first
to break into the Mexican camp ; Burlcson's com
mand almost immediately afterward pierced the cen
tre. The cavalry had been first advanced in front of
the enemy's left to draw off attention, arid the Twin
S'isters had been run rapidly forward to within 200
yards of the breastwork in the same part of the field,
and had opened fire upon it.

No more complete surprise could have been effected.
The conflict even at the breastwork lasted only a few
moments. In the short hand-to-hand contest en
gaged in, the Texans clubbed their rifles, and the
Mexican bayonet proved a useless weapon against the
superior strength and fierce valor of their antago
nists.4' In less than twenty minutes after the Texans

44 Writes Capt. Calder: 'I am by no means certain that our shot was
more effective in creating confusion and panic in the ranks of the enemy
than this tremendous yell, preceded, as it had been, by almost perfect silence,
and a steady advance under their fire.'

40 ' Our riflemen used their pieces as war-clubs breaking many of them
off at the breech.' Houston s Official Report of the Battle of San Jarinto. This
report was filed in the records of the republic of Texas, and was probably
destroyed by the fire that consumed the adjutant-general's office in October,
1855. A correct copy, however, was fortunately preserved, for in the same
year in which the battle was fought the document was published in pamph
let form at the Bulletin office in New Orleans. The publication was doubtless

262 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

burst into tlie camp, carrying terror in their battle-
front, the trained soldiers of Mexico were in head
long flight, a panic-stricken herd. In vain the brave
Castrillon endeavored to restore order ; he could not
stay the tide of fleeing men. His gallantry cost him
his life ; while slowly retiring he was struck by sev
eral rifle balls and fell/6 And now followed the pur
suit which was continued to the site of Vince's bridge.
The Texan s spared not, and the carnage did not cease
till night interfered.47 At a small creek, not wide
but deep, in the rear of the Mexican right and be
hind the timber belt, the slaughter was terrible, while
numbers of the fugitives were drowned in their efforts
to cross it. At the close of day Almonte, who by
his coolness and intrepidity had succeeded in keep
ing together a column of some 400 or 500 strong,
and was retreating beyond the morass in the rear
of the Mexican camp, formally surrendered. Santa
Anna and Cos escaped for the time.

In this engagement the aggregate force of the
Texans was 783 men, that of the Mexicans, accord
ing to Houston's report of killed, wounded, and miss
ing was double that number. 48 The figures representing

made in deference to the request of General Houston, who urged ^t ' as an
act of justice to the individuals ' who participated in the engagement. The
ahove information was supplied by V. O. King of the department of Insur
ance, Statistics, and History, in 1878, in which year a copy of it was pub
lished at Austin, Texas. Linn'sfteminis., 223. Besides this copy which bears
the title of The Battle of San Jacinto Viewed from an American and Mexican
Standpoint, copies are supplied in Linn, ut sup., 203-9; Yoakum, ii. 498-502;
Kennedy, ii. 222-7, besides other authors.

^Castrillon was a European Spaniard. At San Jacinto he displayed
singular coolness and bravery. Rusk writes: 'Gen. Castrillon was
standing on the ammunition boxes behind the piece exposed from head to
foot. He used every effort to keep his men to the gun; when he found that
to be impossible, he folded his arms, stood and looked sullenly, and without
moving, upon our troops. . . He was about fifty yards in the rear of his re
treating men when he turned round deliberately and walked slowly off. He
had proceeded some thirty or forty steps when he was shot and fell. I
examined him, after the battle, and found that several rifle balls had passed
directly through his body.' Foote, ii. 309.

47 See Taylor's description of the merciless slaughter of the Mexicans
during the pursuit, in Tex. Aim., 1868, 43-4.

48 According to statements of Santa Anna and his officers his force could
barely have amounted to 1,300 men. Col Delgado say* that his excel
lency started for Harrisburg from the Brazos with about GOO men. Diary, ut
sup., 31, and Filisola, Mem. Tcj., i. 82, where this author remarks that there

RESULT OF THE BATTLE. 263

the enemy's loss given by the Texan commander are :
630 killed, 208 wounded, and 730 prisoners, showing
a total of 1568 men accounted for/9 A large quantity
of arms, several hundred mules and horses, all the
baggage and camp equipage, and the military chest,
containing $12,000, fell into the hands of the victors.
The loss of the Texans was 6 killed on the field and
25 wounded, two of whom died.60 Among the
wounded was General Houston, who, while gallantry
encouraging his men to the attack, received a shot in
the ankle, in front of the infantry, and when within a
few yards of the enemy, his horse also being shot in
two or three places. He did not, however, leave the
field till the Mexicans were routed and in full flight.

Meantime Santa Anna, who had been one of the
first to flee, made every effort to save himself. Mounted
on a splendid charger supplied him in the confusion
by Colonel Juan Bringas, he fled at full speed toward
Vince's bridge, hotly pursued by the Texan cavalry.
Finding the bridge destroyed, he did not pause, but
plunged down the steep descent into the water, where
his horse stuck fast in the mud. Nevertheless, fa
vored by the approaching night, he managed to con-
were more than 800, a statement somewhat contradictory to that made in
his Representation, 13, where he says that Santa Anna, in hia impatience,
marched to Harrisburg with a little over 700 men and a six-pounder cannon.
Santa Anna himself states that his original force consisted of 700 infantry
and 50 calvary. Manifiesto, 63. Assuming the largest number, over 800 men,
these added to the 500 men brought up by Cos only make a total of some
thing over 1300, men.

4^Among the Mexican slain were Gen. Castrilloii, cols Batres, Peralta
Trevino, Jose M. Romero, and lieutenant- colonels Manuel Aguirre and
Luelmo, besides 5 captains and 12 lieutenants. Houston's Report, utsup., 9;
Caro, Verdad. Idea, 43. Y oakum, ii. 146, gives the names of Col Mora and
Lieut-col Castillon. Among the prisoners, besides Santa Anna and Cos,
captured later, were colonels Almonte, Bringas, Cespedes, Portilla, and
Delgado.

50 The names of the killed are: William Motley, aid-de-camp to the sec
retary of war; 1st lieut J. C. Hale, 2d lieut Lamb, and Ijt sergt Thomas
P. Fowl, 2d regiment Texas volunteers; privates Lemuel Blakely, J. Tom,
B. R. Brigham, and A. R. Stevens of the 1st named regiment. Olwyn J.
Trask of the cavalry, woun/led on the 20th, died a few days afterward.
Official return in Battle of San Jacinto, 11, 12, and in Tex. Aim., 1859, 160-1,
in both of which authorities will be found a nominal list of all the men en
gaged in the battle. Yoakum, ii. 146, supplies a list of killed differing some
what from the above.

264 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

ceal himself, crossed the creek later and continued
his way on foot. In an abandoned house he found
some clothes, and doffing his uniform, assumed the
garb of a soldier. Clad in a blue cotton jacket and
linen trowsers, with a leather cap and red worsted
slippers,51 he sought to hide his identity, and crawled
away through the grass and mud in the direction of
the Brazos. But on the following morning, detach
ments of horsemen were sent out to scour the country,
and by one of these a mud-bespattered abject-looking
creature was seen standing on the bank of a ravine.
The object was brought into camp, and its iden
tity recognized by the ejaculations of the other
captives, who uttered the words, Santa Anna, and El
presidente.52 He was conducted to headquarters, and
the Mexican dictator, and the director of the massa
cres at the Alamo and Goliad stood in the presence
of his victor, who motioned him to a seat.

His trepidation was great, for his life, he knew, was
in imminent danger. Yet he retained his presence of
mind, and having swallowed some opium that was
given to him at his request, somewhat regained his
composure. There was not much dignity about the
man as he sat on a box, with bowed head, in front of
Houston ; he was ready to sell his country if only he
could get back to his hacienda of Manga de Clavo,
and he proposed to negotiate for his liberation. In
his defence, he laid his late murderous proceedings to
the charge of the congress; he had only acted, he
said, in accordance with the congressional decree, and
did not consider himself responsible for the weight of
punishment inflicted on those who were classified
therein as pirates. In reply to Santa Anna's propo
sition to negotiate, Houston informed him that he had
no power to act in a matter of that nature, arid that

51 DdgadJs Diary, ut sup., 38; Santa Anna, Manif., 67.

52 The names of the party which captured Santa Anna were Joel N. Rob
inson, Miles, Sylvester, Thompson, and Vermilion. There was another man
whose name is forgotten. Tex. Aim., 1859, 166; Id., 1868, 43-5.

FILISOLA'S MOVEMENTS. 235

it must be referred to the civil government. The
captive was no Regains ready to die for his country,
no self-sacrificing Morelos, and to secure his personal
safety for the present, he eagerly entered into an ar
mistice, or convention, with the Texan general, by
which he was not ashamed to agree that the Mexican
forces should retire pending negotiations with the
government. That same day he sent despatches to
Filisola, ordering him to withdraw to Bcjar, and to
instruct Gaona to retire to the same place and Urrea
with his division to Victoria. Filisola was further
more instructed to cause the prisoners at Goliad to be
set at liberty, and to provide that no damage should
be done to the property of the inhabitants during the
retreat.53 On the 24th General Cos was brought
prisoner into camp, having been captured within a
short distance of the woods on the bottom-lands of
the Brazos.5*

Filisola received news of the disaster about three
o'clock in the afternoon of the 22d. He had already
been joined by Gaona, and a large portion of this gen
eral's troops had been put across the Brazos, prepara
tory to marching against Nacogdoches ; but when the
fatal tidings arrived, Filisola immediately gave orders
that they should be brought back to the right bank
of the river, and despatched couriers to General Ur-
rca at Brazoria and Lieutenant-colonel Jose Mariano
de Salas at Columbia, ordering them to join him at
Old Fort with all their forces as speedily as possible.53

53 Copy of these despatches in his Manificsto, 87-8. A son of Lorenzo clc
Zavala acted as interpreter at the interview between Houston and Santa
Anna. Id., 71.

54 Santa Anna, in his despatch to Filisola, called the agreement he made
with Houston an. ' armistice,' but the capture of Cos on the 24th, Col llomero
on the 25th, and Lieut-col Gonzalez on the 26th, proves that Houston had
entered into no such truce, and that Santa Anna ordered the withdrawal of
his troops merely through fear for his life, and obtained no conditions bear
ing upon the operations of the Texan army. See Caro, Vcrdcul. Idea, 44-5.

55 ri he despatch addressed to Urrea bears date of April 23, 1836, 3 r. M.,
which is a clerical error. It should be April 22, 1836. Urrea points out
this mistake, and states that he received the despatch between 9 and 10 A. M.

26G SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

As the magnitude of the catastrophe was impressed
upon his mind by the reports brought by the few who
escaped from San Jacinto, and who variously esti
mated the enemy's strength at from 1,200 to 2,000
men — numbers which he did not consider impossible
if the Texans had concentrated — he deemed it prudent
to retreat at once to a better military position, and on
the 23d marched with his whole force to Mrs Powell's
place, on the road to Victoria, about fifteen miles from
Old Fort. On the following day he was joined by
TJrrea, and on the 25th a council of war was held by
the generals. Considering the destitute condition of
the army, both with regard to provisions and clothing
—for the long march had exhausted the supplies, and
the clothing of the soldiers was worn out — it was
unanimously decided to retreat beyond the Colorado
and await instructions and assistance from the gov
ernment.56 Filisola' s whole force on this date was
2,573 men of all arms, according to the tabular state
ment in his representation to the government in de
fence of his action.57

On the 26th, the army commenced its retreat, and
in the afternoon of the 27th, Deaf Smith arrived with
Santa Anna's despatches,68 the army being then en
camped on the main source of the San Bernardo,
which was rendered impassable by the heavy rains.
The generals immediately met in council, and though

of the 23d. Diario, Camp. Tcj. , 28, in which will be found copy of the de
spatches on p. 64-5, as also in Filisola, Mem. Tcj., i. 118-19.

56Urrea states that he was opposed to this decision, but had to submit to
the general-in-chief. Diario, 31. Filisola repudiates this assertion. Represent.,
34_5. Filisola wished to resign the command to Sesma, Tolsa, or Urrca,
each of whom declined to accept it. Particulars in Id., Mem. Tej., i. 176-209.

67 Id., 36. There were, besides, 1505 men stationed in detachments at
different places, 1,001 of whom were at Bejar, 174 at Goliad, and 189 at
Matagorda.

58Yoakum — ii. 163 — following Filisola, says that Smith arrived on the
28th. But Filisola misdated his despatch to Santa Anna; Urrea dates a note,
on the same occasion, April 27th, and corrects a mistake made by Filisola as
to the day on which the army encamped on the San Bernardo, where Smith
overtook the army. Diario, 31-2; Filisola, Represent., 45-6. Moreover, in Id.,
Mem. Tej., i. 215-16, it is distinctly stated that Santa Anna's despatches ar
rived on April 27th.

THE RETREAT. 267

the retreat had already been decided upon, it was re
solved that it would be good policy to send a reply to
the effect that the army was retiring in obedience to
Santa Anna's orders, thereby not only obtaining for
him and the other prisoners considerate treatment, but
a safeguard against attack during the retreat. It was
also decided to send General Woll to Houston's camp,
who, under the pretence of informing himself of the
particulars of the armistice, was to take careful note
of the number, armament, and resources of the enemy.
Accordingly, a despatch to that effect was written,
and Woll left for the San Jacinto on the following
morning.59 On his arrival at the Texan camp, he was
allowed free intercourse with the prisoners, but was
detained as a prisoner pending the negotiations, and
in consideration of the fact that the enemy's forces
were known to have concentrated.

The army continued its retrograde movement ; and
seldom has a retreat been conducted under greater
hardships and difficulties. All the streams overflowed
their banks and flooded the adjacent lands, while the
whole country was converted into a swamp. The
roads, where not inundated, were knee-deep in mud.
On one occasion the half- famished soldiers waded a
whole day's march through water, after standing all
night in water;60 and when this was passed, floun
dered through the mire, day after day, in pitiless rain
storms. The pack-mules sank up to the belly in mud,
and the ammunition wagons were mired above the
axles. All along the line of march to the Colorado
baggage, wagons, cannon, and animals were aban
doned. Filisola describes the situation as horrible.
The men were half naked, their arms of all kinds were
ruined, the ammunition was spoiled, and the horses
and mules in the most wretched plight, numbers of

59 Full particulars and copy of the despatch will be found in Id., i. 218-24;
Urrea, Diai-io, 32-3.

**> ' El ejercito paso la noche en una laguna sin tener donde seiitar uii pie
que no fuere agua.' Filisola, Represent., 50.

268 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

them perishing. Finding it impossible to retreat to
Bejar, on the 28th Urrca was sent in advance, with
out incumbrances, to secure the Atascosito crossing or
the Colorado on the road to Victoria, and construct
rafts for the passage of the army. He arrived there
on the evening of the 29th but it was not till May
9th that the last division under Lieutenant-Colonel
Ampudia crossed the river. Thenceforward the dif
ficulties of the march were somewhat modified, and
on May 13th the storm-beaten troops, exhausted
with fatigue and gaunt with hunger, entered Victoria.61

On April 26th the Texan government, then assem
bled at Galveston, addressed an order to Houston in
structing him, in case he deemed it inexpedient to
risk an engagement with the enemy and considered a
retreat inevitable, to march for Galveston. But the
great victory had been already won, and on the 27th
the joyful tidings were received by the government,6'
together with a request from Rusk that President
Burnet would repair to the camp at San Jacinto.
Accordingly Burnet, with his cabinet, proceeded
thither, arriving about the 1st of May.63 He was
made acquainted with the convention entered into
by Houston and Santa Anna, and found the latter in
a very pliable mood — quite ready to purchase his life
at his country's expense. His position, certainly, was
not an enviable one. The army was clamorous for
his execution as a retaliatory act of justice ; but
though some turbulence of spirit was displayed, no
violence was resorted to, and the captive was treated
by Houston with all proper consideration. That
commander knew well that his humbled prisoner was
a great power in the land of his birth, and that as

61 A full account of this retreat will be found in Filisola, Mem. T<j., i.,
225-56; Id., Rvpi-esent., 46-56. Consult also Urrea, Diana, 34-6.

^ Burnet states that the news was not received earlier on account of tlie
inclemency of the weather. Tex. Aim., 1861, 32.

a Caro states that Burnet arrived April 27th, Vcrdad. Idea, 48. The
date in the text is that given by Buniet. Tex. Aim., 1861, 33.

TERMS OF TREATY. 269

• long as his life was spared, peace was guaranteed to
Texas.

The preliminaries to a treaty — the sine qua non of
which was to be the absolute independence of Texas-
were discussed in the camp at San Jacinto. Rusk,
the secretary of war, drew up a protocol which served
as a basis of the treaties subsequently signed. Gen.
Houston's wound having incapacitated him for active
service, Rusk was appointed to the command of the
army with the rank of brigadier, his predecessor pro
ceeding to New Orleans on the schooner Flora, sail
ing from Galveston. He arrived at his destination
May 28th. In a few days the government,64 with
San Anna and most of the Mexican officers, em
barked on the steamer Yellowstone** and went to
Galveston, whence, for want of accomodation, they
removed to Velasco. Here on May 14, 1836, two
treaties — one public and the other secret — were
signed, by the first of which Santa Anna agreed not
to take up arms or use his influence to cause them to
be taken up against the people of Texas during the
present war of independence ; all hostilities on land
and water were to cease ; the Mexican troops were to
evacuate the territory of Texas ; no property was to
be taken by the retreating army without indemnifica
tion, and captured private property was to be restored ;
the Mexican army was to prosecute its march without
delay ; the agreement was to be immediately sent to

64 Some changes in the members of the administration took place at this
time. Samuel P. Carson, the secretary of state, had retired on account of
delicate health, and was succeeded by James Collingsworth, and Peter W.
Grayson accepted the office of attorney-general, which had become vacant by
the death of David Thomas. Col M. B. Lamar was appointed secretary of
war, in the place of Rusk. Eurnet's address published in the Telcurnph and
Texas Register, Sept. 13, 1836; extract in Tex. Aim., 1861, 33-4. _The attor
ney-general, Thomas, had been wounded in the leg by the accidental dis
charge of a pistol on board the Cni/ur/a, on the removal of the government to
G-alveston, and died three days after. Linns Reminis. 261.

65 After Houston's departure from the Brazos, the Yelloivstone steamed
down the river. As she passed the Mexican lines at Fort Bard, her smoke
stack was riddled with bullets, and attempts were made to capture her With
lassoes. Her helmsmen being protected by cotton-bales, she ran the gaunt
let in safety and went to Galveston. Id., 26; Green's Journal. Exped. Mier,

270 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

Generals Filisola and Husk, that they might exchange
engagements to comply with the stipulations ; pris
oners were to be mutually released in corresponding
numbers, rank and file ; the excess of Mexican cap-
tives to be treated with humanity ; and finally Santa
Anna was to be sent to Vera Cruz as soon as it should
be deemed proper.

In the secret treaty the same stipulations were re
iterated, and in the third article Santa Anna solemnly
pledged himself so to prepare matters in the cabinet
of Mexico that the mission that would be sent thither
by the government of Texas, should be well received,
and that by means of negotiations all differences
might be settled, and the independence that had been
declared by the convention might be acknowledged.
The fourth article provided that a treaty of comity,
amity, and limits should be established between
Mexico and Texas, the territory of the latter not to
extend beyond the Rio Grande.66

Colonel Benjamin F. Smith and Captain Henry
Teal were sent as commissioners to Filisola with the
public treaty and full authority to ratify it on the
part of General Rusk. The Mexican army had
moved from Victoria to Goliad, and thence continued
its retreat toward Matamoros. The Texan commis
sioners overtook Filisola at the little stream called
Mugerero, between Goliad and San Patricio, and on
its bank the treaty was ratified, May 26, 1836, Gen.
Tolsa and Colonel Amat acting as commissioners on
the part of Filisola.61

These treaties were not made without opposition
in the cabinet. Robert Potter, secretary of the navy,

66 The secret treaty containing these pledges was made at the suggestion
of Santa Anna, who represented that it would be prudent that the stipula
tions relating to the recognition of the independence of Texas and her
boundaries should not be promulgated until the Mexican president should
be enabled to reinstate himself in power and secure its final ratification.
Tex. Aim., 1861, 34. Copies of the treaties will be found in Id., 35-7;
Yoakum, ii. 526-8; Mallard's Tex., 112-4; Wiles' Reg., 1. 413-4; Id., Ixix.
38; Santa Anna, Biog., 29-32; Filisola, Represent., 68-70; Bustamante, Mem.
Hist. Hex., MS., vi. 35-8. Democratic Rcvieiv, iii. 316-7.

67 Copy of the Mexican ratification in Filisola, Represent., 70-1.

TEXAN NAVY. 271

and Mirabeau B. Lamar, secretary of war, were
strongly opposed to entering into any negotiations
with Santa Anna, who, they considered, had forfeited
his life. On May 12th Lamar addressed a long letter
to the president and cabinet in which he expressed
his views on the subject of the disposition of the
Mexican president and the other prisoners of war.
He repudiated the idea that Santa Anna, if released,
would ever adhere to any engagement he pledged
himself to ; indeed, he did not believe that he would
have the power to do so', and he suggested that an
exchange of prisoners should be made, according to
rank and number, and that the balance of Mexican
captives should remain in custody of the government
till the conclusion of the war. But in the case of
Santa Anna, he urged that no mercy should be ex
tended to him, but that his punishment should be
read from the code of Draco.68 When milder meas
ures, however, were finally adopted, General Lamar
acquiesced in them, and was one of the most zealous
vindicators of his colleagues in the cabinet, when
they were shortly afterwards bitterly assailed by
popular clamor on the subject of Santa Anna's re
lease.

It is time that the reader should be made ac
quainted with some particulars in connection with the
Texan navy and its operations. Early in the year, for the
purpose of carrying out the ordinance for the estab
lishment of a navy, two schooners, the Invincible and
Liberty™ were purchased and equipped by McKinney
and Williams, merchants of Quintana, opposite
Velasco. Captain J. Brown was placed in command
of the former and Captain William Brown of the

68 Copy in Foote, ii. 321-32.

69lhe Liberty was the samfe vessel which had been fitted out by the citi
zens of Matagorda and retook the stranded Hannah Elizabeth, captured by the
Mexican war vessel Bravo, in Nov. or beginning of Dec., 1835. She then
sailed under the name of William bobbins. YoaJcum, ii. 39; Tex. Aim., 1860,
162] Linn's Beminis., 259.

272 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

latter. The Invincible, of 125 tons burden, carried
eight guns and was a fast sailer ; the Liberty, of sixty
tons burden, had four guns, was of stout construction
and of ordinary speed. Two other vessels, the Brutus,
Captain Hurd, about 130 tons and carrying eight
guns, and the Independence, Captain Hawkins, of
nearly the same size and metal, were purchased about
the same time. These vessels were of great service
in cutting off supplies for the enemy. Off the coast
were the Mexican war vessels Montezuma and Bravo,
charged with the importation of troops and supplies
for the invading army. Early in April 1836, the In
vincible fell in with the Montezuma off Brazos, San
tiago, north of the mouth of the Rio Grande, and
after an engagement of two hours crippled her and
drove her ashore. The Invincible only sustained some
injury to her rigging, which was soon repaired.
Standing out from shore, Captain Brown fell in with
the American brig Pocket, bound from New Orleans
to Matamoros, and loaded with provisions for the
Mexican forces. She was captured and brought into
Galveston as a prize ; her freight was of great assist
ance to the victors of San Jacinto who, with the large
number of prisoners on their hands, were reduced to
some straits for provisions.

General Rusk, with 350 men, had proceeded from
San Jacinto in the direction of the retreating Mexi
cans, not with hostile intention, but with the object
of observing whether the terms of the armistice were
strictly carried out. Toward the close of May he
was stationed at Victoria ; and when the army re
ceived intelligence of the treaties which had been
made, and that under its provisions Santa Anna would
obtain his liberty, great indignation prevailed. The
retreating Mexicans had not adhered to the strict
letter of the public treaty, but had committed severd
acts of violence, and it was confidently believed that
preparations were being made for the re-invasion of

DISSATISFACTION WITH THE GOVERNMENT. 273

Texas, which would be carried into effect as soon as
it was known that Santa Anna had been released.
On May 26th a letter signed by nearly all the officers
of the Texan army, was addressed to President Bur-
net, in which, after setting forth the privations of the
army and the want of provisions, charging the presi
dent with neglect in this matter, expressing the ex
asperation of the troops and peremptorily demanding
to be immediately furnished with a sufficiency of sup
plies and clothing, they insisted that Santa Anna "be
safely secured and placed at the disposition of the
coming congress." This letter was received in the
afternoon of June 4th.

In fulfilment of their engagements, the Texan au
thorities on June 1st placed the dictator and his suite,
consisting of Colonel Almonte, Colonel Nunez, and
his Secretary, Ramon Martinez Caro, on board the
Invincible for their transportation to Vera Crui,
Vice-president Zavala and Bailey Hardiman, secre
tary of the treasury, had been appointed commission
ers to accompany Santa Anna to Mexico, and as
some time was spent in furnishing them with instruc
tions and in preparing for their voyage, the vessel
had not yet sailed on the 3d. On June 1st the
steamer Ocean had arrived from New O/leans with
230 volunteers,71 many of them of the roughest and
lowest class to be found in that city. Generals Men-
nican Hunt, Thomas J. Green, and Colonel J. Pinck-
ney Henderson were in command. The feelings of
the citizens of Velasco with regard to Santa Anna's
release, were those of intense dissatisfaction, but no
violent demonstration had been made. When, how
ever, the New Orleans volunteers landed and became
informed of the action taken by the government, their
exasperation knew no bounds. Public meetings were

70 Yoakum, ii. 172-3; Foote, ii. 332-4. Copy of the letter and Burnet's
reply in Tex. Aim., 1861, 39-42.

uBoth Santa Anna and Caro give 130 as the number. Verdad, Idea, 56,
102; Santa Anna, Manif., 75. The figures in the text are those given by Gen.
Green. Journal, Exped. Mier, 484.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 18

274 SANTA AETNA'S HUMILIATION.

held and inflammatory speeches made. The more
violent threatened to put Burnet to death as a traitcr,
arid tear Santa Anna to pieces. In the popular fury
the executive was charged with treason and venality.
He had accepted a large bribe, it was said, for the
release of the Mexican murderer. The clamor was
overwhelming, and it was seriously proposed at a
cabinet council to make a simultaneous surrender of
the government to the people. Burnet, however,
was opposed to the adoption of such an extreme
measure, and consulted General Thomas J. Green,
who, while pledging his honor to shield the president
and his cabinet from violence, expressed his opinion
that the overwhelming will of the public should be
obeyed, and Santa Anna remained on shore. Ac
cordingly the president issued an order to Captain
Brown to send the prisoners ashore. Santa Anna
emphatically refused to obey, and Green, Bailey Har-
diman, Hunt and Henderson, were deputed to go on
board the Invincible and bring him off. The dictator
gave way to an agony of terror, and it was necessary
to employ the threat of force, to induce him to de
bark. In the afternoon of the 4th the captives were
landed, to ensure their better security from violence,
at the village of Quintana, opposite Velasco, where
Santa Anna regained his composure.72 On the 9th
he addressed a protest to the government, proclaim
ing against the infraction of the treaty on the part of
Texas, and appealing to the judgment of civilized na
tions. On the following day he received Burnet's re
ply, in which the Texan president, while deprecating
Santa Anna's assertions of his ill-treatment as a pris
oner, felt compelled to make the humiliating confes
sion that the government, owing to "the influence of
a highly excited popular indignation," had been con
strained to deviate for a season from the terms of the
treaty.73 Thus the treaty — inadmissible under repub-

72 Green's Journal, Exped. Mkr, 484-7; Santa Anna, Manif., 75, 98-100;
Caro, Verdad. Idea, 56-7, 12G-9; Tex. Aim., 1861, 38-43.

73 Copy of protest and Burnet's answer in Foote, ii. 345-9.

PROPOSED COURT-MARTIAL. 275

lican rules of government — was broken.

O

With the object of dismissing Santa Anna from
Texan soil, I shall somewhat anticipate events. He
was placed in the custody of Captain Patton, sent
from Victoria to hold and guard his person, by whom
he was removed to Velasco, and thence on June llth
to the neighborhood of Columbia, where on the 27th
he was shot at through the window of the house in
which he was confined, by a drunken " American."
Meantime Stephen Austin returned from the United
States and on July 1st visited the " illustrious cap
tive." By his advice Santa Anna addressed a letter,
dated July 4th, to Andrew Jackson, president of the
United States, in which he honestly stated the events
in connection with his re-confinement, and appealed to
him for his interposition, on the grounds of humanity,
expressing the wish that, by means of political nego
tiations, an end might be put to the war by the mutual
recognition by the United States and Mexico of the
independence of Texas.75 While at Velasco, a young
Spaniard named Bartolome Pages concerted a plan
to effect the escape of Santa Anna, and visited him
at Columbia ; but the scheme was detected.76 The
effect of this discovery was that the army determined
to cause Santa Anna to be conducted to headquarters
and tried by court-martial. Matters had proceeded
so far that a captain with his command was sent to
Columbia to conduct the prisoners to Goliad, where it
was intended that the execution should take place on
the spot where Fannin had been put to death.
Houston, cured of his wound, had meantime returned,

74 ' El 27 de dicho mes, muy de manana se presentd un Americano ebrio
preguntando por "el general Santa- Anna, ". . . repentinamente se acercd a
una pequeiia ventana de miestra habitacion, y . . . descargd el tiro de una
pistola que llevaba oculta. ' Caro, ut sup. , 58.

75 'Entablemos mutuas relaciones para que esa nacion ' — the U. S. — cy la
mexicana astrechen la buena amistad, y puedan entrambas ocuparse amiga-
blemente, en dar ser y estabiliclad a un pueblo que desea figurar en el mundo
politico, y que con la proteccion de las dos naciones, alcanzara su objeto
en pocos anos.' Santa Anna, Mantf., 102-3.

70 For Caro's particulars about this plot see his Verdad. Idea, 57-69.
Santa Anna charges Caro with having betrayed the scheme. Manif., 76.

276 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

and was then at Aes Bayou. When made aware of
the fact he protested against proceedings alike adverse,
impolitic, and oppugnant to humanity. The argu
ments employed were too sound to be resisted. Texas,
by Santa Anna's execution, he said, would lose all
the advantage she had gained by his capture. Her
future position among the nations of the earth would
be gauged by her ability to deal humanely with a
captive ; by so doing she would gain respect ; by the
other course of action she would become classed with
savages. Policy, apart from other considerations,
ought to have weight. With past experiences as a
guide, the army could not fail to recognize that by
taking Santa Anna's life, the Texans in captivity
would be placed in the highest degree of danger. The
attention of the United States being attracted to
Texas, it would be disrespectful to that nation if ex
treme measures were adopted, thereby endangering
the safety of Americans in Mexico. By this inter
ference on the part of Houston, Santa Anna was not
molested. He was, however, removed to Orazimbo
and confined in irons.77 He received Andrew Jack
son's reply, dated September 4, 1836, in which the
president of the United States, while disclaiming the
intention of that government to interfere — inasmuch
as the Mexican government had notified him that so
long as he was a prisoner, no act would be regarded
as binding by the Mexican authorities, — he expressed
the pleasure it would give him to offer his good ser
vices, if Mexico would signify her willingness to avail
herself of them. Houston, having been elected to
the presidency of the Texan republic, released Santa
Anna from his fetters, and being convinced that a
further detention of the prisoner would not conduce
to the interests of Texas, sent him with his own con
sent, accompanied by Almonte, under custody of
George W. Hockley, inspector general of the army,

77 He states that he and Col Almonte were kept in such durance for
fifty-two days.

AUTHORITIES. 277

to Washington, the capital of the United States.*8
Santa Anna arrived there January 17, 1837, and had
several interviews with President Jackson, who re
ceived him with great consideration. On July 2Gth
he left that city and embarked at Norfolk, on board
the Pioneer, for Vera Cruz, where he arrived about
the 23d of February. Thence he retired to his estate
of Manga de Clavo. At the presidential election of
Mexico, March 1, 1837, he was ignominiously de
feated, Bustamante being chosen by a large majority,79
which event was so signal a mark of his unpopularity,
that he signified his design of retiring to private life.89

78 In the New Orleans Standard, it was stated that the Texan congress
passed a resolution providing that Santa Anna and Almonte should not be
released without concurrence of the Senate, Houston vetoed the resolution,
and congress thereupon passed it by a constitutional majority of two-thirds.
Houston then pronounced the resolution unconstitutional, and a usurpation
of the executive authority and set Santa Anna free, in defiance of the con
gress. Niles' Rc'j., H. 321; Green's Journal, Exped. Mier, 18.

79 Bustamante had fifty-seven votes out of sixty-eight cast; Santa Anna
had only two. Hist. Mex., v. 179-80, this series.

8J For his future career consult vols. v. and vi. Hist. Mex. this series.

The authorities consulted for the five preceding chapters are the follow
ing: Filisola, Mem. Guerra Tex., i., ii., passim; /(/., Rep. Sup. Gob o,
1-82; Footers Texas, ii., passim; Toakums Hist. Tex., i., ii., passim;
Almonte, Not. Estad. Tex., 20-88; Wilsons Amer. Hitf., 637-65; Youn-js
Hist. Mex., 239-62; Thrall's Texas, 168-651, passim; Niles' Register, xxxix-
lii., inclu. See indices under Tex. and Mex., Ixiii. 145, 194-5; Kennedy's
Tex., ii., passim; Tex. Almanac, 1858, 1859, 1860, 1861, 1868, 1869; Tex. Col.
Doc., MS. and Print, Nos. 1, 2, 8 to 11, inclu.; 13 to 15, inclu., 17, 18, 20 to
51, inclu., 59 to 62, inclu., 64; Mm-phis, Hist. Tex., passim; Arranyoiz, Mcj.,
ii. 232-278; Arroniz, Hist. Mex., 270-1 ; Arrillaya, Recap., 1831, 430; 1832-33,
105; 1833, 89, 132-7, 433; 1834, 47-50; 1835, 100-7, 145-6, 191-5, 574-6;
1836, passim; Bakers Hist. Tex., 35-101; NcwelVs Rev. Tex., passim; Niles
8. Am. and Mex., i. 200-365, passim; Pap. Var., 55, No. 17; 75, No. 14; 99,
No. 22; 111, No. 2; 141, No. 12; 143, No. 19; 149, No. 15; 152, No. 13; 182,
No. 8; 167, No. 10; 213, No. 2; Urrea, Diario Campa ., Tex.; Caro, Verdad.
Idea, Democratic Review, iii. 132-45, 305-20; Dcivees, Letters from Tex., 157-
217; Doc. solrre Mex., No. vi., vii.; Dufdan and Lozano, iii. 64—5; vi. 660;
Ei'nlurnhRev., No. 147, 251, et. seq.; U. S. H. Jonr., Cong. 24, Sess. 1,
1091, lioO-l;£m. Doc., Cong. 24, Sess. 1, vi., No. 415; H. Ex. Doc., Mess.
and Doc., Cong. 29, Sess. 2, No. 4, 9-18; Tornel, Tej. y Estad. Unid., 1-98;
El Tiempo, Aug. 14, Sep. 18, 1834; Thompsons Recol, Mex., 70-3, 174-7;
Slasher's Am. Sketch Book, v. No. 6; vi. Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5 and 6; Fournel, Coup
d'Ocil, 12-44; State Gaz., 127-8, 139-41; Santa Anna, Biocj. del Gen.-, Id.
Tex. Camp., pp. 108; Id., Vinilicacion, p. 8; Id. Apelacion al buen criteria;
Rockwell, Span, and Mex. Law, 623-7; Roa B rcena, Recuerdos, 538-41,
653-61; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 263-4, 272-84, 313-14; Quarterly Rev., Ixi.
333-41; Pinart's Col., Print Nos. 248, 374, 386, 389, 450, 457; La Oposicion,
Jan. 6, Ap. 25, 28, May 1, 5, 11, June, 1835; North Am. Rev., xliii., 233-4,
244-53; Mex. Sec. Estad., 1835, 38; Id., 1830-32, Doc. 1; Mex. Mem.
Minht. Just., 1833, 8-9, 50-1; Id., Reladones, 1832, Annex, 1, 5-6, 13-4;
1833, 6-9; 1835, 37-8; Id., Interior, 1838, 19; Id., Guerra, 1839, 5, 11; Mex.

278 SANTA ANNA'S HUMILIATION.

Manifesto del Cong., 1836; Pap. Var., 182, No. 4; Id., Informs, Comis. Pcsq.,
1874, 10; Id., Col. de Ley., Ord. 1853, v. 4; Id., Legis. My., 1853, 89-90;
Id., Col. de Ley. y Dacret. , 1840, 260-1, 768-9; Mayers Mex. Azt., i. 320-21,
329-30; Maillard's Hint. Tex., passim; Linns Item inis., passim; Larenaudwre,
Mex. et Guat., 231-9; Hunt's Address, 1-29; Gregorys Hist. Mex., 53-6;
Letter's Houston, 46-140; Pattern's Hist. U. S., 686-9; McCabes Camp. Viev),
760-8; Jenlin's Mex. War, 35-7; Jay's Mex. War, 16-8; Holley's Tex., 233-
410, passim; Alaman, Mej., v. 873-5; Guerraentre Mex. y Estad. Unid., 16-
20; Gutierrez, CartayOpin., 13; Hist. Doc. Cal, i. 211; Bustamante, Voz de
laPatria, v. Sup. No. 2; x. MS. 136; xi. MS. 22-9; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex.,
MS., ii., 86-90, vi. 35-8; Id., Hist. Invasion, i. 6-8, 43-4; Id., Gabinete Mex.,
ii. 15-39; Domcnech, Hist, du Mex., ii. 138-54; Id., Mis. Adventures, 20 et
seq.; Gamboa, Impugnacion, 7-11; Goulds Alamo City Guide, 5-23, 31-2; A us-
tin, Espos. sobre Tej., p. 32; Andrade, Doc. Evac. Bejar, 1-24; Amigo del
Pueb., Oct. 18, 1845; U. S., Repub. of, 57-8, 118-22, 218-26; Varim Im-
presos, 2, No. vi., passim; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., i., No. 73; VallejoDoc.,
ii. 151; Hoititt's Hift. U. S., ii. 344-5; White's Col. Laivs, i. 514-5, 523; Bar-
reiro, 1-36; Houston's Message, May 22, 18.^8, p. 23; Villa-Amor, Biog.
Santa Anna, 14-6; Pinart, Col.', Greens reply to Houston, 7-15, 52-6, 63^;
Houston's Tex., i. 214-54; Gilbert's Abilene Rep., 3d An. Edit., 116; Mex.
Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 16-29; Ripley's War Mex., i. 33-6, 40-1; Woodman s
Guide to Tex., 13-6, 67-701, 97-115; Suarezy Navarro, Hist. Mej., 247; Fish
er's Memor., 3-87; Texas Repealed, 1-15; Id., in 1840, 219-20; Id., Laws Rep.
Tex., i. 3-7, 9-£5; Id., The War in, instigated ly slaveholders, etc., 1836,
p. 56; Id., Address rel, Goto. Bay, 22; Id., Address of Wharton, 47-53; Id.,
Battle San Jacinto, Austin, 1878, pp. 45; Id., Insurrection; Jones' Rcpub. of
Tex., 129-160; Hobbs' Wild Dfe in Far West, 32-45; Edwards, Hist. Tex., 14-
17; Crockett, Life of , 369-70, 383-405; Ceballos, Vind. de Mex., 43-68; Cabal-
lero, Hist. Aim., 13; McCall's Letters from Front., 296-9; London, Geog. Soc.
Jour., xiii. 202; Paynes Hist. Europ. Col, 310-11; HutcJdnson, Hem., 205-8;
Willard's Last Leaves Am. Hist., 21-33; Tcjas Lig. Indie. Usurp., 7; Cong.
Debates, 1836-7, xiii. 524-5; Sen. Doc., Cong. 24, Sess. 2, No. 84, 1-4; Hays
Life, 1; Napa County Reporter, Ap. 14, 1877, Ap. 5, 1878; Cordova's Tex.,
102, 144-5; Cor. Atlant., May 9th, June 6, 1835; Baker's Rcpt., Disposal of
Santa Anna, Columbia, 1836, p. 17; Tex. Misc. Pamph., No. 16; Hanford's
Tex. State Reg., 1878, 29-30; Santa Maria, Expos, y Protext., No. iii. 13; Mais-
sin, in Blancliard's, S. Juan de Ullua, 531-2; Crane's Hist. Washington, Tex.,
15-8, 21-3; Rosa, Ensayo, 31; The United Service, Aug. 1885, 168 et seq.; San
Josi Argus, Ap. 14, 1377; San Rafael Jour., Dec. 18, 1879; Stockton Inde
pendent, Ap. 21, 1877; Mariposa Gaz., Ap. 7, 1877; Falconer's Discov. Mississ.,
53; McCldlans Republicanism in Amer., 105; Dunbar's Amer. Pioneer, 15;
Mexicanische Zustande am den Jaliren, 1830-2, i. 77; Mahlenpfordt, versucn
cinu get., ii. 508; Gratton's Civil Amer., ii. 291; Perez, Die. Geog. Estad.,i.
267-72; American Aim., 1837, 277; Robert's Descrip. Tex., 17-21; Winthrop,
Report of the trial of Thomas M. Thompson, etc., New Orleans, 1835, p . 44;
Mex. Pamph., ii. No. 9; Zarco, Hist. Cong., i. 107-8; Peterson's Milit. Heroes,
ii. 24; Rowhand, Regions uVouvellcs, 27; Putmans Month. Mag., iii. 178-80;
Revist. Espa ., May 26, 1836; Shea's Catholic Mis., 87.

CHAPTER XII.

THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.
1S3G-1838.

FILLSOLA SUPERSEDED — VAIN THREATS — THE TEXAN NAVY— COMMISSION
ERS TO THE UNITED STATES — MORFIT'S REPORT — GENERAL GAINES
CROSSES THE S^BINE — GOROSTIZA'S PROTEST — HE DEMANDS HIS
PASSPORTS — PASSIVE CHARACTER OF THE WAR— RETURN OF AUSTIN —
THE ELECTIONS — POLITICAL PARTIES — HOUSTON CHOSEN PRESIDENT-
MEETING OF THE FIRST CONGRESS — HOUSTON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS —
His CABINET— LEGISLATIVE ACTS OF CONGRESS — THE NATIONAL SEAL
AND FLAG — DEATH AND BIOGRAPHY OF AUSTIN — CONDITION OF THE
REPUBLIC — RECOGNITION OF HER INDEPENDENCE BY THE UNITED
STATES — REOPENING OF CONGRESS — THE SLAVE QUESTION — PASSAGE OF
THE LAND LAW — ITS PROVISIONS — BRIGHTER PROSPECTS — INDIAN WAR
FARE — FINANCIAL OPERATIONS — LAMAR ELECTED PRESIDENT.

ON the 15th of May, 183G, the Mexican govern
ment received a despatch from Filisola conveying the
news of the disaster in Texas. On the same date
Tornel, the secretary of war, sent two official commu
nications to that general, in the first of which he in
structed him to address the Texan commander-in-chief
with the object of procuring Santa Anna's release, or
at least the consideration due to his high dignity.
Filisola was also directed to make every effort to save
the remainder of the army by concentrating it at a
point convenient for the receipt of supplies. The pre
servation of Bejar was absolutely necessary. With
regard to the prisoners he was authorized to propose
an exchange, and for that purpose to preserve the
lives of Texan prisoners then in his power, and also
of such as might be taken in future. The so-called
armistice agreed to by Houston and Santa Anna was

280 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

the subject of the second despatch. Filisola's action in
observing it was approved by the government ; at the
time he was reminded that Santa Anna being a pris
oner had not been a free agent in the matter. The
government, therefore, wished Filisola to act with the
greatest prudence, and while endeavoring not to com
promise in any way the life of the illustrious captive,
he was to avoid pledging the honor of the nation.
Under no circumstances was the recognition of the
independence of Texas to be taken into consideration,
as the nation would never agree to it.1

When Filisola received these despatches, May 28th,
Bdjar had already been evacuated, ^Andrade having
demolished the fortifications of the Alamo and joined
him at Victoria ; the public treaty with Santa Anna
had been ratified by him ; and the whole Mexican army
had already crossed the Nueces. On the 1 9th of May,
the government having recovered from the first effects
of the blow, Tornel addressed another despatch to
Filisola in which he urged upon him the obligation of
endeavoring to preserve the conquests already ac
quired, instructed him to discontinue his retreat,
secure all sustainable points, and await reenforce-
ments, as the government was already occupied in
organizing a division of 4,000 men, which would em
bark at Vera Cruz for Matamoros.2 But these in
structions arrived too late; Urrea was already at
Matamoros,3 and Filisola was approaching that city.
The change of the government's intentions placed the
commander-in-chief in a dilemma. He assembled
the generals in council and laid before them the new
orders he had received, expressing his readiness to
countermarch if they considered the movement prac
ticable. It was unanimously agreed that, in view of

1 Copy of the despatches in Filisola, Represent., 66-8.

2 Copy of this despatch and Filisola's reply in Id., 76-7 and 62-6.

3 He had been sent in advance from Victoria, which place he left May
14, reaching Matamoras May 28th. Before his departure from Victoria he
had in vain urged Filisola not to retreat further. Diario, 36. Henceforth
there was discord between the two generals.

RESULT OF MEXICAN INVASION. 281

the deplorable condition of the troops and the want
of resources, such a movement was impossible. Fill-
sola, therefore, continued his retreat, and June 12th
received from the Mexican government a despatch
instructing him to resign the command to General
Urrea, and assigning Monterey, Leona Vicario, or
Matamoros as his place of residence according to his
choice. Filisola immediately halted the troops then
on the march, drew them up in line and, in the ab
sence of Urrea, resigned the command to General
Andrade ad interim.4 On the following day he started
for Leona Vicario, and Andrade, in spite of orders
from Urrea to return to Goliad continued to march to
Matamoros. On June 14th he received a despatch
from Urrea, commanding him to halt the army imme
diately on its receipt, place General Gaona in com
mand, and report in person at Matamoros. But the
salvation of the troops depended on their reaching
their destination. Not a day passed but some of
them perished on the way, and Andrade, in defiance
of orders, pushed forward reaching Matamoros, June
18th. Thus ended Santa Anna's invasion. Not a
Mexican soldier remained on Texan soil, and of the
imposing array with which the would-be oppresfor
of the Anglo-Texans entered the country, barely
4,000 troops, in most wretched plight, re-crossed the
Rio Grande.

Meantime the treaty dropped through. A few
prisoners appear to have been released on the part of
the Mexicans ; and it is curious to observe that while
the Texans even detained Woll,5 and do not seem to
have released any of their captives, captains Carnes

4 Filisola, Mem. Tcj., i. 330-41; Id., Mem. Guerra Tcj., ii. 50o-9. It
appears that Urrea as early as May 11, 1836, had despatched a communica
tion from Victoria to the government reflecting upon Filisola 's course of
action. This despatch induced the government to remove Filisola from the
command, and the answer to it bears the same date, May 31, 1836, as that
addressed to Filisola informing him of his removal. Mem. Tej., i. 343-51;
Urrea, Diarin, 108-111.

5 He rejoined the Mexican army on the day on which Filisola surrendered
the command. Filisola, Mem. Tcj., i. 340.

282 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

and Teal were sent as commissioners to Matamoros,
to inform themselves respecting the restoration of
slaves and property belonging to Texans. In re
prisal for the treatment extended to Woll on their
arrival early in June, they were confined in prison,
whence, however, they soon escaped through the aid
of outside friends, but not before they had created a
false alarm in Texas by reporting that the Mexicans
were making vigorous preparations for a second and
early invasion.6 The fact is, the Mexican government
would fain have continued hostilities, and on May
21st an act was published setting forth that it was
the intention of the government to prosecute the war
with vigor, and declaring that all treaties and stipu
lations made by Santa Anna while in captivity would
be regarded as null.7 But the political condition of
the country prevented any serious demonstration.
Centralism was in peril; the states were beginning to
proclaim in favor of federalism ; and in the confusion
of affairs, the threatened invasion of Texas was im
practicable. The 4000 troops were never sent from
Yera Cruz, and the ill-conditioned soldiers at
Matamoros, under Urrea, constituted all the force
arrayed against the revolted province. Nevertheless
tho Texans made preparations to resist invasion and
before long over 2000 men, mostly volunteers from
the United States,8 were in the field, and minor hos
tilities were carried on.

Mayor Isaac Burton with twenty mounted rangers,
while scouring the coast, received news of the arrival of
a suspicious looking craft in the bay of Copano. On
the 3d of June he ambushed his men near the beach,
seized the crew of a boat sent ashore, and manning it
with sixteen of his rangers, captured the vessel, which

6Urrea, Diario, 44-5, 100-1; Tex. Aim., 1860, 74-6; Id., 1861, 45.

7 Copy of act and of others relative to the action taken by the govern
ment in ArrfBaga, Jlecop., En.— Jun., 1836, 430-7.

8 Early in June, Pres. Burnet made a contract with Gen. Mennican
Hunt, to introduce from the U. S., a division of 4,000 men. Hunt's success
was but partial. Tex. Aim., 1861, 44.

MOVEMENTS OF VESSELS. 283

proved to be the Watchman, loaded with provisions
for the Mexican army. The vessel was ordered to
Velasco, but was detained by contrary winds. On
the 17th, the Comanche and Fanny Butler anchored
off the bar. The captains were decoyed on board the
Watchman, and their vessels being captured, were
found to be similarly freighted. All three were sent
to Velasco and condemned. Their cargoes, worth
$25,000, were of great service to the Texan army.9
Henceforth Burton and his rangers became known as
the ' Horse-marines/

Nor was the Texan navy inactive. The Invincible,
after being taken by a United States man-of-war, at
the mouth of the Mississippi, on the charge of piracy,
and acquitted by the judicial courts, made a cruise on
the Mexican coast, visiting Matamoros, Tampico,
Yera Cruz, and Tabasco. Returning to Velasco, she
was sent in September to New York for repairs. In
March, 1837, this vessel returned to Galveston, and
some time afterward captured the Mexican schooner
Avispa™

On August 25th of the same year, the Invincible,
in company with the Brutus, arrived at Galveston bar
with a Mexican schooner in tow. The Brutus crossed
in safety with the prize, but the Invincible, unable to
get in. was attacked on the following day by two
armed brigs of the enemy. In going out to her aid,
the Brutus ran aground, and the Invincible, being over
powered, in endeavoring to escape struck on the
breakers near the southeast channel. The crew gained
the land, but the vessel went to pieces during the
night. The schooner Liberty had been sent to New
Orleans, and was there sold to defray her expenses.

9 Telegraph, Aug. 2, 1836; Yoakum, ii. 180-1; Morfit in his report to the
U. S. government places the value of these vessels' in voices at about $20, 192.
Exec. Doc., cong. 24, sess. 2, No. 35, p. 29.

10 Called by Yoakum — ii< 213 — Alixpa, and thus copied by Swan te Palm
in Bakers Tex., 78. Th* Tex. Aim., 1860, 164, gives Obispo as the name of
the vessel; but it is probable that as b and v are frequently used for each
other in Spanish America, the I in Yoakum is a misprint for b, and that the
right name of the schooner was Avispa, the Wasp.

284 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

The Independence, in April 1837, fell in with two
Mexican brigs-of-war, the Vcncedor del Alamo and
the Libertador, and being overpowered, was taken into
Brazos Santiago, whence the captives were removed
to Matamoros. Thus the Brutus was the last re
maining vessel of the old navy, and she was lost in
Galveston harbor during the severe equinoctial gale
of 1837, which, besides destroying shipping to the
number of fourteen or fifteen vessels, flooded nearly
the whole city. In April of this year, the Champion
and Julius Csesar, freighted with provisions for the
Texan army, were captured by the enemy.11

In the United States, the interest felt for Texas
was great, and much material aid was furnished to the
struggling republic. Public discourses were delivered
at different places by the commissioners, Austin,
Wharton, and Archer, who succeeded in enlisting the
sympathy of the people. Appeals were made for
moral support, and the object of the Texans declared
to be independence as a new republic or annexation to
the United States.1" After the battle of San Jacinto,
the desire for annexation became widely spread ; and
on May 30th, President Burnct, in view of the gen
eral wish, appointed James Collingsworth and Peter
W. Gray son as commissioners to Washington to ask
for the friendly mediation of that government in pro
curing from Mexico the recognition of the indepen
dence of Texas, to endeavor to obtain a like recognition
from the United States, and to state that it was the
opinion of the Texan government that the annexation
of the new republic to the American union would be
most acceptable to the people o the former. When
the commissioners reached Washington, congress had

11 Id., I860, 163-6, where will be found a list of officers who served in the
Texan navy from 1835 to 1837 inclusive. Yoakiim, ii. 212-13, 216-17; Bakers
Tex., 77-80.

12 See Austin's address to the people of Louisville, Kentucky, March 7,
1836, in Holtey's Tex., 252-80; and hi-; letter to Houston of June 16, 18o(>, in
Yoakum, ii. 177; also Wharton's address in N. York, Apr. 26, 1836, in Tex.
Misc. Pamp/i., no- 14.

THE QUESTION OF INDEPENDENCE. 285

i adjourned, but there was among its members a general
feeling in favor of the recognition of the independence
of Texas.13 Nothing was immediately accomplished
beyond the formal presentation of the matter to the
authorities at Washington; but President Jackson
sent Henry M. Morfit as a commissioner to Texas, to
inform himself, and report on the military, political,
and civil condition of the people. The date of Mor
fit's first despatch is August 13, 1836, that of his last,
September 14th of the same year. His report is
pretty full. He assigns a population to Texas of
nearly 58,500 souls.14 He expresses surprise that
Texas has carried on a successful war so long with so
little embarassment to her own citizens or treasury,
and estimated that the probable total amount of her
outstanding debts did not exceed $1,250,000.15

The deep interest taken by the United States in
the success of Texas was naturally displeasing to the
Mexican government. During the period from
March 9 to October 15, 1836, the Mexican minister,
Gorostiza, maintained a correspondence with the de
partment of state relative to the ambiguous neutrality
observed by the United States during the Texan
revolution. In his letters he complains of measures

13 The two houses, acting separately, parsed resolutions 'that the inde
pendence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the U. S. whenever satisfac
tory information should be received that it had in successful operation a civil
government, capable of performing the duties and fulfilling the obligation? of
an independent power.' Exec. Doc., cong. 24, sess. 2, no. 35, 1, where will be
found copy of Morfit's despatches.

u Anglo-Americans, about 30,000; Mexicans, 3,470; Indians, including
8,000 northern Indians from the United States, about 20,000; and 5,000 ne
groes. Id., 12-13. Yoakum's figures, ii. 197, derived from the same source
and copied by Thrall, Hist. Tex., 286, are incorrect. But Morfit himself is
somewhat contradictory.

15 Thus exhibited in Morfit's report of Sept. 4, 1836, ut sup.:
Treasury orders already issued and debts under consideration of the

auditor's office $309,280

Estimate of supplies exclusive of the amount audited 250,000

Loans 100.000

Amount due navy, exclusive jof the amount audited 60,000

Amount due army, exclusive of the amount audited 412,000

Amount of civil contingent expenses, exclusive of amount audited. . 118,720

$1,250,000

284 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

The Independence, in April 1837, fell in ;with two
Mexican brigs-of-war, the Vencedor del Alamo and
the Libert-actor, and being overpowered, was taken into
Brazos Santiago, whence the captives were removed
to Matamoros. Thus the Brutus was the last re
maining vessel of the old navy, and she was lost in
Galveston harbor during the severe equinoctial gale
of 1837, which, besides destroying shipping to the
number of fourteen or fifteen vessels, flooded nearly
the whole city. In April of this year, the Champion
and Julius Csesar, freighted with provisions for the
Texan army, were captured by the enemy.11

In the United States, the interest felt for Texas
was great, and much material aid was furnished to the
struggling republic. Public discourses were delivered
at different places by the commissioners, Austin,
Wharton, and Archer, who succeeded in enlisting the
sympathy of the people. Appeals were made for
moral support, and the object of the Texans declared
to be independence as a new republic or annexation to
the United States.1" After the battle of San Jacinto,
the desire for annexation became widely spread ; and
on May 30th, President Burnct, in view of the gen
eral wish, appointed James Collingsworth and Peter
W. Gray son as commissioners to Washington to ask
for the friendly mediation of that government in pro
curing from Mexico the recognition of the indepen
dence of Texas, to endeavor to obtain a like recognition
from the United States, and to state that it was the
opinion of the Texan government that the annexation
of the new republic to the American union would be
most acceptable to the people o the former. When
the commissioners reached Washington, congress had

11 Id., I860, 163-6, where will be found a list of officers who served in the
Texan navy from 1835 to 1837 inclusive. Yoakum, ii. 212-13, 216-17; Baker's
Tex., 77-80.

12 See Austin's address to the people of Louisville, Kentucky, March 7,
1836, in Holley'ft Tex., 252-80; and lri< letter to Houston of June 16, ]83(5, in
Yoakum, ii. 177; also Wharton's address in N. York, Apr. 26, 1836, in Tex.
Misc. Pamph, no- 14.

THE QUESTION OF INDEPENDENCE. 285

i adjourned, but there was among its members a general
feeling in favor of the recognition of the independence
of Texas.13 Nothing was immediately accomplished
beyond the formal presentation of the matter to the
authorities at Washington; but President Jackson
sent Henry M. Morfit as a commissioner to Texas, to
inform himself, and report on the military, political,
and civil condition of the people. The date of Mor
fit's first despatch is August 13, 1836, that of his last,
September 14th of the same year. His report is
pretty full. He assigns a population to Texas of
nearly 58,500 souls.14 He expresses surprise that
Texas has carried on a successful war so long with so
little embarassment to her own citizens or treasury,
and estimated that the probable total amount of her
outstanding debts did not exceed $1,250,000.15

The deep interest taken by the United States in
the success of Texas was naturally displeasing to the
Mexican government. During the period from
March 9 to October 15, 1836, the Mexican minister,
Gorostiza, maintained a correspondence with the de
partment of state relative to the ambiguous neutrality
observed by the United States during the Texan
revolution. In his letters he complains of measures

13 The two houses, acting separately, passed resolutions ' that the inde
pendence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the U. S. whenever satisfac
tory information should be received that it had in successful operation a civil
government, capable of performing the duties and fulfilling the obligations of
an independent power.' Exec. Doc., cong. 24, sess. 2, no. 35, 1, where will be
found copy of Morfit's despatches.

14 Anglo- Americans, about 30,000; Mexicans, 3,470; Indians, including
8,000 northern Indians from the United States, about 20,000; and 5,000 ne
groes. Id., 12-13. Yoakum's figures, ii. 197, derived from the same source
and copied by Thrall, Hist. Tex., 286, are incorrect. But Morfit himself is
somewhat contradictory.

15 Thus exhibited in Morfit's report of Sept. 4, 1836, ut sup.:
Treasury orders already issued and debts under consideration of the

auditor's office $309,280

Estimate of supplies exclusive of the amount audited 250,000

Loans 100.000

Amount due navy, exclusive jof the amount audited 60,000

Amount due army, exclusive of the amount audited 412,000

Amount of civil contingent expenses, exclusive of amount audited. . 118,720

$1,250,000

286 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

in progress for recognizing the independence of Texas,
of the entrance of armed bands from the United
States into that country, especially of the occupation
of Mexican territory, by United States forces, and
enumerates several instances of violation of the neu
trality laws.

The particulars connected with the occupation
of Texan territory by United States troops are
as follow: It was well understood that the Ind
ians in the eastern and northern regions of Texas
were assuming a hostile attitude, having been visited
by Mexican agents, who strove to persuade them to
take up arms. On January 23, 1836, General Ed
mund Gaines was appointed to the command of the
United States troops on the western frontier of
Louisiana. His instructions were that, in view of the
war between Mexico and Texas, strict neutrality was
to be observed, and none of the contending parties
were to be allowed to cross into territory of the
United States. Hostile incursions of Indians, how
ever, directed either against the Mexican or Anglo-
American states were to be prevented by force.
Gaines replied March 29th; and after referring to
scenes of barbarism in Texas added that, in case he
noticed a disposition on the part of Mexicans to
menace the frontier, he should deem it his duty to
cross the boundary and meet the marauders. Unde?
date of April 25th the secretary of war, while averring
that it was no wish of the president to acquire any
portion of Mexican territory, nevertheless approved
of Gaines' suggestion; but, in no case, was he to
advance further than Nacogdoches. Gaines on April
8th had called upon the governors of Louisiana, Mis
sissippi, Alabama, and Tennessee for reinforcements,
but recalled his requisition soon after, believing from
later information that the troops would not be
wanted. On the 14th of the same month, informa
tion was received by him from General Mason, com
mandant at Nacogdoches, to the effect that a large

MEXICO ALARMED. 287

number of Mexicans and Indians were concentrated
with hostile intentions about sixty miles from that
town. It appears that Irvin, the alcalde of Nacog-
doches, made this statement to Mason on April 12th
—a statement which was found to be greatly exag
gerated. Gaines consequently ordered up the
squadron of United States dragoons and six com
panies of infantry from Fort Gibson to Fort Towson,
on Red River, went in person with fourteen com
panies, namely, the sixth regiment and four companies
of the third United States infantry, to the Sabine
River, and there encamped. Owing to the victory of
San Jacinto, and the retreat of the Mexicans, the
Indians, whatever might have been their original in
tentions, now showed a disposition favorable to the
white men, and there does not seem much reason for
Gaines' remaining on the bank of the Sabine. Never
theless, in their excited state, it was not unlikely that
the Indians would commit depredations, and on May
19th a large body of them appeared before Fort
Parker, on the head waters of the Navasota. There
were only six men and some women and children in
the place. Attempts at conciliation were made in
vain; several of the men were killed, the fort was
plundered, and some of the women and children were
carried into captivity.10 On June 28th Gaines re
ceived a letter from Rusk, then at Victoria, stating
that the Mexicans, 7,000 strong, were advancing from
Matamoros, their motto being, " Extermination as far
as the Sabine, or death." These circumstances com
bined, induced Gaines to consider the frontier again
in danger. Accordingly on the day on which he re
ceived Rusk's letter, he repeated his requisition — which
this time was disapproved by the president — and sent
a detachment of regular troops under Colonel Whistler,
to take post near Nacogdoches, instructing him July
llth to occupy that town and fortify it with a small
breast-work and block-houses.

lfi Full account of this massacre in Shield's FaU of Parkers Fort, MS.,
fols. IS.

288 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

When Gorostiza became aware that an actual vio
lation of Mexican territory on the part of the United
States had occurred, he reiterated his representations;
and not satisfied with the assurances of the govern
ment at Washington, that the measures adopted were
of a temporary and purely defensive character, by
letter of October 15th he declared that he considered
his mission at an end, and asked for his passports,
which were sent to him on the 20th of the same
month, diplomatic relations between the two countries
being thus broken off. Gaines was relieved of his
command by Brigadier General Arbuckle, who was
instructed, under date of October 10th, to report on
the condition of affairs. Nevertheless similar dire^
tions to those sent to Gaines were given to Arbuckle,
to whose discretion the retaining possession of Nacog-
doches was in a great measure left. He was informed
by the secretary of war that it was not in the power
of the department, with its limited information, to
give any positive order in regard to the further occu
pation of the post, but he was instructed to withdraw
the troops stationed there, unless he had in his pos
session information satisfying him that the main
tenance of it was essential to the protection of the
United States frontiers, and to the due execution of
treaty stipulations.17

Viewed in an impartial light, the action of the
United States government cannot be regarded as

17 House Rep., cong. 24, sess. 1, No. 256, 1-61; Pub. Doc., 1835-6, Vol. vi;
Cong. Debates, 1835-6, xii. 3511-48; Tex. Corres., in Pap. Var., iii. No. 1;
Exec. Doc., cong. 24, sess. 2, No. 2, 1-101, 105; Cong. Debates, 1837, xiv. 176-
249; //. Ex. Doc., cong. 25, sess. 2, Vol. iv. No. 190, 1-120; Mex. Correx. sobreel
Paso del Sabina, 122; Niks' Re<j.t 1. 162, 207-9, 364-5, 377, 384-6, 402; Id.,
li. 21, 33, 87-8, 97, 113, 129, 194, 369, 378, 385, 409-12; Morphw, 333, 353-4;
Jay's Mex. War, 23-30. The government at Washington considered that
they were authorized to send troops into Mexican territory by the 33d ar
ticle of the treaty between the two nations, which required both the con
tracting parties to prevent by force all hostilities and incursions on the part
of the Indian nations living within their respective boundaries, so that the
United States will not suffer their Indians to attack the citizens of the
Mexican states, nor will the Mexican states suffer their Indians to attack
the citizens of the United States. As the Indians west of the supposed
boundary were assuming a warlike attitude, and Mexico had no troops on
the ground to keep them quiet, the U. S. considered themselves justified in
assuming an advanced position temporarily in their own defence,

ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES. 289

'

t other than subterfuge, and unfair to a neighbor from
' which it desired to steal territory. While making the
strongest assurances that neutrality should be ob
served, and issuing orders to that effect, it cannot be
denied that the latter were easily evaded, and the
former counterbalanced by the moral support secretly
extended to Texas. At the same time it must be
observed that the Mexican government in its future
conduct in regard to the revolted province showed
neither prudence nor foresight, and rendered the war,
on her part, with Texas a farce. Mexican patriotism
was excited, and the Texan war used as a pretext for
levying contributions; henceforth it assumed a pas
sive character, and became a rallying cry of political
parties as a means of their advancement. Says a
Mexican historian of repute, "With the failure of
Santa Anna's expedition against Texas, and consider
ing the intentions of the United States, the Mexican
government ought to have rid itself of that province
by a convention with the United States, as did Spain
in the case of Florida in 1818, endeavoring thereby
to form a nation between Mexico and the United
States, which in time would counterbalance the pre
ponderance of the north; but the government and its
enemies made the reconquest of Texas an object of
charlatanism, and a party weapon, both sides urging
the continuation of the war as necessary for the vin
dication of the national honor, though they had
neither the will nor the power to carry it on.18

By July the Texan army had increased to 2,300
strong, and General Rusk experienced much difficulty
in preventing confusion. Houston was at this time
at Nacogdoches, and according to Yoakum addressed
several communications during that month to Gaines,
which may have had some influence on his decision
to occupy Nacogdoches. About the first of the month
the government appointed Colonel Mirabeau Lamar

18 Rivera, Hist. Jala-pa, iii. 290-1.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 19

292 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

monize the two factions, and organize a government
that would triumph over all difficulties.21 Houston's
popularity at this date is evidenced by the result of
the polls. He was elected president by a large
majority, Mirabeau B. Lamar being chosen vice-
president.22 The constitution was adopted almost
unanimously, as also the proposition of annexation.

On October 3d, the first Texan congress met at Co
lumbia, and on the following day President Burnet
delivered his message. It is a somewhat lengthy doc
ument, but represents too truthfully the events con
nected with his administration and the condition of
the country. He describes the state of the army and
navy, and calls attention to the defectiveness of the
military organization and the want of more war ves
sels. The judicial department, he stated, was in a
very imperfect state, and the land question was one
which would require serious consideration. He trusted
that the titles of the early settlers would not be en
croached upon, and that the present congress and all
succeeding ones would promptly and decisively put
the s-eal of their reprobation upon all sinister and
unrighteous speculations in the public domain. He
concluded by urging the members to banish from their
council all party spirit and political intrigue.23

After using his best endeavors to conciliate the
Indians, Houston left Nacogdoches for Columbia,
where he arrived on October 9th. By a provision of
the adopted constitution, he could not enter upon the
duties of his office before the second Monday in De
cember next succeeding his election,24 but both Presi
dent Burnet and Vice-president Zavala were equally
willing to retire from office, and on the 22d of October

21 See his letter to Guy M. Bryan of Nov. 15. 1852, quoted in Yoakum, ii.
193-4.

22 Houston received 4,374 votes, Smith 743, and Austin 587, the total num
ber of votes cast being 5,704. Lamar had a majority of 2,G99. Thrall'* Hint.
Tex., 287.

23 Copy of Burnet's message will be found in Niks' Reg., li. 189-91.

* Aft vi., sec. 2., of the constitution, in Laws of the Republic of Texas, vol.
i 15.

HOUSTON AND LAMAR. 293

sent in their resignations. The congress considered
that there was no radical obstruction to the premature
installation of the new president, and on the same day
Houston was inducted into office.

In his inaugural address, Houston referred to the
relations of the coordinate departments of the govern
ment as peculiarly delicate and important, maintaining
that if he failed to obtain the cooperation and support
of the congress, wreck and ruin would be inevitable.
If, therefore, he failed in the attainment of the great
objects in view, it would be the duty of the house to
correct his errors and sustain him by its superior wis
dom. The administration, he said, was fraught with
perplexities, but zeal and a spirit of patrotism would
surmount all difficulties. He recommended that the
friendship of the Indians should be obtained by treaties
of peace and a strict maintenance of good faith with
them ; and uro-ed abstinence from all acts of ao-oression,

O O^

the establishment of commerce with the different
tribes, even-handed justice to be ever maintained with
them. He contrasted the barbarous mode of warfare
practised by the enemy with the humanity and for
bearance displayed by the Texans in the hour of vic
tory. The moral effect of such conduct had done more
toward the liberation of Texas than the defeat of the
army of veterans. Her cause had received the warm
est sympathy and manly aid of friends in the land of
their origin. Lastly, he dwelt upon the question of
annexation with the United States, a consummation
unanimously wished for the Texan people, who wsre
cheered by the hope that they would be welcomed
into the great family of freemen.25 General Lamar,
in his two-fold capacity as vice-president of the re
public and president of the senate, also delivered
addresses in which, breathing a spirit of patriot
ism, he deprecated, party antagonism and contro
versy.

25 Copy of the ad dress in Pease's Hist. View Tex., in Niks' South Ar.icr. and
Mex., i. 357-60.

294 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

Congress having authorized the president to appoint
his cabinet, his selection proves his anxiety to weld
together in harmony the two opposing factions by an
impartial appointment to office of the separate leaders.
Stephen F. Austin was made secretary of state, Henry
Smith, secretary of the treasury, Thomas J. Rusk, of
war,20 S. Rhodes Fisher, of the navy, Robert Burr,
postmaster-general, and J. Pinkney Henderson, attor
ney-general. On November 16th, congress passed an
act empowering the president to appoint a minister to
the United States to negotiate with that government
for the recognition of the independence of Texas, and
her annexation to that republic. Houston accordingly
appointed William H. Wharton to the position.27

Another of the first acts of the congress, dated
November 18th, authorized the president to issue
bonds of the republic in sums of $1,000 each, to an
amount not exceeding $5,000,000. These bonds were
to bear interest not exceeding ten per centum, and
be made redeemable in thirty years from the day of date.
Two commissioners were to be appointed to negotiate
them in the United States or Europe, the commis
sioners being authorized to sell bonds to the amount
of $2,000,000, redeemable in not less than five years.
Holders should have the privilege of purchasing
public lands of the republic at the lowest government
price payable in bonds. In regard to volunteers from
the United States the congress displayed great liber
ality, extending by a joint resolution on the 23d the
same pay and bounties in lands to those who entered

26 The command of the army was given to General Felix Houston.

a7 Linn, page 273, narrates that Wharton was not pleased with the ap
pointment, and remarked that the president was sending him into honorable
exile to get him out of some one else's way. Houston did not hear of this
till some months after, when three commissioners were to be named by him
whose duties were the purchase of a navy. John A. Wharton, brother of
William Wharton, was one of the candidates, and to the surprise of many,
was not appointed. Meeting the latter after his return from the U. S., the
president could not refrain from delivering a home-thrust. ' I did not ap
point John A. Wharton, ' he said, ' one of the three naval commissioners be-
caiise I did not wish to drive any more of the Wharton family into exile.'

CONGRESSIONAL MEASURES. 295

the service after July 1st as to those who had entered
it prior to that date.'28

The duties of the congress were not light, and dur
ing its first session, which lasted to the close of De
cember, numerous laws were passed for the organization
of the government and promotion of the public weal.
Provisions were made for the increase of the navy by
the purchase of a 24-gun sloop of war, two armed
steam vessels, and two 11 -gun schooners; rules and
articles were established for the government of the
navy and army, the latter of which the president was
authorized to reorganize; and measures were adopted
for the protection of the frontier, and for the national
defence by the organization of militia. The judiciary,
moreover, was fully organized, a supreme court, courts
of justice, and inferior courts being established, and
their powers and jurisdictions defined.29 Enactments
were also passed for the raising of a revenue by im
port duties ; establishing the salaries of 'the president
and government officers ; 30 for the creation of a gen
eral post-oflice ; and for the establishment of a general
land-office.31

A national seal and standard for the republic were
adopted December 10th. The former consisted of a
single star with the letters Republic of Texas circular
on the seal, which was also circular. The national
flag was to have an azure ground with a large golden
star central, and to be dominated the national stan-

28 The president vetoed this act, but it was passed by a constitutional
majority in both houses. Tex. Laws, i. 34.

a9 President Burnet had created a district judge for the district of Brazos,
conferring the appointment on Benjamin 0. Franklin, who wa,s the lirct
judge in Texas invested with common law and maritime jurisdiction. Niles*
Hey., li. 190.

30 The salary of the president was fixed at $10,000 a year, of the vice-
president $3,000; that of each member of the cabinet at $3,503; of the
attorney-general $3,000; of the postmaster-general $2,000, and other civil
officers in proportion. Congressmen received each £5 a day, and were
allowed a mileage of $5 for every 25 miles, going and coming. Tex. Lawn, i.
69-70.

31 This act was vetoed by the president, but passed by a constitutional
majority in both houses Dec. 22, 1836. The above synopsis of the labors
of the first congress is derived from Id., i. 27-227.

296 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

dard of Texas. The flag for the naval service was to
be the same as that adopted by President Burnet at
Harrisburg, April 9, 1836, its conformation being
union blue, star central, with thirteen stripes pro
longed, alternate red and white.32

Congress, however, did not display the highest
wisdom in all its legislative acts. On December 1 6th
a bill was passed to incorporate the Texas Railroad,
Navigation, and Banking Company, with a capital
stock of $5,000,000, and the privilege of increasing it,
when the welfare of the company should require it,
to $10,000,000. The enactment granted to the com
pany the right of connecting the waters of the Rio
Grande and the Sabine by means of internal naviga
tion and railroads, with the privilege also of con
structing branch canals and railroads in every
direction. As soon as the bank went into operation,
which it could not do until a specie capital of $1,-

32 On Jan. 25, 1839, an act was passed adopting as the national arms a
•white star of rive points on an azure ground, encircled by an olive and live
oak branches. The national flag was to consist of a blue perpendicular stripe
of the width of one third of the whole flag with a white star in the centre,
and two horizontal stripes, the upper white and the lower red. The origin
of the lone star flag is somewhat obscure. It is claimed by the Savannah
Georgian that it was first unfurled within the present limits of Louisiana in
1810, by a gallant band of Americans, who fell suddenly upon the fort at
Baton Rouge, drove out the Spaniards, and raised the lone star flag in place
of the banner of old Spain. Tex. Aim., 1SG1, 75. The date of its first ap
pearance in Texas is also in dispute. Guy M. Bryan in. a speech before the
lexan veterans delivered May 14, 1873, says: 'The first lone star flag that
I can rind any account of was made at Harrisburg and presented to the
company of Capt. Andrew Robinson in 18C5. The lone star was white, five
pointed, and set in ground of red.' Bakers Tex., 1C5. Lewis Washington,
an assistant in the ofiice of the Galvexton News, in 1854, states that it was of
plain white silk, bearing an azure star of five points on either side. On one
side was the inscription Liberty or Death! and on the other the Latin motto
Ubi Libertas habitat, ibi nostra patri est. This flag was unfurled at Vclasco
Jan. 8, 1836. Gen. McLeod of Galveston asserted that it was the work of
Miss Troutman of Knoxville, Georgia. A correspondent of the Central
Tc.xan denies the claim of Georgia, and insists that the first lone star flag
xinfurled in Texas was the one raided in Harrisburg in 1835. Tex. Aim., 1SG1,
75—7. Thrall makes the curious statement that the lone star emblem wag a
fortunate accident. Gov. Smith, for want of a seal, used one of the large
brass buttons of his coat, which bore the impress of a five-pointed star.
The Mexican government in a circular of Jan. 28, 1S36, describes the Texan
rebel flag as consisting of stripes like that of the U. S., but instead of the
blue square containing the stars, the Texan flag had a white square with a
cross and the number 1824. Arrilla>ja, Recop., En. — Jiin., 1836, 234. The
'flag of independence,' says one, first hoisted at Goliad, bore a blood-red
sword grasped by a hand. Tex. Aim., 1861, 76.

BOUNDARY. 297

000,000 was paid in, a bonus of $25,000 was to be
paid into the Texan treasury; but in the event of
said sum not being paid within eighteen months after
the passage of the act, the charter, which was to con
tinue in force for forty-nine years, was to be forfeited.33
This act was regarded by many with great disfavor
and denounced by Anson Jones as corrupt, and
tending to render the public lands worthless if the
scheme had been practicable.34 The necessary capital
of $5,000,000 was subscribed by eight individuals and
firms, but the payment of $1,000,000 in specie before
the bank could commence operations, was a stumbling-
block which fortunately overthrew the project.35

With regard to the territorial extent of the infant
republic, congress was not backward in defining
the boundaries. By an act of December 1 9th it was
declared that the civil and political jurisdiction of
Texas extended from the mouth of the Sabine to the
mouth of the Rio Grande, thence up the principal
stream of the latter river to its source ; thence due
north to the forty-second degree of north latitude,
thence along the boundary line as defined in the treaty
between the United States and Spain to the be
ginning. The president was authorized and required
to open negotiations with the government of the
United States to ascertain the boundary line as
agreed upon in said treaty. These boundaries in
cluded the greater and best portion of New Mexico,
to which Texas had not the shadow of a right. But
it is more easy to make a claim than substantiate it,
as Texas found to her cost at a later date, on the
occasion of the ill-conducted expedition to Santa Fe.

33 Tex. Laws, i. 128-32.

34 He writes : * The company would have been the great feudal landlord
of the whole, and held them by a feudal tenure. ' He attacked the scheme
severely in an article signed Franklin, published in a Matagorda paper. His
opposition gained for him many lasting enemies. Repuf). Tex., 18-19.

35 Gouge states that even. as it was, some people made money out of the
scheme. None of the subscribers paid anything. One of them sold his in
terest to a speculator of New York for $30,000. Another disposed of his
interest for three leagues of land., which he subsequently sold for $2.50 per
acre. Fiscal Hist, Tex., 60-1.

298 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

After two months of assiduous labor, during1 which

O

the members of both houses appear to have been
guided by a spirit of patriotism and singleness of
purpose, congress closed its session, and adjourned till
the first Monday in May, 1837, when it was to meet
at the newly founded town of Houston, on Buffalo
Bayou, which by act of December 15th was declared
to be the seat of the government till 1840.36

Toward the close of the year Texas was bereaved,
not only of one of its most prominent patriots, but of
its father and founder as a great state. On November
15th Lorenzo de Zavala, whose health had been for
some time past failing, died at his residence on the
San Jacinto, near Lynchburg, fifty-five years of age.
The biography of this true friend of Texas, previous
to his exile from his native country, has already been
given. His arrival in Texas was hailed with joy;
and the appreciation in which his worth and love of
liberty were held, is shown by the important ap
pointments which were conferred upon him by men
of a different race. His name will ever be cher
ished among Texans as a champion of freedom.

Within little more than a month after the loss of
this patriot, Stephen Fuller Austin breathed his ]ast at
Columbia. He had contracted a cold, which was suc
ceeded by an attack of pneumonia, and died December
27th, at the comparatively early age of forty-three
years — father and son being thus victims of the same
disease. His remains, followed by the president and
his cabinet, both houses of congress, officers of the
government, and a large concourse of citizens, were
placed on board the Yellowstone, and conveyed to
Peach Point, Brazoria county, where they were in
terred with funeral honors. His place in the cabinet
was filled by R. A. Irwin.

Stephen Fuller Austin was born November 3, 1793

36Anson Jones denounces the location of Houston as the seat of gov
ernment, as being an unblushing speculation by members of the legis
lature. Eepub. Tex., 18-19.

BIOGRAPHY OF AUSTIN. 299

at Austinville, Wythe county, Virginia. In 1804, he
was sent to Colchester academy, in Connecticut, and
having remained there one year, he removed to an
academy at New London. At the age of fifteen, he
became a student of Transylvania University, Ken
tucky, where he completed his education. When
twenty years of age, he was elected a member of the
territorial legislature of Missouri, and was regularly
re'e'lected till 1819, in which year he went to Little
Rock, Arkansas, where he was made circuit judge of
that territory. Thence he moved to New Orleans,
in order to cooperate with his father in the projected
colonization scheme. On the death of Moses Austin,
his son, in obedience to his wishes, determined to carry
out the enterprise. His efforts, trials, and final suc
cess in that undertaking are already before the reader.
Stephen Austin was eminently adapted as a leader
of settlers in an unknown country. Nurtured in his
childhood in the wilds of a frontier state, he imbibed
a familiarity with the wilderness and a fearlessness of
its dangers which never deserted him, while the liberal

o

education which he received well fitted him to occupy
the position of ruler, diplomatist, or commissioner.
As a commander of an army, he himself admits his
want of competency, and with eager willingness he
resigned his military appointment on the occasion of
his being chosen commissioner to the United States.
With regard to his character, I cannot do better than
transcribe his own words, which, however, make no
mention of his noble qualities, but reveal only his
weaknesses. Writing to Edwards, the Fredonian
leader, in 1825, he says: "My temper is naturally
hasty and impetuous; the welfare of the settlement
required that I should control it effectually, for one
in my situation, falling suddenly into a fit of passion,
might do hurt to the interests of hundreds. My dis
position is by nature, also, open, unsuspecting, confid
ing, and accommodating almost to a fault. I have
been, therefore, subject in a peculiar manner to impo-

300 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

sition. Experience has enlightened me as to this
latter deficiency, I fear, almost too late, for I am ap
prehensive of having fallen somewhat into the opposite
extreme."'

It was true as he says, that under the most trying
circumstances, and assailed by enemies, he exercised a
strong control over his impulses, fearful of inflicting
injury on others. He made self-assertion subordinate
to the public weal. But other traits of his character
remain to be added. His sense of equity and his con
stancy, his perseverance and fortitude, his intelligence,
prudence, and sagacity, and lastly, his endurance
under persecution, benevolent forgiveness of injuries,
and far-reaching philanthropy mark him as no common
person, and place him on the pedestal of great men.
He was never married. During the first years of his
residence in Texas, his home was the house of S. Cas-
tl eman, on the Colorado. Later, when his brother-
in-law, James F. Perry, removed to the colony, he
lived, when in Texas, with his sister, at Peach Point
plantation, in Brazoria county. Besides this sister,
he had a younger brother, named James Brown Aus
tin, who was well known in Texas.38

It cannot be said that at the opening of the new
year the situation of the young republic was flattering.
It is true that she was temporarily relieved from in-

37 Copy of an extract from this letter, which well describes his difficult
position with regard to decisions about land grants, and is marked by candor
and the frank admission on the part of the writer that he had committed
errors, will be found in Fonte, i. 300-5.

38 Tex. Aim.., 1859, 153-60. From this article I quote the following ex
tract: 'Sometimes the voice of detraction and obloqiiy was heard. Some
times curses were heaped upon him by men whom he had served with
conscientious fidelity. But these are things which come to most men who
act a principal part in what is transpiring around them, and in Austin's case
these things were more than counterbalanced. The great body of his colo
nists loved him, and he knew it. They had tried him, and had found him
to be true to them and to their interests. ' Thrall, Hist. Tex., 480-97; Kennedy,
ii. 270-2; Bakers Tex., 253-4; Yoakuw, ii. 202-3. Linn, in his Rerninis., 362,
says of Austin: 'He made many personal sacrifices of his own comfort and
property in the interest of his colonists, and was in return repaid by ingrati
tude by too many of them. He had the patience of Franklin, and was a man
of solid rather than of brilliant parts. '

CONDITION OF THE COMMONWEALTH 301

vasion ; but the enemy still threatened, and there was
no certainty that a powerful army would not before
long be put in motion against her. Although in an
agricultural point of view, she had somewhat recov
ered from the wide-spread desolation to which she had
been the victim, much land still remained abandoned,
and the people were universally impoverished. Tl:e
army, which it was still necessary to keep on foot to
the number of nearly 1,000 men,39 was reduced to a
destitute condition for want of food and clothing. The
government was overwhelmed with claims ; the treas
ury was empty, and no immediate prospects of pecu
niary relief could be expected.

But the year was not destined to pass without
Texas meeting with some outside encouragement.
The recognition of her independence had been the
subject of much discussion in the congress of the
United States, and many memorials from different
parts of that nation were addressed to the government
in behalf of it. In the north, however, considerable
opposition was brought to bear by the anti-slavery
party, which, foreseeing annexation as the ultimate
result, was strongly opposed to the adoption of a
measure that would create additional slave territory.
Apart from the question of slavery, there were others
of a commercial nature which also had weight. In
case Texas maintained her independence, she would
be able to open a market for English manufactures,
which would prove detrimental to the interests of the
United States. Again, if she were admitted into the
union, the anti-tariff party would gain preponderance
over that which sought to procure a monopoly for
American goods by protective duties. On December
22, 1836, a message of President Jackson, on the
subject of the recognition of Texas was laid before
congress. At its conclusion he makes use of these

39Yoakum states that at the close of 1836 the Texan army consisted of
ahoiit 700 men enlisted for the period of the war, and 80 who had still six
mouths to serve. Hist. Tex., ii. 205.

302 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

words: "Pruaence, therefore, seems to dictate that
we should still stand aloof, and maintain our present
attitude, if not until Mexico Itself or one of the great
foreign powers shall recognize the independence of
the new government, at least until the lapse of time
or the course of events shall have proved, beyond cavil
or dispute, the ability of the people of that couutry to
maintain their separate sovereignty, and to uphold
the government constituted by them."

But it was well known that Jackson was in favor
of the recognition of the independence of Texas. On
January 11, 1837, Walker, senator from Mississippi,
submitted a resolution to the senate to the effect that
the independence of Texas should be acknowledged,
urging as a reason that the threatened invasion of
that country had proved abortive, that the army of
General Bravo 41 had been reduced by desertion and
other causes to a very small number, that Bravo had
consequently resigned, and the invasion in all proba
bility would be abandoned. After several efforts on
the part of Walker — who expressed himself convinced
that the president would cheerfully unite with con
gress in recognizing the independence of Texas — to
bring his resolution to the vote, on March 1, 1837, it
was called up, and after some discussion, passed by a
vote of twenty -three to nineteen." On the following
day a motion was made to reconsider the vote, but
was lost by a vote of twenty-four to twenty-four.48
The negotiations, however, for the annexation of

O

Texas were not listened to by the United States gov
ernment.

Shortly after the passage of this resolution the
Texan minister in Washington was duly recognised,
and Alcee Labranche appointed by Jackson as charge

40//. Ex. Doc., cong. 24, sess. 2., No. 35, p. 4.

41 Bravo had been appointed to the command in the place of Urrea, who
was removed on account of his leaning toward federalism.

42 Not as Yoakum states, — ii. 207 — twenty-three to twenty-two.

43 CW/. Debates, 1836, 1837, xiii. 360, 527,797,986, 1010-13, 1018. It
must he remarked that on March 1st, when the resolution was passed, six
members of the senate were absent,

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 303

d'affaires to the new republic, the house of repre
sentatives having made an appropriation for a diplo
matic agent to that government.

It has already been mentioned that on April 17,
1837, the Independence was taken by two Mexican
brigs-of-war. On the vessel was William H. Wharton
who was on his return from the United States. He
was conveyed to Matamoros with the other captives,
and confined in prison. His brother, Colonel John
H. Wharton, having obtained permission and a flag,
proceeded thither with thirty Mexican prisoners, in
the hope of effecting his release, but on his arrival he
was seized and thrown into a dungeon. William

O

Wharton in the meantime, by the aid of Captain
Thompson of the Mexican navy, escaped and reached
home. His brother, after an imprisonment of six
days, also succeeded in escaping and returned to
Texas. Thompson, who had agreed to desert the
enemy's sendee, had previously left Matamoros, his
departure being hastened by information given against
him to the authorities.

On May 1, 1837, congress reassembled at the town
of Houston, and on the 5th the president read his mes
sage. Referring to the recognition of their independ
ence by the United States, he said: "We now occupy
the proud attitude of a sovereign and independent re
public," and toward the close of his address, remarked
that Texas, confident of her power to sustain tho
rights for which she had contended, was not willing
to invoke the mediation of other powers. With re
gard to the financial position of the government, it
could hardly have assumed a much worse state. On
account of the unfavorable condition of the money
market in the United States, no portion of the
$5,000,000 loan had been realized, and the land scrip4*

44 In order to rai3e mean 3 to meet the most pressing wants until some
portion of the $5,000,000 loan could be realized, the president had been
authorized by acts of December 10, 1836, to borrow $20,000, and to sell land
scrip to the amount of 500,000 acres, at a price not less than 50 cents per

304 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

had produced nothing, owing to the questionable ac
tion of the agents at New Orleans, who would render
no account of their transactions to the executive, and
dishonored drafts drawn upon them by the latter.
Speaking of the land-bill, of December 22, 1836,
which had been vetoed by the president, but passed
by a constitutional majority — Houston stated that his
views on that question had undergone no change. He
considered that the bill was not adapted to the situa
tion/0 inasmuch as no provision was made for section-
izing the public domain; and he recommended that
some plan should be devised that would ascertain all
the located lands of the country, by which method
the vacant lands would be readily indicated. Unless
some such precaution were adopted endless litigation
would be the consequence. On the subject of the
boundary question with the United States, he believed
that all trifling difficulties that had previously existed
would be obviated by reference to the treaty of 1819
between Spain and that nation. In connection with
this question he called attention to a treaty recently
made by the government of the United States with
the Caddo Indians on the north-eastern frontier, by
which the latter ceded certain lands to the former.
The Caddo Indians, he said, were the principal ag
gressors on the Texan frontiers, and showed a dispo
sition to amalgamate with the wild tribes undoubtedly
within the unquestionable boundary of Texas. Urgent
remonstrances had been made to the government of
the United States by the Texan representatives at
Washington on the subject of the condition and dis
position of these Indians. The army of Texas had
never been in a more favorable condition, and its im
provement since the last session of congress was con
spicuous. It had been successfully reorganized, and

acre. This scrip was issued to Toby and Bros, of New Orleans and David
White of Mobile, who were appointed agents for the government. Tex.
Laws, i. 76-7; Gouge, ut sup. , 62, 64.

43 The constitution provided that ' the whole territory of the republic
should be sectionized, in a manner hereafter to be prescribed by law.' Gen
eral provisions sec. 10. Tex. Laws, i. 21.

SLAVERY. 305

a system of discipline and subordination established.
By the reduction of the number of supernumerary
officers, its expenses had been diminished to $229,032
per annum.*6 A similar favorable report could not be
made with regard to the navy, the insufficiency of
which required the serious consideration of congress.
A confidential officer had been despatched to the
United States for the purpose of purchasing such
vessels as would enable Texas to keep command of
the gulf. The weak condition of the navy had not
been without injurious result upon commerce, which
had suffered to some extent. President Houston
next makes remarks upon the African slave trade, and
in conformity with the constitution" denounced it as
an unholy and cruel traffic. It being known that
thousands of Africans had lately been imported into
the island of Cuba with the design of introducing a
portion of them into Texas, the ministers of the re
public had made the matter a subject of representa-

46 On December 15, 1836, an act was passed appropriating ,$700,000 to
defray the expenses of the army for the years 1836 and 1837; S150,000 those
of the navy; and §150,000, those of the executive and civil departments of
the government — in all §1,000,000. In case there should be no moneys in
the treasury when these demands were made upon it, according to law, the
secretary was authorized to issue scrip to persons lawfully entitled to the
same, /c?., i. 85-6.

47 In the general provisions of the constitution, sec. 9, the importation or
admission, of Africans or negroes into the republic, excepting from the U. S. of
America, wag forever prohibited, and declared to be piracy. Ihe phrase
ology ' excepting from the U. S. ' may seem at first sight singular. But it
must be borne in mind that most of the settlers in Texas came from the
slave-holding states of the northern union; that those states were the stanch
allies of Texas, and by immigration from them she expected to increase her
population, strength, and prosperity. Unless future settlers were allowed
to bring their slaves it was well known that they would be very few in
number. Moreover, the scarcity of labor and the abundance of rich land
made the tolerance of slave labor an important item in the future progress
of the country. Thus, though Texas properly denounced the traffic in
African slaves, her vital interests required that she should not refuse to ad
mit a system legalized in the states from which most of her immigrants
can,e, by allowing them to bring their property with them, and employ it
profitably alike to themselves and the republic. But her law on the sub
ject was stringent. By act of Dec. 21, 1836, all persons convicted of intro
ducing African slaves, with the above exception, were to suffer death, with
out benefit of clergy; the same penalty was to be inflicted upon persons who
should introduce any slave or slaves from the U. S., except such as had been
previously introduced and held in slavery in that republic, in conformity
with the laws of that government.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 20

306 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

tion to the government at Washington, to enable it
to devise means of preventing the landing of slaves
in Texas, which the insufficiency of her own navy
precluded her from doing. This last consideration
should be a sufficient reason to redeem the republic
from the suspicion of connivance, and induce both
England and the United States to employ such a
portion of their force in the gulf as would arrest the
traffic. England, he believed, would not regard the
prosperity of Texas with unkind feelings. A corres
pondence with the Mexican consul at New Orleans
had been opened, containing propositions for the ex
change of prisoners. No official response had been
received from that government, but nevertheless
Houston was of opinion that all the prisoners should
be released and allowed to leave the shores of Texas
as soon as they could do so.48

The most important question which occupied con
gress during 1837 was that of the land bill. During
the two sessions held this year,49 the matter was
brought up again and again, and several acts amend
ing the original one were passed. One difficulty arose
from the requirement, by the provision of the consti
tution, that the public domain should be sectionized,
instead of being laid off in leagues and labors after the
Spanish land system. The older settlers were opposed
to this new plan, and, as seen, it was not adopted. It
was no easy matter to solve this problem of the dis
posal of the public lands. There were many knotty
points involved in it. On the closing of the land-
offices in November 1836, hundreds of land titles,
many of them corruptly issued by the legislature of
Coahuila and Texas, or fraudulently obtained by land
speculators, were lying incomplete in the commission-

48 The Mexican prisoners were first placed under guard on Galveston
Island where their privations were very severe. On August 10, 1836, they
were removed to Anahuac, and thence to Liberty. On April 25, 1837, they
were finally released. Del/ado's Diary; Linns Reminis., 246.

49 The president called a special session of congress in Sept. 25th, which
merged into the regular session.

LAND MATTERS. 307

ers' offices. The grants to empresarios and titles de
pending thereon had to be considered. To distinguish
legitimate claims and guard against fraud was a most
difficult matter ; and to frame a bill that would defeat
the ingenuity of land-stealers without violating the
rights of citizens of Texas, justly acquired under the
legislations of Mexico, of Coahuila arid Texas, and
even of Texas herself, was almost an impossibility.
Again, land bounties had been granted to the volun
teers who had so valiantly stepped forward to aid
Texas in her direst need, and land scrip had been sold
in the United States. To protect the soldier and
colonist in the priority of choice of location against
unprincipled speculators, who supported their prior
claims by perjury,50 was no easy matter. Head-rights
of individuals were purchased by numbers of persons
who never intended to make Texas their home ; names
of natives — to whom exceptional privileges as to ex
tent of grants were extended — were used to substan
tiate claims, and in fault of this recourse, fictitious
names were supplied, and head-rights under them ob
tained. No legislature has ever had the task of un
ravelling a more complicated entanglement of just
with unjust claims, or has been called upon to devise
a law that could discriminate between rights almost
equipoised in the scale of justice. When the decree
of November 1835 was passed, many old settlers and
many soldiers entitled to the land bounty were in the
field, and continued in service long afterward. By
opening the land-office and recommencing the distri
bution of grants, these men, in their absence, would
be deprived of their just right to prior choice of loca
tion. This was one of Houston's reasons for opposing
the passage of the land law of December 22, 1836.
The law was to have gone into effect June 1, 1837,

53 Speaking of the land law of 1838 — of which mention will be made in the
text — Anson Jones, who voted in favor of it, says: 'The greatest fault, after
all, that can be found with this bill is that it did not stop perjury; for aside
from perjury, which no law can stop, few evils have grown out of it. The
law itself possesses every possible safeguard against fraud,' Repub, Tex.) 20.

308 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

but the opposition to it caused it to be suspended till
October 1st of that year; and on September 30th, in
consideration of the president's statement that prepa
rations were being made to run the boundary line
between Texas and the United States, which would
doubtless increase the limits of the former's civil and
political jurisdiction, a joint resolution was adopted to
suspend the operation of the land-office until the fur
ther action of congress. Finally, on December 1 4th,
the several acts being amended, were reduced to one
act, and a general land law adopted.51 Under this
law, a commissioner of the general land-office, with a
salary of $3,000 a year, was to be appointed by the
president, with the advice and consent of the
senate. For each county a surveyor was to be ap
pointed, and a board of commissioners, whose duty it
was to investigate claims for head-rights, and grant
certificates upon proof of right being established.
Persons advancing claims under the old colonization
laws were required to take oath that they were resi
dent in Texas at the time of the declaration of inde
pendence, that they had not left the country during
the campaign of the spring of 1836, and prove by two
or more creditable witnesses that they were actually
citizens of Texas at the date of the declaration of in
dependence. In this provision, widows and orphans
were excepted. Conflicting claims were to be tried
before the nearest justice of the peace and six disin
terested jurors. Empresario contracts having ceased
at the date of the independence, all vacant lands in
cluded in such grants were declared the property of
the republic. Surveyors' field-notes, with county
commissioners' certificates, were to be sent to the
commissioner of the general land -office, who, on their
being found to be correct, and the locations therein
described situated on vacant lands, was authorized to
issue patents signed by the president and countersigned

51 This law was also vetoed by the president, but was speedily passed in
both houses by a constitutional majority.

GENERAL CONDITION AND PROSPECTS. 309

by himself. Each county was declared to constitute
a section, and each surveyor was required to make out
a map of his respective county, on which the plots of
deeded lands were to be fairly shown. Lastly, audited
claims against the government were made receivable
in payment of public dues on lands for a quantity not
exceeding two leagues and two labors for any one in
dividual.

The land office was to be opened for old settlers and
soldiers on the first Thursday in February, 1838, and
for other claimants six months later. Though the
law was defective, and under it many fraudulent
claims were passed through the formalities necessary
to secure titles, it was the best that could be secured
at that time, without conflicting with rights acquired
under former legislations. Early in 1838 a large
number of claims were presented and decided upon,
old Spanish grants being generally sustained, owing
to the conflicting interests in the Texan legislature,
which had the power to set aside grants only on the
ground of non-performance of conditions.

Among the acts of congress in 1837, mention must
be made of one which was passed June 12th, pro
viding for the sale of Galveston and other islands
belonging to the republic, in lots of from ten to forty
acres. Anson Jones denounced this action; but it
must be observed that, while affording some relief to
the government in its financial straits, it gave a great
impulse to the growth of the new town of Galveston,
which soon became the most important seaport of
Texas.

During the last session of the congress in this year,
much attention was paid to incorporating towns, to
defining the boundaries of old counties and creating
new ones.52 Having remained in session from Sep-

52 The towns of Shelbyvilje, Brazoria, Richmond, San Felipe de Austin,
Lagrange, San Antonio, Victoria, Gonzalez, Matagorda, Mina, Houston,
Washington, Crockett, Refugio, Columbia, Clarksville, Lexington, Milam,
Croliad, San Patricio, and Jones! >orough, were all incorporated during this
session. The new counties of Montgomery, Fayette, Faimin, Robertson,

310 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

tember 25th to the end of December, it adjourned till

May, 1838.

The prospects of the republic now held out prom
ises of permanency and success. The crops of 1837
had been unexpectedly good; immigrants were flock
ing into the country, whereby the imports were
increased, and the revenue from tariff dues propor
tionately augmented ; lands were rising in price ; and
commerce was assuming a prosperous condition.
From Mexico, Texas had nothing to fear for the
present, as that nation was embroiled with France,
whose navy blockaded her ports in April, 1838, to
enforce the payment of certain claims against her,
made by the French government. Relieved from the
presence of the enemy in the gulf, trade was not only
safely carried on with New Orleans, but was extended
to eastern cities of the United States, while the
western frontier enjoyed rest from war.

Though military operations during these two years
may be said to have ceased, considerable trouble was
caused by Indians in the frontier portions of the
republic. In search of the best lands, locators
pushed forward into regions regarded by the Indians
as their hunting grounds, and the latter, instigated by
Mexican agents, ojDposed these encroachments, not
unreasonably believing their assertions that the white
people would deprive them of their lands. A number
of .^murders were committed by the savages, and a
special corps was organized to suppress their depreda
tions. Several conflicts of minor importance were

and Fort Bend were created. Tex. Laivs, ii. 12-122 passim. The original
counties, according to a list supplied by Thrall, Hist. Tex. 287, were:
Austin, Brazoria, Bejar, Sabine, Gonzalez, Goliad, Harrisburg, Jasper,
Jefferson, Liberty, Matagorda, Mina, Nacogdoches, Red River, Victoria,
San Augustine, Shelby, Refugio, San Patricio, Washington, Milam, Jackson,
and Colorado. It should be remarked that some of the towns above men
tioned had been incorporated in the previous session by act of June 5th,
which declared Nacogdoches, San Augustine, Texana, Washington, Brazoria,
Columbia, Velasco, Richmond, Matagorda, Columbus in Colorado county,
Independence in Washington county, Houston, Bejar, Nashville, Sarahville,
Anahuac, Bevilport, and Harrisburg, were all declared incorporated towns,
as was also Liberty two days later.

INDIAN DIFFICULTIES. 311

engaged in, which did not always result in victory for
the Texans. The fight most disastrous to the white
men took place in Navarro county, in the fall of 1838.
Captain William M. Love, with a party of twenty-
four men, while engaged in a land-locating expedition,
met a large number of Indians, who declared their
intention to kill them if they did not desist from their
survey. Love, with another man, at this juncture,
returned for a compass to supply the place of one
which had got out of order, leaving urgent injunctions
to his comrades to desist from their work and join the
Indians in buffalo hunting until their return. Love's
advice was neglected ; the Indians, true to their word,
attacked the Texans and killed seventeen of them.
The Indians lost three times that number. This en
gagement became known as the fight of Battle Creek.53
On October 25th of the same year, Colonel Neil en
gaged in a fierce battle at Jose Maria village, later
Fort Graham, with the Comanches, General Rusk
having a few days previously, at the head of 200
men, fought with a combined force of Indians and
Mexican marauders at the Kickapoo town, near Fort
Houston, on the Trinity. In both these conflicts the
savages were defeated.

According to the report of the commissioner-general
of the land-office, 10,890 certificates had been issued
by the different county boards up to November 1,
1838, representing 26,242,199 acres, while the secre
tary of war reported that up to October 15th, 2,990,000
acres had been distributed to soldiers as land boun
ties.54 The issues of land scrip amounted to 2,193,000

53 An account of it is given in Tex. Aim., 1868, 52-3. Further particulars
with regard to Indian affairs, will be found in Mies' Rerj. liii., index, p. vii.,
Id., iv. 19, 65, 69, 98, 178, 198, 215; Houston* Mess. Intl. Aff., Nov. 19, 1838;
Pinart's Tex. Col. Doc., Nos. 19, 65, MS. Filisola, Mem. Guen~a Tex., ii. 131-5;
Tex. Misc. Pawpk., Nos. 11, 13.

54 Owing to defect in the laws regulating bounty lands, many instances
had occurred of a soldier claiming twice the amount it was intended that he
should receive. Enlisting- for a definite period, he obtained his discharge
and received his land; then reenlisting, he claimed the same amount again.
Report of Sec. of War, in Tex. Misc. Pamph., no. 7, p. 13-14, 28; ft"
Fisc. Hist. Ter., 82-3.

312 THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

acres, of which scrip to the amount of 870,000 acres
had been returned by the agents, and a portion repre
senting 60,800 acres had been funded.

In a financial point of view, the outlook was bad.
The public debt had been increased, and the credit of
the republic was well-nigh exhausted. On June 7,
1837, an act was passed for funding the debt, by the
provisions of which the government stock thereby
created should bear an interest of ten per centum a
year, and be redeemable at the discretion of the gov
ernment at any time after September 1, 1842. Two
days later, another act authorized the president to
issue promissory notes to the amount of $500,000,
which were made receivable in payment of dues to
the government. From the report of the secretary
of the treasury, November 3, 1838, it appears that
the funded debt amounted to $427,200, consisting of
military scrip in the sum of $396,800 and land scrip
of $30,400. With regard to promissory notes, a bill
was passed through both houses early in May author
izing the issue to be increased to $1,000,000. This
act the president vetoed, and in his message on the
subject urged as his main reason the depreciation
which such notes had already suffered in the money
market.50 Another bill was then introduced, author
izing the president to reissue the promissory notes as
they returned into the treasury, and leaving the ques
tion of increasing the issue to $1,000,000 to his discre
tion. After some discussion the bill was passed, May
18th, and approved by Houston. The amount of
promissory notes in circulation at the end of Novem
ber 1838, according to a communication from the sec
retary of the treasury to the senate, was $739,739. 56
As the unpaid audited claims amounted to over
$775,000, it appears that the indebtedness of the re-

3 ' When the first issue reached New Orleans last autumn, it was passed
at a slight discount, but as the quantity increased in that market, the depre
ciation increased, until the value of the paper was reduced to forty cents on
the dollar.' Houston s Mesxafje, May 12, 1838, in Tex. Misc. Pamph., no. 10.
56 The communication bears the date of Nov. 29, 1838; copy in Id., no. 9.

FINANCIAL AFFAIRS. 313

public at the close of 1838 was nearly $1,942,000.57
Notwithstanding this debt and the diminution of in
come by making the promissory notes receivable in
payment of public dues, the prospects of relief were
not wanting. A deep interest was taken in Texan
securities by persons in the United States; from im
port duties, up to September 1838, the net receipts
had amounted to $278,134, and this source of revenue
was expected proportionately to increase with the rap
idly increasing population and commerce. Gouge, in
his Fiscal History of Texas, sneers at the financial op
erations of the new government; but it is difficult to
conceive by what other methods it could have main
tained itself during this period of poverty and neces
sity.

By a provision of the constitution, the term of office
of the first president was limited to two years, without
his being eligible to reelection; succeeding presidents
were to hold their office for three years. Houston's
term consequently expired on the second Monday in
December 1838. The elections were held on Septem
ber 3d, the candidates being Mirabeau B. Lamar,
Peter W. Gray son, James Collingsworth, and Robert
Wilson. Before the election, Grayson and Collings
worth put an end to their lives, the former at Bean's
station in Tennessee, and the latter by throwing him
self from a steamer into Galveston Bay.58 Mirabeau
B. Lamar was chosen president almost unanimously,59
and David G. Burnet, vice-president.

57 The exact amount for the fiscal year ending Sept. 30, 1838, was
$1,886,425. Sec. cf Treasury s Report, Nov. 3, 1838; Yoakum, ii. 249. Consult

, utsup., 115.

6bThe canvass was a very Litter one, and the Texan newspapers abounded
in recriminations and abuse in the political discussion. Yoakunt, ii. 245, 250;
Thrall, 300, 528, 546. John A. Wharton, member of congress from Brazoria,
also died this year.

59 The votes cast were: for Lamar, 6,995; for Wilson, 252. Id., 300.

CHAPTER XIII.

LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

183&-1841.

PRESIDENTS' VIEWS ON ANNEXATION — His MESSAGE TO CONGRESS — ORIGIN
OF THE TEXAN BANGERS — FINANCIAL MATTERS — HAMILTON'S MISSION TO
EUROPE— His FAILURE TO EFFECT A LOAN — INDIAN WARFARE — THE
NACOGDOCHES REVOLT — MEXICAN INTRIGUES — THE MISSION AND DEATH
OF FLORES — EXPULSION OF THE CHEROKEES — FIGHT AT SAN ANTONIO — AN
INDIAN RAID — MASSACRE OF THE COMANCHES — THE FEDERAL CAMPAIGN —
BATTLE OF ALCANTRO — REPUBLIC OF THE Rio GRANDE PROCLAIMED —
TREACHEROUS ALLIES — BATTLE OF SALTILLO — THE SANTA FE EXPEDITION —
ITS OBJECT AND DISASTROUS RESULT — THE NEW CAPITAL — RECOGNITION
BY FRANCE AND ENGLAND — RELATIONS WITH MEXICO — ENGLISH MEDIA
TION REJECTED — HOUSTON RE-ELECTED PRESIDENT — CONDITION OF THE
REPUBLIC.

PRESIDENT Lamar delivered his inaugural address to
congress on the 9th of December. The most note
worthy portion of it is that in which he expressed
his views in regard to annexation to the United
States. On that subject he said: "I have never
been able myself to perceive the policy of the
desired connection, or discover in it any advantage
either civil, political, or commercial, which could pos
sibly result to Texas. But on the contrary, a long
train of consequences of the most appalling character
and magnitude have never failed to present themselves
whenever I have entertained the subject, and forced
upon my mind the unwelcome conviction that the
step once taken would produce a lasting regret." He
then enumerates the rights which Texas would have
to give up with the surrender of her independence,
and draws a bright picture of her possibilities as a
sovereign nation, remarking that he could not
"regard the annexation of Texas to the American

(314)

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 315

union in any other light than as the grave of all her
hopes of happiness and greatness."1

On December 21st he submitted his message to the
two houses. It is a lengthy document and sets forth
unreservedly the president's future line of policy. He
advocated the speedy adoption of measures to provide
for a system of public education, and urged congress
to promote a general diffusion of knowledge and in
dustry by the appropriation of lands for educational
purposes and the establishment of a university. The
municipal code, which embraced a portion of two
systems discordant in their provisions required
reforms.

With regard to the frontier question, he said, that the
outlying settlers were continually exposed to predatory
aggression on the part of Mexican banditti and the
barbarous warfare waged by hostile Indians; that
moderation extended to the natives had been followed
by the perpetration of atrocious cruelties; a merciful
policy had only acted as an incentive to savage tribes
to persevere in their barbarities, and it was time that
an exterminating war was opened against them,
which would " admit of no compromise, and have no
termination except in their total extinction, or total
expulsion." He did not consider that the government
was under any moral obligation to carry out the con
ditions of the " solemn decree" passed November 13,
1835, by the consultation,2 and the treaty made con
sequent upon it in February, 1836, inasmuch as the
Indians had repeatedly violated its provisions.
Friendly tribes should be allowed to occupy suitable
portions of land. For the protection of the frontiers,
he proposed the establishment of a line of military
posts, and as a general protection of the country
against possible invasion by Mexico, the organization
of a militia, and the encouragement of volunteer asso
ciations.

lLamar, Inaug. Address, in Tex. Misc. Pamph., no. 12.
'2 See note 40, chap, ix, this volume.

316 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

Lamar discussed at length the subject of finance.
Though opposed to levying burdensome taxes on a
people still struggling to repair the desolation caused
by the war, or laboring under the embarrassments
incident to new settlements, the exigency of the times,
nevertheless, urgently required that the land tax
should not be abated. Lands, however, ought to be
more equally and uniformly assessed. While admitting
the same necessity for continuing the tariff laws, under
the existing straitened circumstances of the govern
ment, he expressed his decided bias for free trade.
"I look forward," he says, "to a period, I hope near
at hand, when we shall be able, and will find it to be
our interest, to invite the commerce of the world to
our free and open ports." "The radical policy cf
Texas \s anti-tariff, because its commercial commodities
are of raw material which fears no impost rivalry, and
paying no contributions to manufactories." The im
mediate adoption of free trade would, however,
exhibit a recklessness and imprudence, which would
not fail to affect the credit of Texas abroad.

He then proposed the establishment of a national
bank to be "the exclusive property, and under the
exclusive control of the republic," branches of which
were to be established at every convenient point.
Such a bank, he maintained, would be supported by
the triple security of the hypothecation of a com
petent portion of the public domain, the guarantee of
the plighted faith of the nation, and an adequate
deposit of specie in its vaults.3 With regard to
the deposit of specie he remarks: "It is evident,
that a bank so constituted, the exclusive property of
a stable and popular government, and combining the
three guarantees, of land, specie, and the public faith,
would not require to retain in its vaults as large a
proportion of dormant capital as is acknowledged to

3 He does not, however, state where the specie was to come from. .c'cc
the remarks of Gouge on this illusory scheme, which, if carried out, would
have entailed untold evils on the people of Texas. Flsc. Hist. Tex., 87-92.

MILITARY AND FINANCE 317

be indispensable to the safe conduct of a private insti
tution.4

In order to follow consecutively the financial policy
which ruled during the administration of Lamar, it
will be necessary to furnish the reader with the most
important particulars down to the end of his term.
On December 21, 1838, it was enacted that a regi
ment of 840 mounted men, rank and file, should be
raised for the protection of the frontiers, their term
of service to be three years; and that $300,000 in
promissory notes of the government should be appro
priated for that purpose. On the 29th it was pro
vided that this force should be increased by another
regiment consisting of 472 mounted volunteers, rank
and file,* for which an appropriation was made of
$75,000. These volunteers were called to serve for
six months, and to these corps is ascribed the origin
of the famous Texan Rangers who, drawn to a great
extent from the frontier settlers, formed a bulwark
to the interior settlements as very successful Indian
fighters.5 On January 26, 1839, 112 additional rang
ers were ordered to be raised, a sum of $1,000,000
having been appropriated two days previously for the
protection of the frontier and general military pur
poses.

As a Texan navy no longer existed, on January
10th a contract made by agents of the republic
with General James Hamilton for the purchase of
the steam-ship Zavala for the sum of $120,000 was
sanctioned by act of congress; and on the 26th
$250,000, in promissory notes of the government,
were appropriated for the payment of the price of an
aighteen-gun ship, two war brigs of twelve guns each,
and three schooners of six guns each.

4 Which is equivalent to saying that the establishment could be main
tained by paper money of the public credit without anxiety about the
amount of metallic deposits. • A bill to incorporate the Bank of the Republic
of Texas was read a second time, January 21, 1839, and then laid on the
table.

*Marcy, Thirty years of Army Life, 63; Hay's Life, 7-11, 17, 33.

318 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

A supplementary act was passed, January, 22d,
bearing upon the $5,000,000 loan authorized to be
raised by act of May 16, 1838. By provisions of
the first mentioned enactment the pledges of security
were strengthened. The president was authorized to
affix the seal of the republic to bonds or certificates
of stock issued, and when the government should
deem it expedient to sell the public lands, $300,000
of the proceeds were to be annually set apart, and a
sinking fund formed for the redemption of the loan.
On the same day the president was authorized to
issue bonds to the amount of $1,000,000, at eight per
centum per annum.

The United States had lately passed through a
crisis in banking speculations. All reliable banks
were extremely cautious at this time, and Texan
securities were not regarded by their managers as
worth investing in. It was, therefore, necessary to
look to some other country for relief. Accordingly,
General James Hamilton, of South Carolina, who
had shown himself a warm friend of Texas, was
offered the appointment as commissioner to Europe
to procure the loan. He accepted the position and
his mission being known in the United States a loan
was obtained of $280,000, dependent on his eventual
success. But of this amount little more than $62,000
was received in the treasury, the balance being in
vested in arms and supplies for the forces now en
gaged in opposing the serious inroads of the Indians.
Hamilton went to London and Paris, but while his
negotiations were being conducted with every proba
bility of success — having reported, February 4, 1840,
that he had "concluded a contract with the bank of
Messrs J. Lafitte & Company for the Texan loan"-
a quarrel occurred between M. D. Saligny, and the
French minister to Texas,6 and an hotel-keeper in

6 It is necessary to state that France recognized the independence of
Texas, and signed, Sept. 25, 1839, a treaty of commerce and independence.
Fournel, 21; Barky, Tex., 5; Kennedy, ii. 346-8. Consult Niks Re<i., liv.
321; Ivii. 1, 66, 120, 132, 150, 256; also Id.t Ixix. 404-5, regarding corres-

PUBLIC INDEBTEDNESS. 319

which the Texan minister of state became involved.
Saligny was the brother-in-law of the French minis
ter of finance, and as the protection of French gov
ernment had been procured for the negotiation of the
loan in France, the representations of Saligny were
sufficient to upset previous arrangements. Owing to
this ridiculous personal quarrel7 Hamilton failed. He
was equally unsuccessful in England.

Meantime treasury notes had been issued and re
issued as fast as they came in in payment of import
dues. The credit of Texas now became exhausted.
Bad as was her financial condition at the beginning
of Lamar's presidency, when the end of his term
a'rrived it was infinitely worse. Gouge states that as
far as it can be ascertained, the public debt increased,
during his three years of service, from $1,887,526 to
$7,300,000, and the securities, which at the time of
his entry into office were at from sixty-five cents to
eighty-five cents per dollar, were not worth more than
fifteen to twenty cents.8

Though Lamar's administration, in a financial point
of view, cannot be looked upon as a success, consider
ation must be allowed for his position. The greatest
difficulty which he had to contend with at home was
the hostile and aggressive attitude of the Indians on

pondence between the U. S. minister at Paris and the French minister of
foreign affairs regarding Texas. A protest was entered by Mexico against
the above recognition. Max. Mem. Guerra, 1840, '46-9; Mex. Mem. Relac.
Exter., 1840, in Diarlo del Gob. Mex., May 20, 1840, in Mex. Mem. Min. Rel,
i. Doc. 12.

7 See Gouge, utmp., 108-11.

8 Consult Mcnnican Hunt's Address, Nov. 30, 1848, 4-6, in which he remarks
in a foot-note that ' the large appropriations and issues of treasury notes
under Lamar's administration were made in anticipation of the $5,000,000
of bonds which were authorized by one law, and the $1,000,000 of bonds
authorized by another. Gouge's statement with regard to Texan securities
is at variance with Pres. Houston's assertion that promissory notes had de
preciated to forty cents on the dollar. This assertion was made in his mes
sage of May 12, 1838. It is not easily to be understood how the government
scrip, after an increase of issue, could ever have doubled its value. From
the first issue of the treasury notes the credit of Texas declined. Finding
her paper obligations had no effect in raising it, and during the period of
her republican existence, the financial operations of her government were
never successful.

320 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

the frontier. New-comers were very careless about
making encroachments, and frontier-men were fearless
of risks. Provided that they could obtain rich land,
they were prepared to take the chance of holding it
against the savages. A great immigration into Texas,
after the battle of San Jacinto and Santa Anna's sub
sequent pledges, had taken place ; speculators invested
in the government scrip, and settlers flocked into the
country in such numbers that their influence overpow
ered that of the pioneers. The new-comers, in their
greediness to grasp the best lands, pushed forward
into domains occupied not only by friendly Indians,
but by hostile tribes. The speculator with his sur
veyor penetrated into districts which hitherto had
been admitted to be the hunting-grounds of the native
race. It is not difficult to draw the conclusion. Though
Texas was relieved from fear of invasion by her na
tional foe, her borders became subject to ceaseless ir
ruptions made by Indians. It is beyond the scope of
this work to enter into details of this frontier warfare,
or describe the many atrocities committed, the hard-
contested struggles, and the numerous exhibitions of
personal courage on both sides. Many a household
was made desolate, women and children being carried
into captivity worse than death. Many a time the
rangers fought and beat thrice their number, and
many a deed of individual heroism remains unrecorded.
The narration, however, of the main events cannot
be omitted. During the latter part of 1838, a revolt
occurred, which has been called the Nacogdoches re
bellion. In August of that year the Mexican settlers
assembled in considerable numbers on the banks of
the Angelina, and being joined by 300 Indians, by
the 10th their force amounted to 600 men, under the
leadership of Nathaniel Norris, Vicente Cordova, and
others. President Houston, who was then at Nacog
doches, received a communication from these leaders,
disclaiming allegiance to Texas ; the malecontents then
directed their march to the Chevokee nation. A

INDIAN WARS AND REVOLUTION. 321

requisition for men having been made, General Rusk
was sent forward with the main body toward the
headquarters of Bowles, the Cherokee chief, while
Major Augustin, with a detachment of 150 men, fol
lowed the trail of the malecontents. Husk presently
discovered that the Mexican leaders had gone to the
head-waters of the Trinity river, his followers had
dispersed, and many of them returned to their homes
without any blood being shed.9 The object of this
curious attempt at revolution has never been fully
explained, but the leaders soon recognized the hope
lessness of it.

Cordova had been in correspondence with the enemy
at Matamoros, and appears to have held a commission
from Filisola 10 to raise the Indians as auxiliaries to
the Mexican army. Early in 1839, Filisola was suc
ceeded by General Canalizo, who, on February 27th,
issued instructions to the captains and chiefs of the
friendly nations, inciting them to wage incessant war
against Texas, and laying down a plan of campaign
for their guidance. Mexico, he said, being engaged
in war with France, could not at present resume oper
ations against the revolted province, but the friendly
tribes had it in their power to prevent the enemy from
taking advantage of fortunate circumstances. They
were, however, cautioned not to advance too near the
frontier of the United States, but should occupy the
line of San Antonio de Bejar, about the Guadalupe,
and from the heads of the San Marcos to their mouths.
This position would have the advantage of keeping
the enemy in front, and a friendly nation in the rear,
besides cutting off the enemy's commerce with the in-
terior of Mexico, and furnishing abundant spoil. They
were "not to cease to harass the enemy for a single
day; to burn their habitations; to lay waste their
fields, and to prevent them assembling in great num-

9 Housto.i issued a proclamation, Aug. 8th,, requiring them to return to
their homes, under penalty of being declared enemies of the republic. Red-
lander, Sept. 1838, in Yoakum, ii. 245-6.

lj Filisola had been reinstated in his command on the Rio Grande
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 21

322 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

bers, by rapid and well-concerted efforts." In case
they should succeed in uniting in a considerable num
ber, they were to be harassed day and night, and oper
ations to be directed with the greatest vigor against
distant points.11

Such was Canalizo's plan to launch against Texas a
thunderbolt of desolation. Manuel Flores was ap
pointed commissioner to the Indians, and provided
with letters of a like tenor to the principal chiefs and
Cordova, who was instructed to concert with him in
conducting the proposed operations. Happily for
Texas, an event occurred which warned her of her
danger, and prevented the dire plot from being carried
into effect. Flores started on his mission, and on
May 14th passed between Bexar and Seguin with a
party consisting of twenty-five Mexicans and Indians.
Having committed several murders, they were pur
sued by Lieutenant James O. Rice, with seventeen
men, and wrere overtaken about fifteen miles from
Austin. In the engagement which followed, Flores
and two of his marauders were killed, the rest being
put to flight. By this fortunate result, Canalizo's
correspondence and instructions fell into the hands of
the victors, and the whole plot was revealed to the
Texan government. A considerable quantity of am
munition and over 100 mules and horses were also
captured.12

Lamar's Indian policy, as the reader is aware,
was the very reverse of that of the previous ad
ministration. But conciliatory measures were no
longer possible; pioneers would push forward into
lands occupied by native tribes, and the Indians
would take their revenge. Texas was no exception to
the rule that wherever the aboriginal American and
the European came in contact, the former had to give

11 Copy of these instructions will be found in U. S. Sen. Doc., cong. 32,
sess. 2, no. 14, 31-2.

12 Some of the intercepted letters were addressed to the chiefs of the Cad-
does and Seminoles, and to Big Mush and Bowles of the Cherokees. Id. , 27,
35; Yoakum, ii. 257-60.

CHEROKEES. 323

way The lands occupied for many years by the
Cherokees became subject to similar invasion. Their
title had never been disputed. They had been recog
nized by the Mexican authorities, had never intruded
on the whites, and in a great measure had become an
agricultural tribe. But their territory "in point of
richness of soil, and the beauty of situation, water,
and productions would vie with the best portions of
Texas." 13

Their lands were consequently encroached on, and
the usual retaliatory murders followed. When, how
ever, the papers of which Manuel Flores was bearer
to the chiefs of the Cherokees came into the posses
sion of the government, it was determined to remove
the tribe. Colonel Burleson, from the Colorado,
Colonel Landrum, with his regiment from eastern
Texas, and General Rusk, with the Nacogdoches
regiment, were ordered to invade the territory, and
accordingly took up positions near the Cherokee vil
lage about the middle of July. The whole force,
about 500 men, was placed under the command of
General Douglass. Negotiations for the peaceable
removal of the tribe to Arkansas whence they
had migrated, having failed, on July 15th Douglass
advanced against the Indian camp, on arriving at
which he found that the Indians had retreated higher
up the river. Being pursued the Cherokees took up
a position in a ravine from which they were driven at
night-fall, with the loss of eighteen killed, the Texans
haviiior three killed and five wounded. On the follow-

Q

ing day the pursuit was continued, and the Indians
were overtaken in the afternoon, having strongly
posted themselves in a ravine protected in the rear by
a dense thicket. A well contested engagement of an
hour and a half ensued, but the Cherokees, after los
ing about 100 men in killed and wounded, were dis
lodged from their -position and put to flight, taking

13 Thus writes Gen. Douglass in his reports referred to in the secretary of
war's report, Nov. 1839; Yoakum, ii. 270.

324 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

refuge in the thickets and swamps of the Neches
bottom. Among their dead was the famous chief
Bowles. The Texan loss was five killed and twenty-
seven wounded. About 800 Indians were engaged in
these two contests.14 Thus were the Cherokees
driven from their homes and cultivated fields ; more
over, the crops of other civilized Indians were de
stroyed, under the natural belief that they were being
raised in order to cooperate with the Mexicans.10 But
the expelled owners did not all leave the country;
Cherokees were encountered on the western bank of
the Colorado; and depredations on the frontier con
tinued. The native tribes were deeply exasperated
against the Texans.

The most hostile and troublesome Indians were the
Comanches, and their depredations exceeded those of
all other tribes. In February, 1840, they showed a
disposition to make a treaty of peace, and on March
19th twelve of their principal chiefs met the Texan
commissioners in council at Bejar, where General H.
D. McLeod was in command. It was know a that
the Comanches had thirteen white captives in their
power, and the release of these was demanded. The
Indians produced only one, a little girl. After a brief
discussion, in which the Indians displayed a defiant
demeanor, an order was sent to Captain Howard, to
bring his company into the council-room, and as soon
as the men had taken their position, the chiefs were
informed that they would be detained as prisoners
until the captives were surrendered. A terrible con
flict ensued. The twelve chiefs, who were fully
armed, were killed in the council-room, while the
warriors in the yard outside maintained a desperate
fight. All were finally slain, either there or in the
pursuit. Thirty-two Indians were killed and twenty-

14 Id., ii. 267; Kennedy, ii. 341-4.

15 Gen. Douglass says: The Cherokees, Delawares, Shawnees, Caddoes,
Kickapoos, Biloxies, Creeks. Ouchies, Muskogees, and some Semiiioles, had
cleared and planted extensive fields of corn, beans, peas, etc., preparing
evidently for an efficient co-operation with the Mexicans in a war with this
country, Sec, of Wars ficport, Nov. 1839,

COMANCHES. 325

seven women and children made prisoners. The
Texan s had seven killed and eight wounded.16

Maddened by the loss of so many of their chiefs,
and what they deemed an infamous act of treachery,
the Conianches returned to their homes to prepare for
revenge. On August 4th, a body of them, 600 strong,
suddenly appeared at Victoria, surrounding the town
before their presence was known. Their attack was,
however, repulsed, and they then turned their at
tention to driving off the horses and stock, and mur
dering all those who fell into their power. A second
attack on Victoria also failed, and on the 8th they
crossed the Guadalupe and sacked and burned Linn-
ville, most of the inhabitants escaping on a lighter in
the bay. Having thoroughly raided the neighborhood
of Victoria and Linnville, and killed twenty-one
persons, the Conianches retired toward their homes,
with a large number of horses and an immense quan
tity of booty. Meantime their trail, as they had
passed down the Guadalupe, had been discovered, and
a force, quickly raised at Gonzalez, was in hot pursuit.
On the 9th, the Texans — who had proceeded to
Victoria — came up with the Indians, and a slight
skirmish took place. But the Conianches declined a
general engagement and continued their retreat. The
news of their inroad, however, had spread through
the settlements, and a large number of volunteers was
posted at Plum Creek,17 to intercept them on their
return, General Felix Houston in command. On the
12th the approach of the Conianches was reported by
the scouts and preparations were made to recieve
them. In the conflict which followed the Indians
were completely routed, and scattering, were pursued
for fifteen miles, up to the San Antonio road, leaving
from fifty to eighty dead on the line of their flight.
Several hundred horses and mules with packs and

16 From Gen. McLeod's official report, Bakers Tex., 154-5.
17 Plum Greek, a tributary of the San Marcos, was some distance beyond
the settlement of Gonzalez,

326 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

baggage were recovered by the victors.18

The Texan government now determined dire revenge
on the Comanches. On October 5th Colonel John
H. Moore, with ninety Texans and twelve Lipan
Indians, were sent up the Colorado in pursuit of
those who escaped at Plum Creek. Pursuing a
devious course for many days in search of the trial,
he at last found it on the Red Fork of the Colorado,
and on October 23d his Lipan spies discovered the
Comanche village. At daybreak on the following
morning the Texans made their attack. The Indians,
unprepared to fight, fled to the river on their approach,
a murderous fire being opened upon them. Many
were shot or drowned in the stream, while those who
succeeded in crossing it met their death at the hands
of a detachment that had been sent across under
Lieutenant Owen. Lamar's system of extermination
was well carried out. Men, women, and children
alike were put to death. The work of annihilation
in the village lasted half an hour, and the pursuit was
continued about four miles. Having killed 128 of
both sexes, the Texans, who had only two wounded,
spared the lives of thirty-four captives. When the
massacre was ended the village was burned to the
ground, and Moore, having collected 500 horses, re
turned to Austin, where he arrived November 7th,
one of his men having died on the road.1'

o

Although the revolutionary movements of the fed
eralists were one of the causes which secured for
Texas so long an interval of peace, she was not left
entirely out of the influences of them, extending as
they did to the states bordering on the Rio Grande.
General Canalizo's force at Matamoros at the end of
this year did not exceed 1,500 men,'20 and they were

18 Linns Reminis., 298-9, 338-44; Yoakum, ii. 29£-304. These writers are
not in accord as to the exact date of the attack on Victoria. Linn was
present at Victoria in that town on the occasion, and I consider his account
in all respects reliable.

19 Moore's report, Nov. 7, 1840. Yoahim, ii. 304-5.

20 'En Matamoros solamente se encontraban 1,500 hombres almando del
general Canalize.' Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 429.

BATTLE OF ALCANTRO. 327

principally occupied in holding the federalists in check.
In the spring of 1839 General Anaya, who was
looked upon as the chief of the federalist party, visited
Texas in person, and made certain propositions to the
government on condition that permission were granted
him to convey arms for the federalists through the
territory and raise troops therein.21 Both requests
were refused; but there is little doubt of the anxious-
ness on the part of the northern federalists to enter
into a coalition with Texas, from the fact that they
deputed Francisco Vidaurri, governor of Coahuila,
to make overtures of alliance between Texas and the
states of Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, Coahuila, Chihua
hua, New Mexico, Durango, and the Californias,
and separate from the rest of the Mexican states.22
Though these overtures were not accepted by the
Texan government,23 many people in Texas were in
favor of the formation of such a republic.

Some time later General Antonio Canales, Colonels
Jose Maria Gonzalez, and Antonio Zapata, who were
engaged in revolutionizing the northern towns, estab
lished themselves for safety at the town of Lipantitlan
on the Nueces river, with a number of followers.
There Canales issued a proclamation inviting the
Texans to join him. Having united a number of
Mexicans, and about 180 Texans under Colonels Reu
ben Ross and S. W. Jordan, on September 30, 1839,
with a force of 600 men, he crossed the Rio Grande,
and marched against Guerrero, then occupied by Gen
eral Pavon with 500 regulars and four pieces of artil
lery. Pavon, however, retreated toward Mier and

21 Id., in. 427-8. The recognition of the independence of Texas was
doubtless promised by Anaya in case centralism was overthrown. The
periodical, La Ensena, published in the Mexican capital, urged it, and a large
number of Mexicans, recognizing that reconquest was impossible, was in favor
of the same.

22 Taken from the Houston Telegraph, in Niks' Reg., Ivii. 19.

23 Perhaps there was some truth in Rivera's remark that the Texans had
no wish to mix themselves up in the domestic quarrels of Mexico, but while
strengthening themselves leave her to grow weaker. Hixt. Jalapa, iii. 428.
He nevertheless states that the Texans wished to form a North-Mexican
republic.

328 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

Canales occupied the town October 1st. On the 3d
Pavon, who had taken up a position about twelve
miles southwest of Mier, offered battle. In the en
gagement which ensued, nothing could restrain the
impetuosity of the Texans who, in defiance of the
orders of Ross and Jordan rushed within point-blank
range of the enemy, and opened fire, while their Mex
ican allies coolly looked on. Whereupon Ross and
Jordan gave the order to charge. In twenty minutes
the Texans had carried everything before them, and
the centralists were in full flight. The victory cost
them fourteen in killed and wounded, while the
enemy's loss was about 150 in all. This engagement
is known as the battle of Alcantro. Pavon, owing
to the confusion and incapacity of Canales, made good
his retreat to a stone rancho five miles distant ; but on
the following morning, being without water or pro
visions, surrendered to the Texans. The artillery
and 350 prisoners fell into the hands of the federalists.
The advantages of this achievement were en
tirely lost by Canales, who after remaining inactive
at Mier for forty days marched against Matamoros,
his force having increased to over 1,000 men. On
December 12th he laid siege to the place which
was defended by 1,500 men and 18 pieces of artil
lery. Of course he effected nothing, and on the
16th declared his intention of raising the sieo;e. This

.n.^

decision disgusted both the federalists and Texans, the
latter of whom offered to lead as a forlorn hope in
storming the place. The proposal was rejected and
Ross with fifty Texans returned to their homes.

Canales then directed his course to Monterey where
General Arista commanded. On December 23d, hear
ing that the centralist general had received a large
reinforcement, he entrenched himself within six miles
of the city, and in the morning was confronted by
Arista with an army of about 2,000 men. A few
insignificant skirmishes took place, but Arista seems
not to have been anxious to draw on an engagement

REPUBLIC OF THE RIO GRANDE. 329

while the Texans were in the opposing ranks. He
succeeded, however, in detaching by intrigue most of
Canales' troops. Compelled to retreat, he recrossed
the Rio Grande with the Texans and a few faithful
Mexicans, January 7, 1840, when forty -five of the
former returned to their homes.

The force of Canales was now very small, yet he
issued a proclamation calling a convention of dele
gates to organize the republic of the Rio Grande.
This was done, January 18th, Jesus Cardenas being
chosen president and Canales commander-in-chief.
Having received some addition to his force Canales
proceeded to Guerrero, where he remained till Febru
ary 18th, and then went to the old presidio of Rio
Grande. Here Jordan, with sixty Texans, displeased
at his refusal to march to the Nueces for reenforce-
ments, left him, and returned to Texas. After this
Canales advanced to Morales where he sustained,
March 15th, a severe defeat at the hands of Arista
and barely escaped into Texas.

After these disasters and his repeated exhibitions
of bad generalship, it is astonishing that he should
have met with any more encouragement in Texas.
Nevertheless, having fixed his headquarters at San
Patricio, and raised the banner of the Republic of
the Rio Grande, by June he was again joined by
Jordan with 110 volunteers, by Colonel William S.
Fisher with 200, and Colonel John N. Seguin with
100. These, with 300 Mexicans, raised his force to
710 men. He now set out on a third expedition,
Jordan with his command and 150 Mexicans under
Colonels Lopez and Molano being sent in advance of
the main army. What his object was in thus divid
ing his force, and especially the Texans, is inexplicable.
I can only suppose that he was influenced by Lopez
and Molano, whose treachery became evident by sub
sequent events.

Jordan, unconscious of any design to destroy him,
successively occupied Laredo, Guerrero, Mier, and

330 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

Camargo. Induced by the representations of Lopez
and Molano he then pushed rapidly forward into the
interior, leaving Camargo June 26th. Tula, Morallo,
and Linares were in turn occupied, and on August
17th the federalists entered Victoria, the capital of
Tamaulipas, where they were received with demon
strations of joy. Here a new state government was
established and some time was spent in recruiting.
Reports having arrived that Arista was approaching
with a strong force, Lopez and Molano decided to
retreat to the mountains, a movement so strongly
opposed by the Texans, that the army was halted
three miles from Victoria and took up a position in
which it remained for a week without the enemy ap
pearing. It then proceeded to Jaumare, a mining
town in Sierra Madre, and a counsel of war having
been held, it was decided to march against Saltillo.
The route was unknown to the Texans, and Lopez
and Molano were really conducting them toward San
Luis Potosi. Fortunately all the Mexicans were not
so treacherous, and Jordan was secretly informed by
Captain Pefia of the direction in which they were
marching, whereupon the Texans insisted upon their
course being altered. In twelve days they arrived at
the hacienda del Potosi, one day's march from Saltillo,
where Jordan received an express from a friend at
Victoria informing him that he was betrayed, and
that the Mexican leaders for a sum of money had en
gaged to place the Texans in such a position that they
would be overwhelmed by the enemy. They now
prepared for the worst, and on October 23d set out
for Saltillo. Three miles south of the city the enemy
was discovered entrenched on a hill; whereupon the
federalists took up a position on an eminence sepa
rated from it by a ravine.

The centralist army was 1,000 strong, with two
nine-pounders ; that of the federalists, 335 strong,
consisting of 110 Texans, 150 mounted rancheros, and
75 infantry. At one o'clock in the afternoon the

FEDERALISTS AND CENTRALISTS. 331

centralists under generals Yasquez and Montoya pre
pared to attack. The Texans, convinced of the in
tended treachery of their allies, at once moved rapidly
along the ravine and took possession of an old haci
enda within 150 yards of the enemy's entrenchments.
The infantry being ordered to occupy a stone house
on their left, unhesitatingly marched over to the
enemy. And now the centralists opened fire with
their artillery upon the position of the Texans. At
the first shot, Lopez rode over to them with the ran-
cheros under his command, taking with him the am
munition of the federals. The situation of the Texans
was desperate. Yet, deserted as they were, and with
no more ammunition than that which they had on
their persons, they determined to fight to the death.
For some time the enemy's guns played upon them,
but, crouching low behind the old walls, they suffered
no harm. At four o'clock the centralists advanced to
the assault. Hitherto the Texans had not fired a shot
—they had no powder to waste in long range practice.
When, however, the assailants had advanced to within
thirty yards of the walls, they rose, and with a shout
of defiance poured into them a dreadful volley, every
bullet striking its human mark. But the enemy
fought well. The inhabitants of Saltillo, informed
that the triumph of the centralists was certain, had
sallied forth, men, women, and children, to witness
the combat, and column after column, encouraged by
their cheers, advanced to the attack, only to be suc
cessfully repulsed by the withering fire of the Texans.
At length the centralist ranks became disordered and
demoralized. A panic followed, and the soldiers fled
to Saltillo, with thousands of frantic spectators, in the
utmost confusion. They left 408 men dead on the
field — few were the wounded on that day — their two
guns, and a great quantity of small arms and ammu
nition. The Texans had five killed and seven wounded.
Jordan, after this victory and experience in Mexican
good faith, wisely took up his retreat to Texas. On

332 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

his route, he encountered a body of the enemy's cav
alry, 400 strong, which charged him on an open plain.
But the rifle soon put them to flight, and he and his
heroic band reached the Rio Grande without mishap.
Meantime, Canales had effected nothing. After the
departure of Jordan, he crossed the Rio Grande and
marched against the small town of San Marino, in
eastern Tamaulipas. Finding that a centralist force
was near that place, he retreated to Camargo, where
having remained for some months in comparative in
activity, he finally entered into a capitulation with
Arista, in November, by which he submitted to the
government and surrendered up his arms and ammu
nition. He stipulated, however, for the lives and lib
erty of his Texan auxiliaries.24

Thus ended the attempt to establish the Republic
of the Rio Grande, a scheme which, wholly ignored
by the Texan government, may be regarded as a
chimerical aspiration of the northern federalists. It
nevertheless decoyed into their ranks a number of
adventurous Texans, and was undoubtedly of service
in keeping the Mexican forces occupied, thereby pre
venting invasion.

It has already been mentioned that Texas claimed
the Rio Grande to its main source as her boundary
line. The claim was a thoroughly arbitrary one, nor
had any attempt been made by the government to
establish jurisdiction over that portion of New Mexico
lying within the limits defined by the act of December
19, 1836. But in 1841 an expedition to Santa Fe
was projected, which, it was hoped, would lead to the
acquirement of that territory. Congress not having
made an appropriation for the regular army, it was
disbanded, and many adventurous men, thus thrown
on their own resources, were very anxious to take

21 Pratt 's Notes of the Federal Campaign of 1839-40, closely followed by
Yoakum, ii. 274-9, 288-97; Bmtamante, Mattif, in Pap. Var., 185, no. 1;
Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 440, 441-2, 465-G; Thrall, 307-10; Niks' Rey., lix.
225-0.

EXPEDITION TO SANTA FE. 333

part in such an enterprise. The project was recom-
! mended by the secretary of war, who proposed the
opening of a military road from Austin to Santa Fe,
and it was regarded with especial favor by Lamar.
An extensive trade had been carried on for many years
between the latter place and the United States through
St Louis, and it was expected that it would be di
verted and take a direction through Texas if that as
sumed portion of her territory could be conciliated
and united by the bonds of commercial interests. The
scheme was an ill-digested one. Between the settled
districts of the two sections extended a region 600
miles in width, uninhabited except by roaming hordes
of savages; the population of Santa Fe was entirely
Mexican, under Mexican rule, and the governor, whose
power was autocratic, would not be likely to sanction
any change that would affect his petty sovereignty.

In the spring of 1841, active preparations were
made for the expedition, which was organized on a
military basis. The friends of the movement intro
duced a bill into congress which, if passed, would have
authorized it and provided a portion of the necessary
outfit. The bill, however, was rej ected in both houses.
The responsibility of the undertaking, which thus
wanted the sanction of law, rests therefore upon La-
mar,20 who officially supported it, and addressed a
proclamation to the authorities at Santa Fe setting
forth the object of the expedition. If they were will
ing, he said, to submit to the laws of the Texan re
public, and acknowledge her jurisdiction, arrangements
would be made to extend the laws over that territory ;
but in case the people were averse to changing their
allegiance, then he wished to establish friendly com
mercial relations with New Mexico. The instructions
given to the commander of the expedition prohibited
him from attempting the subjugation of the country
if the people were unwilling to submit. The military

20 Lamar had obtained permission from congress to absent himself, and
the government was being administered by Burnet at this time.

334 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

organization of the expedition was only for the purpose
of self-protection against the savages.

On June 20th, 1841, the expedition started from
Brushy creek, about twenty miles from Austin. If
consisted of five companies of mounted infantry, and
an artillery company, which had one brass six-
pounder, in all 270 soldiers. They were accompanied
by about fifty other persons — traders, teamsters, and
adventurers. William G. Cooke, K. F. Brenham,
and J. A. Navarro, were appointed as commissioners,
and charged by the president with the execution 01
his instructions. The expedition was placed under
the command of Brigadier-General Hugh McLeod.
From the first start difficulties were encountered.
The wagons were overloaded, and much delay occurred
therefrom; the guides were ill-acquainted with the
route, and finally lost their way in the Washita moun
tains. The distance to Santa Fe had been greatly
under-estimated, and having started too late in the
season, both grass and water were sadly wanting.
After great sufferings and losses, exposed to at
tacks by Indians, who cut off all stragglers, the expe
dition arrived August llth, at a point which was
supposed to be about seventy-five or eighty miles from
San Miguel. Here three of the party, Howland,
Baker, and Rosenbury were sent in advance to that
place to procure provisions and consult with the inhab
itants as to the probable reception of the expedition.

The main body, slowly continued its march, men
and animals gaunt and feeble with hunger. A few
days after the departure of Howland, Lieutenant
Hull arid four men, being in advance, were killed by
Indians, and their bodies mutilated. The 31st of
August, after a consultation, it was decided to divide
the command, and send in advance those best able to
travel. Accordingly ninety -nine men were detached
and, under Captain Lewis, left the main body for San
Miguel.26

26 Kendall, the historian of the expedition says: 'However impolitic i#

IGNOMINIOUS FAILURE. 335

The final disaster now approached : Howland,
Baker, and Rosenbury had made their way to San
Miguel, where, as soon as their mission was known,
they were arrested and sent to Santa Fe. General
Manuel Arinijo, governor of New Mexico, was the
last man in the world to allow his authority to be in
terfered with. He was a tyrant, and hated by the
greater portion of the people; if the Texans reached
Santa Fe and the inhabitants became aware of
Lamar's invitation, he knew well that they would turn
against him, and he determined to crush the invaders
before they reached the capital. Proclaiming to the
people that the Texans were approaching to kill and
destroy, he marched out of Santa Fe with a strong
force to attack them. Meantime Captain Lewis and
his command had reached the Rio Gallinas where they
found settlements and flocks of sheep, which supplied
them with abundance of food. From this place Lewis,
with four others, one of whom was Kendall, were sent
forward September 14th to San Miguel, with a letter
to the alcalde, informing him that a trading party was
approaching, and taking with them a number of copies
in Spanish of Lamar's proclamation. Before reaching
their destination, however, they were made prisoners
and sent to Santa Fe. Meeting Armijo on the way,
they were brought back by him to San Miguel, where
they witnessed the execution of Howland and Baker.
These unfortunate men with their companion, had
effected their escape, but were recaptured after a des
perate resistance, Rosenbury being slain on the spot.

Events now followed quickly. Lewis proved a
traitor, and by his representations the advance troops,
then under Colonel Cooke, one of the commissioners,
were induced to lay down their arms and surrender to
Salazar, who had almost surrounded them with 600
men. This was on the 17th. On the following day,

may be considered to divide a command, in this instance such a course
could not be avoided. We were completely lost, and without power of
moving forward; our provisions, which had for weeks been scanty, were now
almost entirely exhausted.' Tex. Santa F6 Exped., i. 211.

336 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

Armijo came up with the rest of his forces. By his
orders the prisoners were tied together in companies
of four, six or eight, according to the different lengths
of the lariats with which they were bound, and sent
forthwith to Mexico. He then marched against the
main body under McLeod, which had painfully ad
vanced to Laguna Colorado, about thirty-five
miles from Rio Gallinas. Most of the horses had
perished ; many of the men, in desperation induced
by famine and exhaustion, had thrown away their
arms, and few of them had strength enough to fight.
Upon assurances being given that they should receive
good treatment, the Texans surrendered ; which was
no sooner done than they were plundered, bound to
gether in batches, and marched off to San Miguel,
where the last of them arrived October 12th. From
that place they were sent on the same long journey
on which their companions-in-arms were toiling in
advance of them.

Such was the miserable end of this foolishness,27
from which so much had been expected. The miseries
of the captives during their march were almost insup
portable. On their arrival at the Mexican capital,
they were thrown into noisome dungeons, some in
Mexico, and others in Pucbla and Perote. Fortunate
were those who could prove themselves citizens of the
United States or subjects of European nations; the
representatives of their respective countries strenuously
interested themselves in their behalf, and obtained
their release 28 in the spring of 1842. On the 13th
of June, 119 prisoners were released by the clemency
of Santa Anna, who had again risen to the supreme
power, on the celebration of his birthday.29 But the

27Gcn. Jackson in a letter to Houston, of May 25, 1842, writes: 'The
wild-goose campaign to Santa Fe was an ill- judged affair; and their sur
render without the fire of a gun has lessened the prowess of the Texans in
the minds of the Mexicans.' Yoakum, ii. 329.

28 See Duhlan and Lozana, Leg. Mex., iv. 154, 198.

*Kendaffl8 Narrative of (he Texan Santa Fe Expedition, New York, 1844,
2vol., pp. 405, 406; Yoakum, ii. 321-31, 336, 341-3; Thompsons Recol Mcx.,
52-3, 77-9, 92-3, 155, 279-81; Derecho, Intern. Mex., pte 3 a 237; llmtamante,

SEAT OF GOVERNMENT. 337

unfortunate commissioner, Navarro, having incurred
the special hatred of the tyrant, was incarcerated first
in the capital and afterward in a dungeon in San Juai)
de Ulua, where he languished for fourteen months,
finally escaping from Vera Cruz in January, 1845.30

It soon became evident that the situation of Hous
ton was not such as to entitle it to become the per
manent seat of the government. On January 14, 1839,
an act was passed by congress appointing five commis
sioners to select a site for the future capital. The
commissioners were Albert C. Horton, Lewis P. Cook,
Isaac W. Burton, William Menifee, and J. Campbell,
who made choice of the location where Austin now
stands. Although at that date the new town, which
was immediately laid out, was situated on the extreme
frontier of the settlements, the commissioners showed
their wisdom in the selection. They aimed at estab
lishing a permanent capital, which would occupy a
central position when Texas had become a thickly
populated country; and though the government and
congress would be within striking distance of hostile
Indians,31 Austin as their seat would draw westward

Hist. Santa Anna, MS., iii. 8-9; Id., Diario Mcx., MS., xliv. 81, 169; xlv. 71:
U. S. 1L Ex. Doc., 21 cong., 2 sess., vol. v., Doc. 266.

^ Jose Antonio Navarro was l>orn in San Antonio de Be jar, Feb. 27,
1795, his father being a native of Corsica, and an officer in the Spanish
army. He was a stanch federalist and a foe to military depotism. In
1834-35 Navarro was land commissioner for Be jar district; a member of the
convention in 1836, and a member of congress in 1838-39. He was con
demned by Santa Anna to imprisonmant for life, though during his captivity
he was several times offered pardon, liberty, and high office, if he would
abjure forever Texas, his country. These propositions were rejected with
scorn. In Dec. 1844, just before the fall of Santa Anna, he was removed from
San Juan de Ulua and allowed to remain a prisoner at large in Vera Cruz,
whence he escaped Jan. 2d, arriving at Galveston, Feb. 3, 1845, after an
absence of more than three years and a half. On his return he was elected
delegate to the convention held that year, to decide upon the question of
annexation, and was afterward senator from Bejar district in the state
congress. He died in his native city in 1870. Cordova's Tex., 145-53:
7V/yv<7, 596.

31 Nor did the Indians fail to strike. I copy the following from the memo
randa of Alison Jones for the year 1840: 'Austin, March 13th. Woke up at
u;ght with the alarm of Indians. The suburbs of the town were plundered
of all the horses, and Ward and Hedley killed and scalped; heard the cries
of the latter while under the hands of the Indians. April 6th. Constant
alarms of Indians and Mexicans. Our wise government has resolved upon

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 22

338 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

settlers, who would populate that portion of the coun
try, and serve as a protection to an ever-extending
frontier of civilization. In August, the town-lots of
the new capital were sold, buildings were soon erected,
the offices of the government were transferred thither,
and in November congress assembled in a hall sur
rounded by the wilderness.32

During the administration of Lamar, the relations
of Texas with European powers wore as favorable an
aspect as could possibly be expected. While Houston
was president, General J. P. Henderson had been sent
as commissioner to London and Paris to obtain an
acknowledgment of her independence. The British
government was kindly disposed toward the new re
public, inasmuch as it was plainly foreseen that
Texas, being chiefly an agricultural country, her people
would become large consumers of foreign manufactures,
while her capacity for the production of raw material,
especially cotton, England's great demand, was im
mense. Moreover, the known tendency of the Texans
to free-trade principles was another inducement for
that great power to hold out the hand of friendship
to an infant nation that would grow robust in time.
Great Britain desired to find in Texas a market for
her merchandise, "without having to climb over the
United States tariff."5 Henderson therefore experi
enced no difficulty in making a commercial treaty in
1838 with the British government, under the reserva
tion, however, that until that power formally recog
nized Texas, it would consider her as a part of Mexico.
In November of the same year, a similar treaty was
made with France, but without the reservation; and

fortifications at Austin. June 12th. Stood guard over the town all night.'
Rep. Tex., 38.

32 Austin did not retain her eminence as the capital of Texas withmit a
struggle. In 1872, however, that city was proclaimed by popular vote the
permanent capital of the state, Austin receiving 63,297 votes, Houston 35, 188,
and Waco 12,776. Tlirall, 306.

33 Theie are Lord Aberdeen's words to Ashbel Smith, the""Texan minister
to England and France in 1842. Smith, Reminis. Tex. Rep., 36.

TREATIES. 339

in September 1839, the treaty was ratified, and the
independence of Texas acknowledged by the French
government. Owing to the ridiculous affair before
mentioned,34 diplomatic intercourse was soon afterward
suspended between the two nations until 1842, when
friendly relations were resumed.

When General Hamilton arrived in London as the
Texan representative, he negotiated a convention with
the British government, in which it was stipulated
that Texas should assume £1,000,000 of the debt due
by Mexico to English holders of her bonds. This
convention, as well as the commercial treaty, as finally
agreed upon, was signed in London November 13,
1840; both were ratified by Texas in February 1841.
The treaty, however, met with much opposition by
the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society, which
urgently remonstrated against its being ratified by
the English government. Ashbel Smith, the Texan
minister to London, arrived in that city April 1842,
bearing the ratified copies of both agreements, which,
after some delay, were exchanged with Lord Aber
deen in face of opposition, a treaty granting the recip
rocal right of search for the suppression of the African
slave trade having been first exchanged.35 The inde
pendence of Texas was thus recognized by two of the
greatest powers of Europe. It remains to be added
that Holland and Belgium recognized her independence

84 The particulars are as follows: The horses of M. Saligny, the French
representative in Texas, were fed on corn. The pigs belonging to Mr Bullock,
a hotel-keeper, intruded into the stables to pick up the corn which the horses
let fall to the ground. One of M. de Saligiiy's servants killed some of the
pigs. Bullock whipped the servant. This enraged M. de Saligny, and Bul
lock was arrested for assault, and bound over to answer at the next term of
the district court. Affronted soon afterward by Bullock, Saligny demanded
his immediate punishment, and a warm correspondence between him and the
Texan sec. of state followed. Not obtaining the satisfaction he wished, the
exasperated Frenchman demanded his passports and left his post. Gouycs
Fisc. Hist. Tex., 110-11; Smith's Reminis. Tex. Rep., 32. Saligny returned to
Texas in 1842. Id., 34.

35 M, 33, 38; MaittariFs Hist. Rep. Tex., 180-92, 411-29; Niks' Reg., Ix.
33, 177; Ixii. 337, 384; Kennedy, ii. 353-4; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 515-16;
BustamtxrOe, Gabinete Mex., ii. 7-14; Id.t MS., ii. 158-70, 183-5; Rivero, Mex,
in 1842, 118.

340 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

in 1840, a treaty of commerce with the former country
being signed at The Hague September 18th of that

year.36

While Texas was thus successful in obtaining the
acknowledgment of her independence by foreign na
tions, all her efforts to secure the same from Mexico
failed. In 1839, the Texan government, entertaining
some expectation that Mexico would be inclined to
listen to proposals for peace, sent Bernard E. Bee, as
diplomatic agent to that government. Bee arrived
at Vera Cruz in May, where he remained for ten
days, pending the decision of the government, with
regard to the question of his reception. He was
courteously treated b}^ General Victoria, governor of
Vera Cruz during his stay in that city. The Mexican
authorities finally decided not to receive him, and he
embarked on the French frigate, La Gloere, bound for
Habana.37 Texas, however, had a secret agent in the
Mexican capital who, in 1840, under the auspices of
Packenham, the English minister in that city, suc
ceeded in submitting to the government the basis of
a treaty of peace. Packenham, moreover, offered to
act as mediator. The treaty and the offer were alike
rejected by Mexico. In 1841 the British government,
without waiting for the exchange of ratifications of the
mediation convention, officially instructed Packenham
to bring before the Mexican authorities the proffer of
Great Britain, to mediate between that power and
Texas, and Mr Burnley, provided with a letter of in
troduction to him from Lord Palmerston, proceeded
to Mexico as negotiator on the part of Texas.38 But

38 The Mexican minister of foreign relations found fault with Holland for
not having previously advised the Mexican government of her intention.
Mex., Mem. Min. Bel, i. doc. 13; Diario del Gob. Mex., Jan. 24, 1841, p. 2.

37 Bee's letters in Niks Reg., Ivi. 242, 259, 273-4. Victoria was instructed
to say to Bee, that he might represent to him the object of his mission in
writing, not in any public character, but as a commissioner of the revolted
colonists of Texas. If the object was to ask the recognition of the inde
pendence of Texas, Bee was to be immediately required to reembark.
Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 418-19; Buxtamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 7-8.

38 James Webb was also sent from Texas as commissioner, to open and
conduct the negotiations. He was not received, and immediately returned,
Yoakum, ii. 3J8.

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 341

Mexico paid no more heed to the British nation than
she had done to her diplomatic agent. She unhesi
tatingly declined any such mediation, refused to en
tertain the question of peace, unless Texas resigned
her claim to independent sovereignty, and prepared
for war.39

In September 1841, the presidential election was
held, by which General Houston was a second time
chosen president, receiving 7,915 votes against 3,G16
cast for David G. Burnct, Edward Burleson was
elected vice-president with 6,101 votes, his compet
itor, Mennican Hunt, having received 4,336.

When congress met in November, Lamar opened
his message with congratulations upon the prosperity
of the country. The relations with Mexico were such
that he advised hostilities, and stated that he had
made arrangements to send the Texan navy to ccop-
eiwte with the government of Yucatan, which had
lately declared her independence of Mexico. He was
opposed to a military invasion of the enemy's country,
but advised the establishment of military posts west
of the Nueces, for the protection of that portion of
Texas. He recommended congress to take into con
sideration the traffic conducted by the people of the
western frontier — a trade of which he highly approved;
and spoke in glowing terms of the probable results of
the Santa Fe expedition. In his sanguine hopes, he
already saw the rich resources of the commerce of
New Mexico pouring wealth into the coffers of
Texas I

But Lamar, distinguished though he was for his
courage, unquestioned integrity, and pure patriotism,
utterly failed as a ruler; and when he retired from
the presidency, the republic was in a dilapidated con
dition. The public debt had been increased nearly
four-fold, and the public credit had fallen to zero ; by

39Gorostiza, Dictamen, 1840, in Pap. Far., 21 2, no. 8; JRivera, Hut. Jalapa,
iii. 440; Sugfamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 11-12; Id., MS., iv. 17; Niks' R^. ,
lix. 195, 257; Youngs Hist. Mex., 305; Otero, Obras, MS., i. 313-7; ii. 1-4;
Tex. Col. Doc., no. 5, in Pinart's Col. Smith's Henunis., Tex. Rep., 38.

342 LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION.

his savagism as displayed in the extermination creed,
the Indians had been driven to the highest degree of
exasperation ; the balance of trade was heavily on the
debit side;40 and his last pet scheme, the Santa Fe
expedition, ended in a climax of disaster.

During Larnar's administration, the question of an
nexation to the United States lay in abeyance. As
the reader is aware, he was violently opposed to such
a union, and in Texas the subject, though sometimes
alluded to, was apparently dropped. In the United
States, however, it was not only discussed by the
press, but was brought from time to time before
congress. The application for admission into the Union
had been peremptorily refused. On August 4, 1837,
Mennican Hunt, the Texan envoy to Washington,
addressed a letter to Forsyth, the American secretary
of state, making a proposition for annexation. For
syth replied on the 25th, rejecting the overture in
decided terms, and the subject was dismissed without
reserving it for further consideration. The govern
ment at Washington justly maintained that so long as
Texas was at war with Mexico, and the United States
at peace with her, annexation would constitute a
breach of treaty with Mexico, not only dishonorable,
but also certain to involve the United States in war
with that nation/1

The labors of office and the animadversions to
which he was exposed, induced Lamar to apply to

40 The following table of imports and exports is obtained from Gouges
Fisc. Hist. Tex., 84, 128:

IMPORTS. EXPORTS.

Year ending Sept. 30, 1838 $1,740,376.87 $183,323.00

Year ending Sept. 1, 1839 1,506,897.67 274,518.09

Year ending Sept. 1, 1840 1,378,568.98 220,401.15

$4,625,843.52 $678,242.24

Showing a balance of trade for these three years against the republic of
$3,947,600.

41 Copy of correspondence in Hunt's Address, 21-43; U. S. H. Ex. Doc.,
25 cong., 1 sess., Doc. 40; and Con;/. Debates, 1837, xiv., app. 117-22. For
further discussions on the subject in the U. S. congress, see H. Ex. Doc.,
vol. iv., 25 cong., 2 sess., Doc. 196; U. S. Sen. Doc., 25 cong., 2 sess., Doc.
50; Congress Globe, 1837-8, p. 12, 25, app. 555; Id., 1838-9, p. 18; Id.,
1839-40, p. 274, 281, 541.

BURNET, ACTING GOVERNOR. 343

congress for permission to absent himself; and his
request being granted, during the last year of his
term, the government was administered by Vice-
President Burnet/2

*2 Thrall, 317. From Dec. 15, 1840 to Feb. 3, 1841, the acts of congress
are approved by David G-. Burnet, after which date no signatures are at
tached to the acts passed in the copy of The Laws of the Republic of Texas in
my possession, only the word 'approved,' with the date, being used.

CHAPTER XIV.

END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.
1841-1846.

HOUSTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION — REDUCTION OF EXPENSES — VASQUEZ
TAKES BEJAR — CORRESPONDENCE WITH S,*NTA ANNA — OPERATIONS OF
THE NAVY — THE ARCHIVE WAR — REGULATORS AND MODERATORS-
ENGLAND'S NEUTRALITY- -WOLL'S INROAD — DAWSON'S DEFEAT — SOMER-
VILLE'S DUBIOUS CONDUCT — BATTLE OF MIER — MEXICAN GUILE — THE
CHARGE ON THE GUARD — A GRIEVOUS MISTAKE — THE DEATH-LOTTERY
-THE PRISONERS AT PEROTE — SNIVELY'S EXPEDITION— ROBINSON'S
DIPLOMACY — THE ARMISTICE — RIVALRY OF THE UNITED STATES AND ENG
LAND — ANSON JONES ELECTED PRESIDENT— HOUSTON'S FAREWELL MES
SAGE — His DIFFICULT POSITION — ANNEXATION — THE STATE CONSTI-

PRESIDENT Houston sent in his message to congress
December 13, 1841. He did not conceal the fact
that his administration would be guided by a policy
diametrically opposite to that of his predecessor. He
deprecated the interference on the part of Texas in
the revolutionary movements in Mexico, and recom
mended that kindness should be extended to that
people, and an armed neutrality maintained. As all
overtures for peace had been rejected by the Mexican
government, no further effort would be made in that
direction. On the subject of relations with the Ind
ians, he declared his policy would be different from
that lately pursued. He urged the establishment of
trading-posts on the frontier, each protected by a
garrison of twenty -five men, and recommended that
treaties should be made with the savages. This sys
tem, he believed, would conciliate them, and could be
carried out at an expense of less than one quarter of
the appropriations that had been made in the attempt

(844)

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 345

to exterminate them.1 With regard to the deplorable
• financial condition of the republic, he remarked that
there was not a dollar in the treasury ; the nation was
"not only without money, but without credit, and for
want of punctuality, without character/' The amount
of liabilities had not been ascertained, but he advised
a total suspension of the redemption of the national
debt until such time as the government could redeem
in good faith those liabilities which it ought to redeem.
To sustain the government, the president recommended
the reduction of taxes by one half, and that all taxes
and customs should be paid in specie or paper at par
value. He then expressed himself in favor of a new
issue of exchequer bills to the amount of $350,000, for
the redemption of which he proposed that 1,000,000
acres of the Cherokee country should be reserved. He
also suggested raising a loan of $300,000 on the public
domain.

Acting upon the president's suggestion, congress,
on January 19, 1842, authorized him to issue exche
quer bills to the amount of $200,000, the law further
providing that only gold, silver, and such bills should
be received in payment of duties and taxes, and that
when the bills returned to the treasury, they should
be cancelled. But this paper soon suffered the same
fate as the treasury notes, or red-backs as they were
called from the color of the paper. The same act
declared that the treasury notes were no longer re
ceivable in payment of public dues, and no one could
assert that congress would not adopt a similar meas
ure with regard to the new issue. The consequence
was that the bills sank rapidly to thirty-three cents,
and before the end of the year to twenty-five cents.2

As long as Texas had been able to borrow, she bor-

1 See note 6, this chapter.

2 A special session of congress was convened June 27, 1842, and on July
23d an act was passed requiring the collectors of revenue to receive exchequer
bills only at the current rate at which they were sold in the market. Tex. ,
Laws Rep. , ] 842, 4. This measure, however, did not cause them to rise much
in value. Consult Gould's Fisc. Hist. Tex., 116-19.

346 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

rowed, and as long as her paper was of any value at
all, she issued it and lived on the proceeds, no matter
how ruinous the rate. But at the close of Lamar's
administration, the treasury notes had sunk to fifteen
and twenty cents in the dollar,3 and though economy
was regarded with no high favor by the Texans, it
became evident that retrenchment was the only re
course left. Under the first administration of Hous
ton, the salaries of the president and all members of
the government had been fixed exorbitantly high,
while a great number of superfluous offices had been
created. To do away with this extravagance — ridic
ulous in a nation whose Anglo-Saxon population did
not amount to 100, 000 4 — congress passed a law De
cember 11, 1841, abolishing many offices, and reducing
salaries to less than one half.5 This was striking at
the root of the evil, and produced effect. The system
of economy, moreover, was practised in all branches,
as is evidenced by the fact that, according to the best
accounts to be gathered, the payments made by the
treasurer during Lamar's administration amounted to
$4,855,215, while during the three years of Houston's
second term, they only amounted to $493,175, and
$17,907 disbursed on account of mail service and tax

3 The passage of the Exchequer Bill act deprived them of what little value
they had. They rapidly fell to ten, five, four, and two cents in the dollar,
till finally no price at all could be obtained for them in many parts of Texas.

4 Kennedy, ii. 390, who published his work in 1841, while admitting the
difficulty of forming a close estimate, fixed the average of the Anglo-Ameri
can population at 200,000. Fournel gives 480,000 as the total population in
1840. Both of these estimates are far beyond the mark. Coup d'Oeil, 41.
Maillard, who, as Ashbel Smith says, ' published a voluminous libel of 500
or 600 pages on Texas, its climate, its productions, and its people, ' Rem. Tex.
Rep., 38, places the number of the Anglo-Americans at about 54,088; that of
the Indians at 80,000; and of the negroes at 10,000 to 12,000; in all, 146,088.
Hitit. R<>p. Tex., 202-4. Thrall, page 316, says the whole population was
less than 50,000 at this time. In 1847 the first census was taken, showing a
total of 135,775, exclusive of Indians. Of that number, 100,508 were whites,
35,267 slaves, and ten free negroes.

5 The president's salary was reduced to $5, 000 per annum; vice-president,
to $1,000; members of the cabinet, to $1,500> att'y-gen., to $1,000; com. gen.
land-office, to $1,200; treasurer, comptroller, and auditor, to $1,000. The
chief justice was to receive $1,750 instead of $5,000 as heretofore; and so on
in proportion. Tex. Laws Rc.p., 6 cong., 13-14. Consult act of Dec. 9, 1836,
Id., i. 69-70, and chap, xii., this volume.

ANNEXATION. 347

collecting.6 It is true that the limit of credit had
been reached, and that Houston could not obtain the
money to spend which his predecessor had commanded ;
but it is equally true that Lamar carried his paper-
money principle to the height of extravagance, and
rode his horse to death.

One of the arguments used by the advocates of
annexation was the failure of Mexico to attempt to re
conquer Texas. For six yectrs, they said no hostile
army had invaded the territory, and the war might
be considered as virtually ended, though no formal
recognition had been made by Mexico, her inactivity
displayed an indifference which had all the appearance
of a tacit acknowledgment that she considered re-
conquest impossible. In order, therefore, to main
tain her claim, it became necessary to make some
military demonstration, and at the close of 1841 prep
arations were made to invade Texas. On January 9,
1842, General Arista issued a proclamation from his
headquarters at Monterey, to the inhabitants of
Texas, in which he stated that the Mexican nation

6 Gouge, ut sup., 126-7. Yoakum, ii. 340-1, supplies a comparative state
ment of the salaries paid the officers employed at the seat of government in
the years 1840-2, made out by James B. Shaw, comptroller, Dec. 1C, 1842.
As the figures show an astonishing retrenchment, I reproduce them:

1840 $174,200

1841 173,506

1842 32,800

The same comptroller exhibited a statement dated March 20, 1854, showing
the expenses incurred by the republic in protecting her frontier against the
Indians during the years 1837-44 inclusive. Yoakum, ii. 282, compiled the
following table from it:

1837 ) , ^ , j $ 20,000

1838 \ \ 170^000

$100,000

1839 ^ ( $1,430,000

1840 \ Lamar 's term \ 1,027,319

1841 I 95,000

$2,552,310
1S42 ^ f $20,000

1843 \ Houston's second term 66,950

1844 J [ 17,142

$104,092

348 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

would never consent to the separation of the territory,
and that it was only owing to the civil wars in
Mexico, that revolutionary men had compelled them
to constitute themselves as an independent nation.
He solemnly declared that Mexico was determined to
recover her right? through the only means left her,
namely, persuasion or war. After stating that hos
tilities would only be directed against those who sus
tained and fought to maintain the Texan nationality,

O * *

he called upon the people to reflect and consider their
own interests, and to return to their allegiance.7

On March 5th, General Rafael Yasquez appeared
before San Antonio de Bejar, at the head of 500 men.8
The Texan force stationed there was too small to cope
with the enemy, and evacuated the town when the sur
render of it was demanded. Having taken possession
of the place, hoisted the Mexican flag, and declared
the Mexican laws to be in force, Yasquez on the 7th
departed.9 About the same time small forces of
Mexicans occupied Refugio and Goliad, but likewise
soon retired.

This inroad, which was intended as nothing more
than a mere demonstration by Mexico in support of
her rights, thoroughly roused the Texans. On the

O O v

10th of March, Houston issued a proclamation calling
upon all citizens subject to military duty, to hold
themselves in readiness to repair to the scene of ac
tion in the event of a formidable invasion ; and on
the 21st of the same month he addressed a letter to
Santa Anna, which was extensively circulated in
Europe and the United States, and even published
in Spanish in Yucatan, whence copies found their
way into Mexico.10 Houston was instigated to ad-

7 Translation of proclamation in Niks' Raj. , Ixii. 67.

8Yoakum says about 700 men, — ij 349, — but Arista reporting to the
comandante general at Chihuahua, gives the number in +he text. Voto de
Son., April 15, 1842, i., no. 9, p. 34.

9 Bustamantc, Hi*t. Santa Anna, 49-50; Id., Diario Max., MS., 109, 127;
ElSi/lo, xix., March 30, 1842; Diario, Gob. Mex., March 19, 1842; Yoakum,
ii. 349-50.

lj Besides being published in pamphlet form it is reproduced in Id. , ii.
544-58; Houston, Life of, 211-24; and ebewhere.

MEXICO INDIGNANT. 349

dress the Mexican president by the perusal of certain
! correspondence which had lately passed between
Santa Anna, and Bernard E. Bee and General Ham
ilton, and to which his notice had been called. These
agents of Texas had written to Santa Anna on their
own responsibility. Bee's main object was to pro
cure good treatment of the Santa Fe prisoners; but
he urged that that expedition afforded an opportunity
of again discussing the question of a treaty of peace
with Texas, and somewhat imprudently asserted that
Mexico would never be able to conquer Texas except
in defiance of the United States and of the law of na
tions. All the inhabitants of the valley of the Mis
sissippi, he said, would march upon Texas as soon as
they heard that she was invaded. Hamilton's com
munication contained a proposal that a treaty of peace
and limitation should be entered into, on the basis of
an indemnification of $5, 00 0,000 being paid to Mexico,
and $200,000 to the secret agents of the Mexican
government. Santa Anna was professedly very in
dignant at these letters, especially that of Hamilton.11
In no measured terms he expressed his profound dis
gust that a proposition should be made to him for
"the sale of Texas and the acquisition of infamy." It
was a miscalculation, he said, and an audacity ; and
the offer of $200,000 for the secret agents of the
Mexican government was "an insult and infamy un
worthy of a gentleman." Having thus given vent to
hip virtuous indignation, Santa Anna asserted that
Mexico would not vary her hostile attitude until she
had planted her eagle standard on the banks of the
Sabine. Santa Anna had but lately emerged from
his retreat, and again won his way to the chief
magistracy of the nation. Hamilton's proposal af
forded him a convenient weapon with which to
destroy the bad impression caused by his previous
conduct with regard to Texas, and deaden his coun
trymen's remembrance of his readiness to barter that

11 Copy of the correspondence will be found in Niles* Rcy,, Ixii. 48-51.

350' END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

province for his life. Nor did he fail to make use of
it. Though Hamilton's letter was marked confiden
tial, he caused it to be published, together with his
reply, February 18, 1842.

Houston, in his letter above alluded to, says: "You
appear to have seized upon the flimsy pretext of con
fidential communications, unknown to the officers of
this government, and unknown to the world until di
vulged by you for the purpose of manufacturing popu
larity at home." He recapitulates the circumstances
under which the Anglo-Americans were invited to
settle in Texas, and the causes which had led them to
assert their freedom. Having contrasted the enormi
ties of Santa Anna with the clemency experienced by
him at the hands of the Texan authorities, and calling
attention to the desire for peace which Texas had
shown, he adds: "You continue aggression; you will
not accord us peace. We will have it"; and concludes
with a piece of counter bombast: "Ere the banner of
Mexico shall triumphantly float on the banks of the
Sabine, the Texan standard of the single star, borne
by the Anglo-Saxon race, shall display its bright folds
in liberty's triumph on the isthmus of Darien."

On March 26th, the president issued a proclama
tion declaring all the Mexican ports on the eastern
coast from Tabasco, including the mouth of the Rio
Grande and the Brazos Santiago, to be in a state of
blockade. And here it is necessary to give some ac
count of the condition of the Texan navy and its op
erations.

It will be remembered that the first congress
authorized 12 the purchase of a certain number of war
vessels. A contract was made, November 1838, with
Frederick Dawson of Baltimore, who, in the months
of June, August, and October 1839, delivered to the
Texan government the schooners San Jacinto, San

12 Nov. 18, 1836; does not seem to have been acted upon, as another one
was passed Nov. 4, 1837, providing for the purchase of a 500-ton ship mount
ing 18 guns, two 300-ton brigs, 12 guns each, and three 130-ton schooners, 5
guns each. Tex. Laws Rep., ii. 13-14.

THE NAVY. 351

Antonio, and San Bernard, each mounting 5 guns ; the
sloop-of-war Austin, 20 guns, and the brigs Colorado
and Dolphin. General Hamilton also purchased for
the government, in March of the same year, the
steamship Zavala, mounting 8 guns.13 In June 1840,
this naval force, with the exception of the Colorado,
was sent to the coast of Yucatan, which state, and
that of Tabasco, had revolted against the central gov
ernment. The Texan authorities were therefore de
sirous of ascertaining the feelings of these states toward
Texas. After their visit to Yucatan, the vessels were
ordered to cruise about the eastern coast of Mexico
and annoy her commerce. As the Mexican navy had
been destroyed by the French, the Texans at this
time were masters on the sea, and Houston was justi
fied in proclaiming the blockade. In May 1841, Yu
catan proclaimed her independence, and in September
sent Colonel Martin Francisco Peraza as envoy to
Texas to arrange a treaty of friendship and alliance
against Mexico. Arrangements were soon concluded,
Texas engaging to furnish a naval squadron for the
protection of the coast and commerce of Yucatan,
while the latter agreed to pay its expenses in part
during the time it operated against the common
enemy.1* In the autumn of that year, the greater
portion of the Texan navy sailed to Yucatan. The
vessels returned in May 1842, and were ordered to
New Orleans and Mobile to undergo repairs, prepara
tory to enforcing the blockade. While in the Missis
sippi, a mutiny occurred on board the San Antonio,
and several of the ringleaders were hanged at the
yard-arm. In August of the same year, that vessel
was sent to Yucatan to collect dues from the govern-

O

ment of that seceded state, but was never heard of
afterward. It is believed that she foundered at sea

13 The cost of this rravy was nearly $800,000, which were paid in govern
ment bonds. Report of Sec. of the Navy, Nov. 8, 1839; Yoahim, ii. 272.

li Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 440-1, 514-15; B'lfjueiro, Ettsayo Yuc., 42-5;
Yuc. Manifiesto, 16-37; Niks' Reg., Ixi. 66, 131, 196.

350 END OF THE TEXAN

province for his life. Nor did he fail t^ make use of
it. Though Hamilton's letter was mar&ed confiden
tial, he caused it to be published, togethe^ with his
reply, February 18, 1842. >i

Houston, in his letter above alluded to, sstys: "You
appear to have seized upon the flimsy pretext of con
fidential communications, unknown to the officers of
this government, and unknown to the world* until di
vulged by you for the purpose of manufacturing popu
larity at home." He recapitulates the circumstances
under which the Anglo-Americans were invited to
settle in Texas, and the causes which had led them to
assert their freedom. Having contrasted the enormi
ties of Santa Anna with the clemency experienced by
him at the hands of the Texan authorities, and calling
attention to the desire for peace which Texas had
shown, he adds: "You continue aggression; you will
not accord us peace. We will have it"; and concludes
with a piece of counter bombast: "Ere the banner of
Mexico shall triumphantly float on the banks of the
Sabine, the Texan standard of the single star, borne
by the Anglo-Saxon race, shall display its bright folds
in liberty's triumph on the isthmus of Darien."

On March 26th, the president issued a proclama
tion declaring all the Mexican ports on the eastern
coast from Tabasco, including the mouth of the Rio
Grande and the Brazos Santiago, to be in a state of
blockade. And here it is necessary to give some ac
count of the condition of the Texan navy and its op
erations.

It will be remembered that the first congress
authorized 12 the purchase of a certain number of war
vessels. A contract was made, November 1838, with
Frederick Dawson of Baltimore, who, in the months
of June, August, and October 1839, delivered to the
Texan government the schooners San Jacinto, San

12 Nov. 18, 1836; does not seem to have been acted upon, as another one
was passed Nov. 4, 1837, providing for the purchase of a 500-ton ship mount
ing 18 guns, two 300-ton brigs, 12 guns each, and three 130-ton schooners, 5
guns each. Tex. Laws Hep., ii. 13-14.

THE NAVY. 351

Antonio, and San Bernard, each mounting 5 guns ; the
' sloop-of-war Austin, 20 guns, and the brigs Colorado
and Dolphin. General Hamilton also purchased for
the government, in March of the same year, the
steamship Zavala, mounting 8 guns.13 In June 1840,
this naval force, with the exception of the Colorado,
was sent to the coast of Yucatan, which state, and
that of Tabasco, had revolted against the central gov
ernment. The Texan authorities were therefore de
sirous of ascertaining the feelings of these states toward
Texas. After their visit to Yucatan, the vessels were
ordered to cruise about the eastern coast of Mexico
and annoy her commerce. As the Mexican navy had
been destroyed by the French, the Texans at this
time were masters on the sea, and Houston was justi
fied in proclaiming the blockade. In May 1841, Yu
catan proclaimed her independence, and in September
sent Colonel Martin Francisco Peraza as envoy to
Texas to arrange a treaty of friendship and alliance
against Mexico. Arrangements were soon concluded,
Texas engaging to furnish a naval squadron for the
protection of the coast and commerce of Yucatan,
while the latter agreed to pay its expenses in part
during the time it operated against the common
enemy.14 In the autumn of that year, the greater
portion of the Texan navy sailed to Yucatan. The
vessels returned in May 1842, and were ordered to
New Orleans and Mobile to undergo repairs, prepara
tory to enforcing the blockade. While in the Missis
sippi, a mutiny occurred on board the San Antonio,
and several of the ringleaders were handed at the

O O

yard-arm. In August of the same year, that vessel
was sent to Yucatan to collect dues from the govern
ment of that seceded state, but was never heard of
afterward. It is believed that she foundered at sea

13 The cost of this navy was nearly $800,000, which were paid in govern
ment bonds. Report of Sec. of the Navy, Nov. 8, 1839; Yoahini, ii. 272.

^Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 440-1, 514-15; Baqueiro, Emayo Yuc., 42-5;
Yu.\ Manifiesto, 16-37; Niles' Reg., Ixi. 66, 131, 196.

354 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

On December 10, 1842, Houston gave instructions to
Captain Thomas I. Smith to raise a company secretly,
and bring the most necessary books and documents to
Washington, where congress was to convene in regu
lar session that month. Smith, having avoided the
patrols by taking a circuitous route, entered Austin
in the night of December 30th, and succeeded in load
ing three wagons with archive matter. This step on
the part of the president was a surprise to the inhabi
tants of Austin, and Smith hastened back, after hav
ing been fired upon without effect by Captain Mark
B. Lewis, who having rallied a volunteer company,
and procured a cannon from the arsenal, fired it at
the intruders. Having reached Kinney's fort, on
Brushy creek, Smith encamped, but on the following
morning discovered that Lewis, with his cannon
pointed, had taken a position in front. After some
parley, Smith agreed to take back the wagons to Aus
tin. This affair has been called the Archive War.
No further attempt was made to remove the records;
the people of Austin retained possession of them till
1845, when, on tli3 occasion of the annexation con
vention being summoned to meet in July, thev deliv
ered them over to the administration of Anson Jones,
on condition that the convention should assemble at
Austin.18

During the second administration of Houston, Texas
was greatly agitated by what has been called the war
of the Regulators and Moderators. The first out
break occurred in 1842. The reader will not fail to
remember that in the early years of the nineteenth
century the "neutral ground" became the asylum of
adventurers and desperate men, who can only be classi
fied as marauders and fugitives from justice. Although,
in the course of events, these land buccaneers had been
suppressed with regard to their banditti organization/9

18 Id., 322-6; Morphia, Hist. Tex., 435-7.
19 See pages 16 and 20 of this volume.

REGULATORS AND MODERATORS 355

their social element still prevailed on the northeast em
border. As immigrants flocked into Texas, ill-feeling
was developed, which culminated in hostilities. The
county of Shelby was the main scene of action. The
land commissioners in that county found a profitable
business in issuing forged "head-right" certificates,
and it became a focus for such illegal operations in the
surrounding districts. The holders of such certificates
were not men inclined to give up land which they had
settled upon. In 1842, one, Charles W. Jackson, a
fugitive from justice, arrived in Shelby county from
Louisiana, and offered himself as a candidate for the
Texan congress. Being defeated, he undertook to
expose the land frauds, declaring that his defeat was
owing to the opposition of the party connected with
them. Having notified the general land-office of the
illegal proceedings which had taken place, Jackson
received an intimation from Joseph Goodbread that,
if he did not desist from interfering, his life would be
taken. Whereupon the former, while presenting his
reply, shot the latter dead in the town of Shelby ville.
Great excitement followed ; Jackson was called to trial ;
the court was thronged by armed men, and the judge
failed to appear. The fugitive from Louisiana now
organized his party, and formed a society which as
sumed the name of Regulators. The operations of
this society were somewhat arbitrary, and there is no
doubt that many honest men lost their lands, and the
prospective fruit of their industry. Opposition there
fore appeared. A society which styled itself the
Moderators was organized, and a kind of vendetta
warfare was carried on for three years. Matters
finally assumed so serious an aspect that the two fac
tions drew up in battle-front against each other. The
executive now interfered. The country was threat
ened with civil war, and Houston ordered General
Smith to raise a militia force, and put a stop to this
internecine struggle. With about 500 men, Smith
marched to the scene of action, finding the opposing

356 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

forces in front of each other. By the exercise of
prudence and good judgment, he induced the belliger
ents to lay down their arms, and submit to the laws
of the republic;20 but for some years afterward, the
spirit developed by this clash of interests found ex
pression in many a homicide.

In August, 1842, the British government declared
its intention to remain neutral during the struggle of
Texas for independence, and prohibited English sea
men from serving in the cause of Mexico. In April
of the same year, Ashbel Smith, minister to England
and France, discovered that two heavily armed war
ships were being constructed in England for the Mexi
can government, the Guadalupe and the Nontezuma.
On representations, forcibly expressed by the Texan
representative, these vessels were forbidden to leave
port in an armed condition, or carrying ammunition of
war. British officers, captains Cleveland and Charle-
wood of the English navy, had been appointed to
command them, and the vessels were principally
manned by British seamen. With some tardiness the
British government yielded to the energetic remon
strances of Ashbel Smith,21 caused the vessels to dis
charge their recruits and armament, and notified the
above-mentioned captains that if they took part in
operations against Texas their names would be stricken
from the rolls of her Majesty's service. The Monte-
zwna and Guadalupe sailed to the Mexican coast, and
were roughly handled by Commodore Moore off the
shore of Yucatan.

20 Further particulars of this war of the Regulators and Moderators will
l>e found in Yoalcum, ii. 437-40, where notice will be found of Moorman kill
ing Bradley at the church door of San Augustine at the close of divine ser
vice, in the summer of 1844. During the hostilities at this time, about 50
persons were killed or wounded. Moorman was killed by Burn.? two or three
years afterward as he was crossing the Sabine. Id., Dcfemor Intey. Nac., Oct.
23, 1844, 3; Todd's Sketch, MS.

21 By act 59, George III., discretionary powers were conferred on the
privy council relative to British naval officers entering the service of a for
eign power. For general particulars consult Smith, Rem. Tex. Rep., 34-5,
39-40; Hansard's Parl Record, Ixv. 964-5.

AFFAIRS WITH MEXICO. 357

President Houston, in his message to congress in
June 1842, did not take the responsibility of advis
ing an invasion of Mexico. Though he did not be
lieve that any formidable invasion would ever be
accomplished by Mexico, he felt convinced that every
impediment would be interposed to the peace and
prosperity of the frontiers, and urged congress to
adopt measures for their protection. Congress, how
ever, passed a bill authorizing an offensive war against
Mexico. As the carrying out of such a measure
would require at least 5,000 troops, and it was im
possible to devise means for the payment of so large
a body, the president vetoed the bill, — a proceeding
which brought out strong feeling against him. Early
in July General Davis on the Nueces was attacked
by Canales with 700 men, 500 of whom were cavalry.
The former, however, repulsed the enemy, though he
had only 192 volunteers. Two months later General
Woll took possession of San Antonio, September
llth, after some resistance on the part of the Anglo-
Texan citizens. After some parley the Texans, fifty-
two in number, surrendered on condition that they
should be treated with all the consideration of prison
ers of war. Woll's force was nearly 1,000 men,
twelve of whom were killed and twenty-nine wounded.
The Texans sustained no casualties whatever.22

When it became known in Gonzalez that Bejar was
again occupied by the Mexicans, a force of about 220
men, under Colonel Mathew Caldwell assembled in
the Salado bottom, about six miles east of the town.
A good position was taken up in a thick wood, and
Captain John C. Hayes sent forward with his mounted
company to draw out the enemy. The ruse was suc
cessful, a strong body of cavalry advanced upon

2- Green's Journal, 29-30. Woll in his report says, that his loss wa3 one
killed and 20 wounded, that of the Texans 12 killed, 3 wounded, and 52
prisoners. Expedic. hecha en Tejas, 15, 35; also 20-1, where a list of the names
of the prisoners will be found, and among them those of the district judge,
of lawyers, physicians, surgeons, and other civilians. According to Woll a
number of combatants escaped.

358 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

Hayes who retreated toward the main body. Woll
presently came up with the remainder of his forces
and maintained a fight for about an hour, losing many
men in killed and wounded. Meantime a company of
53 Texans, from Fayette county under command of
Nicolas Dawson, hastened to the assistance of Cald-
well, and being perceived by the enemy on their
approach, were presently surrounded. The enemy,
however, kept well out of range, and bringing up
a light field-piece poured showers of grape upon the
exposed Texans. In a short time two thirds of them
had fallen, and nearly all of their horses were killed.
Dawson now hoisted a white flag, but several of his
men continued to fire and were put to death. By the
exertions of the Mexican officers the lives of fifteen
were spared; five of these prisoners were wounded.

Two men only made their escape. After this affair,
which took place September 18th, Woll returned to
San Antonio having lost, according to his own state
ment, 29 killed and 58 wounded.23 He took with him
67 prisoners who, as usual, were sent on foot to the
city of Mexico. On the 20th he departed for the Rio
Grande, while Caldwell, whose force was now over
500 men, followed close upon his heels, and on one
occasion engaged in a skirmish with his rear guard.
For some reason that is not clear the Texans failed to
attack/4 and after a pursuit of thirty or forty miles
returned.

When the news of this second invasion became
known the demon of war was aroused, Houston hav
ing issued a proclamation, September 1 6th, calling for

23 Among the killed was Vicente Cordova, the Mexican agent at
Nacogdova.

24 General Thomas Green says: ' Much has been said against Caldwell and
others for not so doing, and the blame has been charged upon several; ' but
he regarded it a mischance in war rather than the want of bravery.
Journal, 35. Besides the authorities on Woll's campaign already quoted,
see Pap. Var., 162, no. 4; Joseph C. Robinson's account in Tex. Aim., 1868,
45-8; La Minerva, May 15, 1845, 3; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 539-41; Busta-
mante, Hist. S. Anna, 83-4; Diario del Gob., June 1, 1842, and Feb. 8 and 9,
1843, in Id.; Diario Mex., MS., xlv. 53, xlvi. 77, 87; Mies' Reg., Ixiii. 177-&
338; Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 177-8; Yoakum, ii. 363-6.

RESULT OF INVASION. 359

volunteers to cross the Rio Grande, and assigning
Bejar as the place of rendezvous, a considerable
number of troops was soon in motion toward that
place. General Somerville had been sent by Hous
ton, from Matagorda, to take command, an appoint
ment which did not meet with the favor of the militia
men drafted, who wished to be led by General Burle-
son. On arriving at Columbus, on the Colorado.
Somerville found between 200 and 300 men collected.
When he learned that Burleson had been sent for,
and was expected to arrive presently, he forthwith dis
banded the men and returned to Matagorda. Never
theless, on October 13th, a special order was issued
to General Somerville, instructing him to organize
and drill such volunteers as would be obedient to
orders, and to establish his camp some distance from
Bejar. On his arrival there, he found about 1,200
militia men and volunteers encamped in the vicinity at
six or eight different points, at distances varying from
one to ten miles. Much discontent soon manifested
itself, owing to want of provisions, ammunition, and
clothing, and disorder was occasioned by the insubor
dinate tendencies of some persons arid the aspirations
of others to the chief command. Somerville's indif
ference, moreover, and want of interest in the cam
paign, caused much murmuring, and gave encourage
ment to these ambitious malecontents. The result was
that a large number of the volunteers returned home.
On November 18th, however, Somerville, with 750
men, commenced his march to the Rio Grande and
reached Laredo on the Texan side of the river, De
cember 8th.

That Somerville had no control over his troops is
apparent. But it must be borne in mind that the
men under him were bent on invading Mexico, a
movement contrary both to the executive's secret
wishes who saw reasons to change his previous views,25

25 Somerville's instructions were: ' When the force shall have assembled,
if their strength and condition will warrant a movement upon the enemy, it
is desirable that it should be executed with promptness and efficiency.'

360 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

and to the inclinations of Somerville. On the day
after entering Laredo, which was evacuated on the
approach of the Texans, Somerville moved down the
river instead of crossing as was expected by the
troops. This movement was regarded as an indica
tion on his part to return home. About 300 men
marched to Loredo and plundered the town ; but the
spoils, for the most part, were restored to the owners.
On the 10th a council of war was held, the general
addressed the troops with regard to the question of
crossing the Rio Grande or returning home, stating
his readiness to lead them if it was still their desire to
pursue the enemy. About 200 voted to return, and
were permitted to do so.

The Texan force was still some 550 strong, but
Somerville's generalship disgusted the men. He
caused them to march through thick chaparral down
the left side of the Rio Grande, and arriving opposite
Guerrero, December 14th, crossed the river on that,
and the following day, and made a requisition on the
town. This was very indifferently complied with,
a ad Somerville, instead of enforcing it, recrossed the
river, the passage being greatly facilitated by the use
of six large flat-boats found near Guerrero. This
retrograde movement increased the contempt for the
general, now openly expressed. On December 19th
he issued an order of march, to the effect that the
army would proceed to Gonzalez, and there be dis
banded; whereupon captains Cameron, Eastland.
Reese, Pierson, Ryan, and Buster, supported by their
companies, refused obedience, declaring it their in
tention to march down the river and accomplish
something that would redeem the expedition from
contempt. Somerville, with about 200 men, mostly
drafted militia, returned to Bejar, leaving 300 vol-

M. C. Hamilton, Sec. of War, to A. Somerville, Oct. 13, 1842; Yoakum, ii.
367-8. Green asserts that the president never intended to punish the
enemy, and therefore, maintained Somerville in command, knowing that if
Burleson was appointed according to the wish of the army, an invasion of
Mexico would follow. Journal, 40.

ARMY MOVEMENTS. 361

unteers to operate against Mexico as they pleased.26
On the departure of Somerville, Colonel William S.
Fisher was elected commander, and it being decided
to descend the river to Mier, a portion of the force
was embarked with baggage and provisions, on board
the flat-boats, which were placed under the direction
of General Green.27 The flotilla arid land force pro
ceeded in company until December 21st, when the
troops encamped together on the left bank of the Rio
Grande, about seven miles above Mier. On the fol
lowing morning, a council of war being held, it was
decided to inarch into the city, and make a requisition
on it for supplies. A sufficient number of men having
been detailed for a camp-guard, Fisher, with the main
body, crossed over, entered the town, and made the
requisition, the alcalde promising to deliver the stores
demanded on the next day at the river. Fisher then
returned to camp, taking with him the alcalde as
security. On the 23d the army was moved down
stream to a point opposite the town, where the sup
plies were to be sent. Nothing transpired till the
25th. The requisition had not been filled, nor had
any intelligence of the approach of the enemy been
brought in by the scouts. But on that day a Mexican
was captured, who gave the information that General
Ampudia, and the former federal leader, Colonel
Canales had entered the town with 700 men, pre-

26 Id., 41-69; Stapp's Prisoners of Perote, 22-30. Both this author and
Gen. Thomas J. Green, accompanied the expedition, and were fellow-pris
oners at Perote. They published their narratives from journals kept by
themselves. Alexander Somerville was a native of Maryland, and migrated
to Texas in 1833, where he followed his business as a merchant at San Felipe.
In 1835 he participated in the operations around San Antonio, and on the re
organization of the army, early in 1836, was made lieutenant-colonel. After
the battle of San Jacinto, in which he took part, he became senator in the
Texan congress in 1836-7. After his return from the ill-conducted expe
dition to the Rio Grande, he was made collector of customs at Saluria.
Somerville was accidentally drowned in 1854. Yoakum, ii. 368; Thrall, 622.
Both of these authors write 'Somervell.'

1/7 The auchor of the Jmirnal of the Texan Expedition against Mier, .... New
York, 1845, 8vo. pp. 487. Green was an opponent of Houston's, and in his
Reply to the Speech of General Sam Houston in the Senate of the United States, Aug.
1, 1854, makes use of a style of vituperation which could only have been en
joyed by Houston's bitterest enemies.

*62 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

vented the performance of the alcalde's promise, and
taken up a position on the river two miles below.
The Texans decided to cross the river and engage
the Mexicans, Captain Baker with his spy company
being sent in advance. Ampudia, however, on the
approach of the army retreated into the town.

The Texans now marched in the direction of the
city, and at 7 o'clock in the evening, took up a posi-

ROUTES OF ARMIES.

tion on the left bank of the Alcantro,28 a small stream
flowing into the Rio Grande, after describing a semi
circle round the northern portion of the town. The
night set in very dark. At the lower ford the Mexi
can cavalry was stationed, and a constant fire was
kept upon them by Baker's company, distracting at
tention while Green succeeded in discovering a cross
ing some little distance above. Having crossed with
some difficulty — the bluff being about forty feet above
the water's edge, and very steep — the Texans having
fired into a picket, advanced into a street leadinp* to
the principal square and protected by a cannon. From
this thoroughfare they turned to the right and took
possession of some stone houses, where they main-

28 Called by Ampudia, in his report, the Alamo. Diario del Gob. Mex.,
Jan. 19,1843.

HARD FIGHTING. 363

tained themselves till morning. Thus lodged, the
Texans ceased their fire, husbanding their ammunition
for the coining conflict. The Mexicans kept up a
continuous but useless fire for the rest of the night.

When morning dawned the artillery of the enemy
was soon silenced by the rifles of the Texans, and the
Mexicans had recourse to the house-tops, from which
they poured down volleys of musketry at the win
dows and loopholes of the buildings occupied by the
Texans. But while the fire of the former had little
effect, that of the unerring Texan marksmen was
deadly. Several times the enemy charged the in
vaders, but was repulsed with slaughter. Thus the
contest was carried on till noon.

Captain Berry on the previous evening had fallen
down a precipice and broken his thigh. He was re
moved to a hut some little distance from the place of
his accident, and Doctor Sinnickson and a guard of
seven men were detailed to attend upon him. About
this time the men with Berry attacked and routed a
troop of the enemy's cavalry, and were presently sur
rounded by a strong body of horsemen. In attempting
to fight their way through, two Texans only suc
ceeded in joining their comrades engaged in the town;
three were made prisoners, and three killed; while
Captain Berry was killed in his bed. Captain Cam
eron had lost three men killed and seven wounded,
and some little confusion for the first time showed
itself in the Texan command. It was soon, however,
suppressed; and the men were well prepared to resist
another charge momentarily expected, when a flag of
truce arrived from the enemy's line borne by Sinnick
son, — one of the captives just taken by the Mexican
cavalry, — who was unaware of the heavy losses sus
tained by the Mexicans, and the shattered condition of
the force.

Yes, the Mexican commander had recourse to the
old ruse of the white flag ; and again the Texans were
hoodwinked by their crafty and treacherous foe.

364 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

Sinnickson 29 was directed to state to Fisher that the
Mexican regular force in the city was 1700 strong,
and that a reenforcement of 800 more troops was
hourly expected from Monterey. Ampudia, there
fore, in the cause of humanity, offered the Texans an
honorable surrender, promising them that they should
be treated as prisoners of war, and should not be sent
to Mexico. An hour was allowed them to choose
between capitulation and death. Much discussion
followed the arrival of the flag.30 Most of the men
were not disposed to become dupes, and wished to
hold their position till night and then retreat ; but
sbill there were many, who in view of the supposed
superior numbers of the enemy, the diminished supply
of their own ammunition, and the apparent hopelessness
of retreat, were willing to surrender. Among the
latter was Fisher, who believed that a retreat would
involve the loss of two-thirds of the force. Ad
dressing the troops, he recommended them to accept
the terms offered. One half of the force thereupon
marched into the square and delivered up their arms,
followed by the rest, furious with indignation.

In this engagement the aggregate force of the
Texans was 261 men, 42 having been left on the east
bank of the Rio Grande as camp-guard. These latter
returned home in safety. The loss of the invaders
was 16 killed or mortally wounded, 17 severely, and
several slightly wounded.31 The number of Mexicans
engaged was over 2,000 ;32 what their loss was can

129 Sinnickson 's part has been severely condemned. See Stapp, Prisoners
ofPerote, 101-2.

30 Ampudia states in his official report, that the Texans sent in the flag of
truce, and that he dictated his terms to them. Diario del Gol>. Mcx. , Jan.
19, 1843. The fact is he was preparing to retreat in case the white flag was
not received.

31 List of those engaged at Mier, who were killed and mortally
wounded will be found in Green, id sup. , 437^3. In Ampudia's official re
port, as above quoted, a list of the prisoners, 248 in number, and their avo
cations in Texas will also be found. The Mexican general states that the
Texans had 38 killed, and 56 wounded.

32 The army was composed of the battalion of zapadores; a company of
regular artillery; several companies of the 7th infantry; several companies
of the Yucatan infantry; the 3d cavalry regiment, and some companies of
citizen defenders — ' def ensores. '

ESCAPE OF PRISONERS. 365

only be conjectured; but it was probably about 600
in killed and wounded.33

After their surrender the Texans were closely con
fined in crowded and filthy apartments till December
31st, when Ampudia, leaving behind the more seri
ously wounded of the Texans, took up his march to
Matamoros, where he arrived with his footsore pris
oners to the number of 235, January 9, 1843. The
unfortunate captives, who already realized the mis
take that had been made in relying upon Mexican
veracity, were started on the 14th, under a strong
cavalry guard, on their journey to Mexico. Their
hardships and privations on the road were similar to
those suffered by the Santa Fe prisoners, but at the
large towns, especially at Monterey, they received
kind treatment. Moreover Colonel Barragan, an
accomplished and humane officer, took command of
their escort at this city. But the deception that had
been practised upon them added gall to the bitterness
of captivity, and they determined to strike for free
dom. Preparations were made to charge the guard
at the hacienda of Rinconada, but the plan was frus
trated by the vigilance of the commanding officer,
who suspected the plot. Hav:ig passed Saltillo and
reached the hacienda del Salado, forty leagues be
yond, on the evening of the 10th, it was determined
no longer to defer making the attempt to escape.
The prisoners having matured their plans, Captain
Cameron was appointed to give the signal next
morning.

Between daylight and sunrise their breakfast was

33 Green, page 108, says between 700 and 800 killed and wounded. Stapp,
utsup., 37, considered that upward of 600 were slain, and that the number
of wounded was unknown. But he places the Mexican army at the high
number of over 3,200. Ampudia reported his loss to be 33 killed and 65
wounded; and that 22,000 musket cartridges had been expended in the battle,
besides 900 double-shotted ones, and a quantity of artillery ammunition.
These figures do not agree with Green's statement on page 109. He says,
according to the official report to the war department, 900 cannon cartridges,
43,000 musket cartridges, and 300 rockets were expended. Mexican ac
counts of the Mier expedition will be found in El Svjlo XIX., Jan. 11, 1843;
puatamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 110-12; Rivera, Hist. Jafapa, iii. 571-2.

366, END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

dealt out to the captives, who were confined in a large
corral surrounded by high walls. The cavalry were
picketed outside, and the infantry occupied a quad
rangular stone court and the buildings connected with
it. A large doorway opened from the court into the
corral. Cameron carelessly lounged up to the doorway,
the eyes of all his fellow-prisoners intensely fixed
upon him. Suddenly, shouting out the signal cry, he
seized one of the sentinels and disarmed him. S.
H. Walker dealt similarly with the other. The
Texans rushed like unleashed hounds into the court,
and seizing the muskets stacked against the walls
drove out the infantry after a few shots. But while
arming themselves a corrmany of infantry and some
cavalrymen rallied outside, and prepared to receive
them. There could be no hesitation now. Doctor
Brenham and Patrick Lyons34 leading the way, the
Texans rushed through the gateway. Brenham and
Lyons immediately fell, and several others were
wounded. But the Mexicans had too much dread of
Texans with firearms in their hands, and fled after a
feeble resistance. The loss of the victors was five
killed and five wounded;35 that of the Mexicans
probably not many more. By this bold charge, so
suddenly and successfully executed, the Texans ob
tained possession of 160 muskets and carbines, a
dozen swords and pistols, three mule loads of ammu
nition, and nearly 100 mules and horses.

To the number of 193,36 the fugitives, at 10 o'clock
A. M., started for home. Leaving Saltillo on their
right, they struck the road to Monclova, about thirty-
five miles north of the former place. Thus far, all

34 'Both released Santa Fe prisoners.' Stapp, ut sup., 58. Brenham was
one of the foremost to counsel a charge upon the guard. Id, , 56.

35 The names of the killed were: Brenham, Lyons, Bice, Capt. Fitzgerald,
and John Hagerty; of the wounded Captain Bakor, and privates Hancock,
Harvey, Sansbury, and Trahern. Id., 59.

a6The wounded were left behind with about 20 others, who refused to ac
company them. Stapp, 59. Col Fisher and Gen. Green, with some others,
had been started in advance that morning before the charge was made, and
could not take part in it.

RECAPTURE AND DECIMATION. 367

had gone well; but on February 14th, Cameron, who
had been chosen commander, was induced by the ob
stinacy of the more timid of the party to abandon the
road and take refuge in the mountains. This was
contrary to the urgent advice of a European friend,
who had met them on the way, and assured them
that if they kept on the road to Monclova, no detach
ment could immediately be sent in pursuit large enough
to recapture them. The step taken was fatal; they
entered a barren and waterless mountain region. Hag
gard with hunger, crazy with thirst, having killed
some of their animals for food, and abandoned the
rest, they wandered on till the 18th, when the main
body, scattered and exhausted, surrendered, without
show of resistance, to a body c f cavalrymen. Cameron,
with about fifty of the stronger men, had preceded
the rest, and been already recaptured. During the
following days, stragglers were continually brought
in, till the number of prisoners retaken amounted to
182.37 On March 25th, the forlorn captives, heavily
fettered, reentered the hacienda del Salado, the scene
of their former desperate achievement. Here they
were presently informed that orders had been received
from Santa Anna to decimate them. No time was
lost. The same evening 159 white beans and 1 7 black
ones38 were placed in an earthern crock, and the pris
oners made to draw one consecutively, a black bean
signifying death. Cameron was made to draw first,
but escaped the fate it was hoped would fall upon him.
Three fourths of the beans were drawn before the urn
yielded up the last fatal lot ; then the irons were struck
oif the victims, and at sunset they were led forth to
die. Seated upon a log near the eastern wall, they were
blindfolded, and fired upon till they ceased to breathe.39

37 According to Green, 165-8. The same author states that 5 men died in
the mountains; 5 were left there, and were supposed to have perished; and
4 effected their escape to Texas. /(/., 444, 446. There is therefore a discrep
ancy of three between the original number 193 and the latter figures given by
this writer.

38 Representing 176 prisoners, the sick having been left on the road. Stapp
says the number was 174.

39 Their names were: John S. Cash, James D. Cocke, Major Robert Dun-

368 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

The survivors were marched to the city of Mexico,
several dying on the way. At Huehuetoca, about six
leagues from the capital, Captain Cameron, who had
escaped the death-lottery of March 25th, was exe
cuted, April 25th, by order of Santa Anna. The re
mainder of the prisoners were put to work at road-
making. In September, the greater portion of them
were sent to the fortress of Perote, where they found

FORTRESS or PEROTE.

most of the Bejar prisoners. General Green, Colonel
Fisher, and some others had been sent direct to this
stronghold, and on July 2d, Green and seven other
captives effected their escape, having tunnelled through
the foundations of the fortress. Through the inter-
ham, Captain William M. Estland, Edward E. Bate, Robert Harris, Thomas
L. Jones, Patrick Mahan, James Ogden, Charles M. Roberts, William Rowan,
James L. Shepherd, J. M. N. Thompson, James N. Torrey, James Tumbull,
Henry Whaling, M. C. Wing. Shepherd being struck in the face at the first
fire, the ball inflicting only a bad flesh-wound, fell forward and feigned
death. When night came on, he crawled away to the mountains, but com
pelled by hunger, after wandering for several weeks, surrendered himself,
was? taken to Saltillo, recognized, and shot in the public square. Id., 74;
Thrall, 331.

PELEASE OF PRISONERS. 369

cession of General Waddy Thompson, the last of the
Bejar prisoners, to the number of thirty-eight, were
released in March 1844.40

On the subject of the release of the Mier prisoners,
much correspondence was carried on between the gov
ernments of Texas and those of the United States and
Great Britain, through their representatives. The
expedition under Fisher was conducted without the
sanction of the Texan government, and in direct de
fiance of General Somerville's order to march home.
By the United States and Great Britain it was re
garded as a marauding incursion, and those powers
remonstrated with Texas, when it sought their inter
position in behalf of the prisoners. The defence of
the Texan government, however, was based on reason
able grounds. Admitting, said the executive, that
they went without orders, and were thereby placed
beyond the protection of the rules of war, yet the
Mexican officers, by proposing terms of capitulation
to the men, relieved them from the responsibility
which they had incurred.41

40 Thompson, Recol Mex., 77-9. Particulars as to the fates of the 67
Bejar prisoners are supplied by Green, pp. 447-8.

Number of those who escaped July 2, 1843 5

Released by Santa-Robinson, his commissioner 1

Released through the intercession of U. S. minister 3

Released through the intercession of Gen. Jackson 1

Killed at Salado 2

Died in prison in Mexico 8

Escaped from Mexico 3

Released from Perote 38

Number of prisoners of whom there is no knowledge, but who are presumed
to have perished 6

Total 67

41 On this subject, see Yoakum, ii. 395-8. The opposition papers of the
time charged the president with endeavoring to prejudice Santa Anna against
the prisoners by admitting that the movement across the Rio Grande had
been made on their own responsibility. On Jan. 10, 1846, Gen. Green pub
lished an address to the people of Texas in which he holds Houston respon
sible for the decimation of the Mier prisoners March 25, 1843, on the ground
that he begged the mercy of the Mexican government for them, ' though they
had entered Mexico contrary to law and authority. ' Copy will be found in
Green's Reply, ut sup., 29-36 et seq. Green, in his Journal of the Texan Expe
dition against Mier, expressed himself very bitterly against Houston, and
brought forward charges against him which the latter considered so serious
that he denounced them, Aug. 1, 1854, as calumnies before the U. S. senate,
of which he was then member from Texas. Houston dealt equally severely

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 24

370 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

Meantime the captives were kept in confinement,
and most of them made to do servile labor. From
time to time a few escaped; eleven were released
through the intercession of the United States and
British ministers, and no small number of them died
under their privations. Finally the remainder, 107
in number, were liberated by Santa Anna, September
16, 1844, in commemoration of Mexico's national
day."

Both the Santa Fe and Mier expeditions prove
that Texas was in no condition to carry on an offen
sive war against Mexico.

with Green, and considered that his book should receive the attention of the
chairman of the committee of the library of congress, and be condemned.
Houston's speech elicited a reply from Green, who in scathing terms assailed
his opponent. Cong. Glol>e, 1854, app. 1214-18; Id., 1855, 742; Green's Reply
to Houston, Feb. 15, 1855, p. 67.

** Dc/ensor Intey. Nac., Sept. 25, Oct. 5, 1844; the names of the released
prisoners being given. Three of them were released from the Santiago
prison in the capital, and the remaining 104 from Perote. Rivera, Hist.
Jalapa, iii. 633. From Green's Journal I gather the following particulars
relative to the Mier prisoners.

Number Texans who fought at Mier 261

Number of killed in battle 10

Nnmber of men who died of wounds 6

Number of men who escaped from Mier 2 18

Number of prisoners 243

Killed at Salado, Feb. 11, 1843 5

Texans shot at Salado, March 25, 1843 17

Captain Camero, shot Apr. 25, 1843 1

Texans who died in the mountains 5

Texans left in the mountains 5

Texans who escaped from the mountains 4

Texans left wounded at Mier and who escaped 8

Texans who died in Mexico (1843) 35

Released through intercession of U. S. min 7

Released through intercession of H. B. M.'s min 4

Released by Santa Anna voluntarily 3

Escaped from the city of Mexico 9

Escaped from Perote, July 2, 1843 3

Escaped from Perote, March 25, 1844 9 115

Number of captives remaining 128

Released in September 1844 107

21

Orlando Phelps was released by Santa Anna on the arrival of the prisoners
at the capital — Thompson's Recollec. Mesr., 75-6 — and W. P. Stapp — author
of The Prisoners of Perote, Philadelphia, 1845, p. 164— was liberated May
16, 1844, and five other captives a few weeks previous to the final release.
Green, 477. Thus 14 prisoners are unaccounted for, it being presumable that
they may be added to Green's list of those who died of sickness and priva
tions during their incarceration.

ANOTHER ILL-FATED AFFAIR. 371

One more unsuccessful expedition has to be re
corded. In 1842 information was received in Texas
that a richly laden Mexican caravan would start on
its return to Santa Fe from Missouri in the spring of
1843. On application to the government, Colonel
Jacob Snively was authorized to organize a force for
the purpose of intercepting it, as it crossed territory
claimed by Texas, south of the Arkansas river, and
through which the Santa Fe trail ran. At the end
of May, Snively, with about 180 men, reached the
Arkansas and encamped on the right bank, 25 miles
below the point where the caravan route crossed the
river. Here they learned, through their scouts, that
a Mexican force of 500 or 600 men was in the neigh
borhood waiting to escort the caravan when it arrived.
On June 17th the Texans received news of its ap
proach, and moreover, that it was guarded by 200
U. S. dragoons under Captain Philip St George
Cooke. On the 20th they fell in with a large ad
vance party of the Mexican force; an encounter en
sued, seventeen of the enemy were slain, and eighty
taken prisoners, the Texans obtaining a good supply
of provisions and horses. After this feat, dissension
divided the command into two parties, one of which,
about seventy in number, abandoned the enterprise
and elected Captain Chandler as their leader to con
duct them home. Snively's camp was discovered by
Cooke, June 30th, who thereupon sent for the Texan
leader and informed him that he was on United
States territory. iSiiively protested ; Cooke refused
to listen to any explanation, crossed the river with his
dragoons, and compelled the Texans to give up their
arms. Snively's party numbered only 107 men, and
Cooke had brought two pieces of artillery to bear upon
them. The United States' officer allowed them to
retain ten muskets for self-protection! They were
600 miles away from home, with Mexicans on one
side and hostile Indians on the other. Fortunately
Chandler's party was still not far off and had escaped

372 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

the observation of Cooke, who offered to escort to
Independence, Missouri, as many of Snively's men as
might choose to go thither. About 50 Texans ac
cepted the invitation ; the rest united with Chandler's
command. Some attempt was still made to go after
the caravan, but the adventurers, fearing they would
be overpowered, abandoned the project, and turned
their steps homeward. After two encounters with
Indians, in which four of their number were killed,
the Texans reached Bird's Fort, on the Trinity,
August 6th, and there disbanded/3

One of the Bejar prisoners confined in the fortress
of Perote was J. W. Robinson, lieutenant-governor
of Texas in 1835. Probably with no other intention
than that of gaining his liberty, he addressed, Janu
ary 9, 1843, a letter to Santa Anna, then in retire
ment at Manga de Clavo,. stating that he believed, if
a personal interview were granted him, that he
could furnish Santa Anna with important information,
and lay before him a plan for the reunion of Texas
with Mexico, the details of which it would be impos
sible to explain by letter. He proceeded to state that
the Texans were anxious for peace, but its establish
ment could not be effected without first entering into
an armistice; that if this were done great benefits
would result to Mexico. The Texan people, he said,
discontented with the administration of Houston,
would become disposed to a reunion, and he did not
hesitate to assure his excellency that Texas would
agree to reunion under the following nine conditions :
that there should be an amnesty for the past; that

^Yoakum, ii. 399-405; Thrall, 332-6. Both these authors consulted
various manuscripts, written by persons who accompanied the expedition,
among which may be mentioned, S. A. Miller's Journal, and the account by
Colonel Hugh F. Youny, of San Antonio. The U. S. afterward recognized
that the Texans were not on U. S. soil, and finally paid $18.50 for each fire
arm taken. When Gen. Houston was senator in the congress at Washing
ton he declared that the expedition was unauthorized, but Yoakum quotes
from the letter of instructions from the sec. of war, and Young- according
to Thrall — states that he saw one signed Sam Houston.

INTERPOSITION INVOKED. 373

Texas should recognize the sovereignty of Mexico;
that Texas should have a separate government ; should
defend herself against hostile Indians, and assist
Mexico in reducing them to obedience; should send
representatives to the Mexican congress ; would pay
her contingent of Mexico's national debt ; contribute
her quota toward the expenses of the general govern
ment; in cases of litigation Texas should have the
right of appeal to the supreme court of Mexico ; and
that Mexicans who had taken part in the Texan revo
lution should not lose their rio-hts.

^

This precious communication was sent by Santa
Anna to Jose Maria Tornel, the minister of war, re
questing him to lay it before the substitute president,
Nicolas Bravo; if that functuary gave his approval,
Santa Anna would grant Robinson an interview.
Bravo did approve, and the government authorized
the retired dictator to negotiate with Robinson as he
might think proper. The result was that the Bejar
prisoner was released, appointed commissioner by
Santa Anna, and despatched, without loss of time,
with instructions to propose, on the part of Mexico,
the reincorporation of Texas, on the basis appended in
the note below.44

Of course the proposition was not entertained for a
moment ; in fact it was scoffed at by the people. But
all the world might laugh while Robinson had the
satisfaction of having gained his liberty.

In the meantime the Texan government had applied

44 Mexico, desirous of terminating the war, offered to grant an unre
stricted amnesty to all whom it might concern; the security of person and
property would be guaranteed; the inhabitants of Texas should lay down
their arms, and acknowledge the sovereignty, laws, rules, and orders of
Mexico, without the slightest modification; this fundamental basis being
admitted, Texas might appoint her functionaries and authorities, military
and political, in accordance with the constitution; Mexican troops should not
be sent into Texas while Texas should provide for her own security on the
frontiers; with regard to the legislative power, laws considered proper for
the good government of Texas, might be proposed to the general congress
for approval; and lastly Texas should conform in all other matters to regu
lations that might be established for the other departments of the republic.
El Si</io XIX, July 12, 1843, in which the whole official correspondence on this
matter is published.

374 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

to the three powers, the United States, Great Britain,
and France, invoking their joint interposition, to Dut
an end to the war.45

The British government, however, while signifying
its readiness to mediate alone, declined to act jointly
with the United States, believing that the relations
between the latter power and Mexico, were such as
would not tend to advance the object aimed at by the
proposed representation. But Great Britain, none
the less, proffered her good services to Mexico singly.48
That a more narrow than usual self-interest guided
England's policy with regard to Texas cannot be
denied. She would gladly have seen the young nation's
independent sovereignty acknowledged by Mexico,
and lastingly maintained; and was correspondingly
unwilling to witness the aggrandizement of the United
States by the annexation of Texas. When, therefore,
the annexation question was again agitated in the
cabinet at Washington early in 1 8 43, 47 Percy Doyle,
the British representative at Mexico, mediated so suc
cessfully that Santa Anna, secretly disposed to treat,
agreed to an armistice. Doyle was authorized to in
form President Houston, through Charles Elliot,
British charge d'affairs to Texas, that he would give
immediate orders for the cessation of hostilities, and
would be ready to receive commissioners from Texas,
to treat on the terms of peace proposed by him.
Doyle's courier was taken by the British sloop-of-war
Sylla, to Galveston, arriving there June 9th. Houston
accepted the proposal, and on the loth of the same
month issued a proclamation, ordering a cessation of
hostilities pending negotiations for peace between the
two countries.46

45 Copy of Houston's address to the Great Powers, dated Oct 15, 1842,
is supplied in Lexer's Houston and /tis J?(p., 163-7.

*8ndtk'* JRa*. Tex. Rep., 44.

47 Tyler and his cabinet were favorable to annexation. On Feb. 10, 1843,
Van Zandt, the Texan charge d'affairs at Washington, was informed by his
government that he was authorized to intimate to the U. S. gov't, if the
matter were brought up, that in case any advance were made on its part,
Texas would renew the proposal for annexation. Yoakum, 407

« Copy in Site* £eg., btiv., 307.

COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED. 375

Negotiations were conducted slowly. Texas was in
no haste in the matter. The longer the interval of
peace, the better would it be for her interests in every
point of view. Communications were interchanged
through the medium of the British representatives in
the two countries, relative to various matters prelim
inary to the appointment of commissioners, such as
the question of the reciprocal release of prisoners — the
Mexican government complaining that all the pris
oners captured at San Jacinto had not been liberated—
the recalling of the forces under Snively, and the
killing of Mexicans lately on the south-western
border. All these matters were successively settled
by Houston, who stated that all San Jacinto prisoners
had been set at liberty in 1837, that Snively had been
recalled, and that the Mexicans killed on the borders
were banditti, who assumed either nationality as
suited their marauding purposes.

On September 26th, George W. Hocklev and
Samuel M. Williams were appointed the commissioners
on the part of Texas, to meet those of General Woll,
who had been authorized by Santa Anna to treat
with Texas concerning the terms of the armistice.
The appointees of Woll were Senores Landeras and
Jaunequi. The instructions given to Hockley and Wil
liams indicate the desire of the Texan government to gain
time. They were to endeavor to establish a general
armistice pending negotiations for a permanent peace,
and for such further period as they could agree upon,
requiring due notice to be given by either party dis
posed to resume hostilities, through the minister of
Great Britain, near the corresponding government,
six months previous to any act of hostility. They
were also to agree that Texas should appoint com
missioners, clothed with full powers, to meet at the
capital of Mexico, to negotiate for the adjustment of
difficulties and the establishment of a permanent
peace.

The United States and Great Britain were watch-

376 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

ing each other's action as bearing upon the future of
the young republic, with jealous eyes; and now the
government of the former nation showed its intention
no longer to look quietly on. President Tyler's views
with regard to annexation were no secret, nor was it
a matter of doubt that the question would be brought
before the house when congress met in December
1843. The Mexican government, accordingly, in
August of that year, declared that the passage of any
act by the congress at Washington to incorporate
Texas with the United States would be considered
equivalent to a declaration of war/9 Tyler, in his
message to congress December 5, 1843, regarded this
threat on the part of Mexico as extraordinary, and
after remarking that since the battle of San Jacinto
the war had consisted for the most part of predatory
incursions, stated that the United States had an im
mediate interest in seeing that an end be put to the
state of hostilities existing between Mexico and Texas;
that such a system of warfare, by weakening both
powers, rendered them subjects of interference on the
part of more powerful nations ; that the United States
could not be expected to permit such interference to
their own disadvantage, and that the government was
bound, by every consideration of interest and sym
pathy, to see that Texas should be left free to act,
unawed by force, and unrestrained by the policy of
other countries.

The language is plain, and the intention evident.
Mexico was not to wage war with Texas, nor were
European powers to interfere by mediation in the ad
justment of the difficulties between the two nations,
or endeavor to establish peace between them. While
the preliminary negotiations for the armistice were
going on, England invited France to join her in the
mediation, and these powers did not fail to comment
severely upon the ill-advised remarks of President

49Bocanegra to Waddy Thompson, in U. 8. H. Ex. Doc., 28 cong., 1 sess.,
no. 2, 26-7. See correspondence on the subject in Id., 27-30, 35, 38-9, 41-8.

ANNEXATION AND SLAVERY. 377

Tyler, made at a time when a cessation of hostilities
had actually occurred, and without considering in any
degree what might be the wishes of the people of
Texas or the decision of her government on matters
touching her own welfare. But the United States
were greatly agitated by the idea that a blow was be
ing aimed by England, through Texas, at one of their
own institutions. It was believed by the entire mass
of the southern people, and a large portion of the in
habitants of the northern states, that a plan was being
formed in Great Britain to abolish slavery in the
south.50 Opposed as were the people of the north to
slavery, they were not going to tolerate the interfer
ence of a foreign power in the settlement of the
nation's domestic concerns. Texas was, therefore, no
longer to be regarded unfavorably by them, as had
hitherto been the case, and a tolerably strong party,
friendly to annexation, sprung up among them. As
for Mexico, when she became aware of the steps
which were being taken in the United States and
Texas to procure the incorporation of the latter, her
indignation knew no bounds.

Meantime the peace commissioners met at Salinas51

50 It was considered in the U. S. that the leading motive of England in
taking such an active interest in the affairs of Texas was her design to effect
the abolition of slavery in that country. Yoakum takes this view, and goes
so far as to state that ' Mr Doyle, the British charge d'affaires, had Leon in
structed to propose to Mexico a settlement of her difficulties with Texas, based
upon the abolition of slavery in the latter. ' This is untrue; and Ashbel Smith,
Texan minister in London at the time, takes the trouble to correct this ' grave
error ' as he calls it. ' Mr Doyle, ' says he, ' was not so instructed; he was not
instructed at all on these matters.' Rent. Tex. Rep., 58. The fact of the
matter is that it was the Bricish and Foreign Anti-slavery Society in London,
and not the English cabinet that caused the hubbub, and produced the exas
peration in the U. S. against Great Britain. It was the meddlesome mem
bers of this society that hastened the annexation; and the same author
expresses his belief that the British government had no sympathy with or
respect for them. Consult, on this subject, Id., 49-58. Anson Jones says —
Mem., 1850, p. 52, in Tin-all, 347 — 'the subject of domestic slavery, about
which so much alarm existed in 1844-5, was never so much as mentioned or
alluded to by the British minister to the government of Texas, except to
disclaim, in the most emphatic terms, any intention on the part of England
ever to interfere with it here. ' See also Niks' Reg., Ixiv. 404. On the diplo
matic negotiations with Great Britain see' Smith, ut sup. , 59-64.

^Not, as Yoakum has it, Sabinas, ii. 421; Thrall, p. 337, seems to have
copied this error, See Rivera, Hi#t. Jalapa, iii. 624.

378 END OF THE TEXAS REPUBLIC.

on the west side of the Rio Grande. After some
difficulties the proceedings were hastened by the agi
tation which prevailed, owing to the news from the
United States, and on February 15, 1844, the armis
tice was signed, the arrangements being made that
hostilities should cease pending negotiations for peace,
the duration of which was not to be extended beyond
May 1st, unless peace was probable. Houston refused
to ratify it, as it referred to Texas as a department of
Mexico, and on June 16th, Woll instructed by Santa
Anna, sent in a manifesto to Houston announcing
that Mexico had resumed hostilities.52 But during
the short remaining existence of the Texan republic
her foe confined her hostile intentions to menaces and
preparations for war.

At the election held September 2, 1844, Anson
Jones was chosen president, and Kenneth L. Ander
son, vice-president. No more important election had
yet been held in the republic, inasmuch as it repre
sented at that date the feelings of the people on the
great question of incorporation into the United States.
Edward Burleson was Jones' competitor and an an-
nexationist. The total number of votes cast was
12,752, of which Jones polled 7,037, and Burleson
5,661, the remaining 54 votes being scattering.53
Jones was supposed to be an anti-annexationist.

The ninth congress having met and organized,
December 3d, President Houston delivered his fare
well message. He represented the foreign and do-

62 Assigning as the reason, the failure of the commissioners to proceed to
Mexico, according to the 4th art. of the armistice, to regulate differences.
Copy in Niles' Reg., Ixvi. 382. Relative to this armistice and English rela
tions with Texas the reader can consult, Id., Ixiv. 307, 404; Ixv. 34, 178,
212; Ixvi. 96-8, 113, 280, 382; Ixvii. 113-14; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 600-1,
623-7; Bustamante, Hist. S. Anna, 112-16; De Bow's Eiicyc., 1844, 2d ed.
265-9.

53 The number of counties was 36, which sent up 61 delegates to the con
vention of 1845, 35 of whom were anti-annexationists, and 26 annexationists.
In Niles' Reg., Ixviii. 249, will be found a tabular form, giving the names
of the counties, the number of votes cast in each, and the number of
delegates sent by each. Only five counties, namely, Harris, Harrison,
Nacogdoches, Red River, and Washington sent three delegates; Mont
gomery sent four; eighteen counties sent one delegate, and thirteen sent two.

ANSON JONES, PRESIDENT. .379

mestic relations of the republic to be in a prosperous
condition. Treaties of ainity, navigation, and com
merce had been exchanged with several of the German
states. The most important part of the message
refers to the subjects of the proceeding pages of this
chapter. " The governments of Great Britain and
France," he says, " still maintain towards us those
sentiments of friendship and good feeling which have
ever marked their intercourse with us, and which it
should continue to be our studious care, by every
proper manifestation on our part, to strengthen and
reciprocate. There is no ground to suspect that the
late agitation of international questions between this
republic, and that of the United States, has in any
degree abated their desire for our continued pros
perity and independence, or caused them to relax their
good offices to bring about the speedy and honorable
adjustment of our difficulties with Mexico. That
they should evince anxiety for our separate existence,
and permanent independence as a nation is not only
natural, but entirely commendable." And he adds,
that they were too well acquainted with the history
of the Texan republic's origin, to suppose that she
would surrender one jot of liberty and right of self-
government. "They will not ask it, they do not ex
pect it, we would not yield it." Such were the
words of the president some ten months before the
popular vote proclaimed almost unanimously in favor
of annexation. But Houston had some reason for
expressing himself thus. On June 8th the United
States senate, after continuing in secret session till
9 o'clock p. M., discussing the treaty of annexation,
which had been brought before it by a joint resolution
of the house, rejected its ratification by a vote of 35
to 16.55 Politically, Texas was not in an enviable
position at this time. She was, unwittingly, the
shuttlecock of stronger powers. Influenced by agi-

** Nile* Reg., Ixvii 272.

Globe, 28 cong., 1 sess., xiii.;pt 1, p. 692.

380 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

tators from the United States, which used England
as their bugbear, her people rapidly changed their
feelings against annexation. Rather than occupy the
position of a minor nation, she consented to throw
down the sceptre of individual sovereignty under the
shield of her powerful sister, while saving her own
dignity by waiting to be invited to do so.

On retiring from office, Houston was surrounded by
stanch friends and bitter enemies, who were not choice
in the language they made use of in denouncing each
other's policy. But it is not my purpose to record
the many unseemly recriminations, the numerous
personal insults, which at this time and later,56 were
bandied to and fro between the parties,57 or to con
stitute myself a judge. But an unbiased observer
cannot ignore facts. Houston, by the close of his
second administration, had again, by a pacific policy,
brought the Indians to terms of peace;58 by his sug
gestions the expenses of the government were so re-'

66 Consult, Green's Journal, Mier Exped., passim. Houston's Speech, Aug.
1, 1854, in Cong. Globe, 1854, append. 1214-18. Id., 1855, 742. Greens Reply to
Houston, Feb. 15, 1855, p. 67.

57 On the question of annexation, Branch T. Archer — formerly a member
of Lamar's cabinet — came out with a letter in which he considered that he
proved that Houston and Jones ' pledged themselves to the Brittsh govern
ment that they were opposed to annexation.' /(/., Ixviii. 374. How utterly
at variance with this assertion are Anson Jones' remarks ! In his Memor
anda for 1850, under date of Feb. 1st, we read: 'The annexation of Texas
is an event, the resulting consequences of which are too vast to be yet rea
lized or calculated. Of this measure I was the architect. I saved it subse
quently from the destructive violence of some potent enemies, as well as of
its best friends in the United States and Texas, who, like the boys in chase
of the butterfly, would have crushed it in their imprudent and impatient
grasp. The exciting and balancing of the constantly acting and re-acting
rxval influences of England, France, Mexico, and the United States, and
conveying them all to the one point, with the view, and for the purpose of
effecting my object, was a labor, in which for five years I did not give sleep
to my eyes or slumber to my eyelids, and in which I was finally successful.'
R"p. Tex., 44-5. The course adopted by Jones gave mortal offence to
Houston.

58 A treaty of perpetual amity was concluded Sept. 28, 1843, with ten
tribes, viz: the Tiwaheones, Keachies, Wacoes, Caddoes, Anadalikoes, Ironies,
Cherokees, Boloxies, Dela wares, and Chickasaws. Niks' Reg., Ixv. 195. The
celebrated Texan ranger, Col John C. Hays, says: 'Before the annexation
of Texas the Indians in that part of the country were pretty well whipped
out, and they retreated far back into the interior with their families, and
mostly ceased their depredations upon the whites.' Hays Life, and Adven.,
MS., 11. The Comanches are, doubtless, referred to by the colonel,

CHARACTER OF HOUSTON. 381

duced tliat tlie revenue was adequate to meet them ;
and both in an agricultural and commercial point of
view Texas thrived under his non-hostile policy.

Houston was a singular man. Gifted with no ordi
nary abilities and well educated, he was fully capable
of guiding the helm of government. His great fail
ings were vanity and its companion— jealousy. More
over, he clothed himself in a robe of mystery, thereby
causing offence. The student of history cannot fail
to be impressed with his achievements in the cause of
Texas. Mistakes he made, but they were more in
the direction of giving offence to opponents than
measures detrimental to the solidity and vitality of
his adopted country, whose interests he had ever at
heart. Houston had hard men to deal with — fiery
spirits, all ambitious of fame. During the struggle
for independence, the most enterprising and the boldest
men flocked into Texas from the United States — men
prominent alike by their physical and mental capabilities.
Texas offered a field on which they might win renown.
Thus it was that high position in the army was ever
a contested prize, and each aspiring officer sought to
be the leader. With such aspirants, it is not to be
wondered that every move and every act of the gen-
eral-in-chief were taken notice of and criticised un
favorably by those who thought they could do better.
His Fabian policy in his famous retreat from Gonzalez
caused much murmuring and ill-will among his impa
tient followers. But his principle was sound in the
highest degree. To lure the enemy to the banks of
the Sabine, far from his base of supplies and source
of recruits, and give him battle on a broader land,
where the Texans could confidently expect military
aid from the United States, was matchless strategy.
This engagement with the foe at San Jacinto was
doubtless brought about, to some extent, by pressure.
But, if Houston had not had a clear perception of
every- probability of victory, he never would have
fought that battle. His moral courage was para-

382 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

mount to insubordinate dictation. His troubles, also,
with regards to immigrants were not light. Every
incomer was determined and ready to sustain his
claim to the land on which he settled, whether hold
ing a forged or legal certificate of " head-right.' The
fact that Houston maintained himself at the head of
such a community proves his ability and worth.

In his inaugural address President Jones stated
that his object would be the maintenance of public
credit; the reduction of the expenses of government;
the abolishment of paper issues; the revision of the
tariff law; the establishment of a system of public
schools ; the attainment of speedy peace with Mexico,
and friendly and just relations with the Indians on
the frontier ; the introduction of the penitentiary sys
tem ; and the encouragement of internal improvement.
Not a word was said on the subject of annexation.

Jones' administration was destined to be short. On
February 28, 1845, a joint resolution of the two
houses in favor of the incorporation of Texas into the
union was passed in the United States' congress. On
March 1st President Polk signed the document, and
to Texas was left the decision of accepting or not the
invitation. President Jones on May 5th issued a
proclamation for the election of delegates to a gen
eral convention to consider the proposition passed by
the United States' congress. On July 4th the con
vention met at Austin, and appointed a committee to
which the question was referred to be reported upon.
The committee drew up an ordinance in the form of a
joint resolution in favor of annexation, recommending
its adoption by both houses of congress. Only one
member voted against the ordinance,59 which was

59 Richard Bache, a grandson of Benjamin Franklin, representative for
Galveston. Thrall, 350. Copy of the joint resolution of the U. S. congress
submitted to Texas will be found in U. S. Charters and Constit., ii. 1704-5.
By the terms of it all public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports, and
harbors, navy and navy-yards, docks, magazines, arms, and armanent were
to be ceded to the U. S., while Texas was to retain possession of all her
public lands.

CONSTITUTION AND ADMISSION. 383

submitted, together with a new constitution,60 framed
and adopted by the convention, to the decision of the
people. On October 13th both the ordinance and the
constitution were ratified by an almost unanimous
vote. President Polk, December 29, 1845, approved
the joint resolution of the United States congress
that Texas should be admitted into the union,61 and
on February 19, 1846, President Jones surrendered
the executive authority to the newly elected governor,
J. Pinckney Henderson.62 The lone star of Texas
sank below the horizon to rise again amidst a constel
lation of unapproachable splendor.

60 According to this state constitution, the legislature was to meet
biennially; senators were to be chosen for four years, one-half biennially;
ministers of the gospel were not elegible to the legislature; bills for raising
revenue were to originate in the house of representatives; the governor's
veto to any bill could be nullified by a subsequent two-thirds' vote of both
houses in its favor; after 1850 a census of the free white population was to
be taken every eight years for the apportionment of representation. The
judiciary was to consist of one supreme court, district courts, and inferior
courts; the judges of the supreme and district courts were appointed by the
governor, with consent of two thirds of the senate, and hold office for six
years; the supreme court had appellate jurisdiction only, and in criminal
cases, and in appeals from interlocutory judgments, it was regulated by
the legislature. The district courts had original jurisdiction in all criminal
cases, and if the punishment was not specifically determined by law, the jury
were to determine it. County courts for probate business were established
and held in each county. The governor was chosen by plurality of votes
for two years, and was only elegible for four years out of six; he could hold
no other office, civil or military One-tenth of the annual revenue by taxa
tion was to be appropriated to tree public schools. No corporation with
banking privileges was to be chartered. The aggregate of state debt con
tracted in future was not to exceed .si 00, 000. Family homesteads, not ex
ceeding 200 acres, and in value $2,000, were exempted from forced sale.
Amendments to this constitution, after having been agreed to by two-thirds
of each house, were to be submitted to the people; if then approved by a
majority of the voters, and subsequently by two thirds of each house of the
next legislature, they became valid parts of the constitution. Fisher and
CottnjsAmer. Statls. An., 1854, 394-5.

6<1 U. S. H. Misc., vol. 19, doc. 45, pt 4, 122-4.

62 For fuller particulars on the subject of the Texan annexation see Hist.
Mex., v. -322-38, this series; Niks' Reg., Ixxii. 222-3, 267-8, 287; Ixxiii. 11,
31, 47, 147, 235-9, 280-2, 398-411; Ixxiv. 105-6; U. S., Repub. of, 62; Galla-
tin's Pence with Mcx., 7-9; Otcro, Conmn. Negoc. Dip., in Pap. Far., 87, no. 14.

William Kennedy, Texas: The Rise, Progress, and Prospects of the Republic
oj Texas. London, 1841, 8vo, 2 vols., pp. Hi, 378, and vi. 548; 2 maps. 'Hie
author of this valuable work served in 1838, under Lord Durham, Governor-
General of Canada, as assistant commissioner for enquiring into the munici
pal institutions of Lower Canada. Lord Durham's abrupt resignation having
brought the commission to a permature close, Kennedy took the opportunity
of visiting a large portion of the U. S., and extended his journey to lexas.
During his residence there circumstances were so favorabls to his acquiring

384 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

information on the political condition of the country, as to induce him to
undertake the task of publishing the result of his enquiries and observations.
His work contains a comprehensive history of all important events in Texas,
from 1690 to 1840, and supplies a vast amount of information on every
subject included in the 'rise, progress, and prospects' of a new coimtry.
Kennedy was a keen observer; and better still, his observations were con
ducted without prejudice, and are correct; his reflections were deeply
thoughtful, and, though evidently regarding with favor the Anglo- American
colonists, and vindicating them in their action with regard to Mexico, his
conclusions are just. His style is particularly graceful, felicitous, and at
tractive, rising frequently to eloquence; and the different topics and subjects
of his work are well and carefully combined. Two good maps accompany
it, one of which, facing p. 336, vol. 1., indicates the grants of land conceded
under the empresario system of Mexico. Another edition was published in
N. Y. in 1844.

H. Yoakum — Histonj of Texas from its first settlement in 1G85, to its Annexa
tion to the United States in 1846. New York, 1856, 8vo, 2 vols., pp. 482, 576.
Illust. and maps. This is a work which may be considered as one of the
best, if not the best, history of Texas. No other production of the kind in
English supplies a more complete account of Texan events, the author hav
ing had the advantage of preceding works of importance, such as those of
Kennedy, Foote, and other writers. His account of the early missionary
labors and the founding, system, and decline of the missions is good, though
brief; as also the information which he gives about the Indian tribes and
their wars against the whites. Yoakum certainly made many mistakes,
and has been frequently corrected by subsequent writers ; he was an in
timate friend of General Houston, and displays his admiration of him in his
work; but this does not warrant Richardson, in saying that Yoakum's
partiality was carried to an extreme of adulation, and habitually ignored
the sanctity of truth. The same writer considered that there was no doubt
that Yoakum received his data and voluminous documents from Houston, in
spite of the latter 's assertion that the work was one with which the com-
mander-in-chief had no connection. This may be true to some extent, but
when he goes on to say, ' we entertain no doubt that there are, in that book,
letters, despatches, and documents, which were concocted for the book, and
long posterior to the events they refer to,' — Tex. Aim., 1860, 38 — 3uch a
remark is not only reckless, as Richardson does not produce a shadow of
proof, but bears the mark of enmity and malice. Yoakum supplies a large
number of documents in his appendices, among which mention rnu^t be made
of the copy of an old record in the archives of Bejar, bearing the date of
1744, and which contains much information on the early history of Texas;
and of a memoir written by Col. Ellis P. Bean, about the year 1816, in
which an account of Nolan's inroad is given, and of Bean's subsequent
romantic career in Mexico, first as a prisoner, and afterward as a soldier
fighting in the cause of the independence.

Henry Stuart Foote — Texas and the Texans. or Advance of the Anglo-Ameri
cans to the South- West, etc., etc. Philadelphia, 1841, 12mo, 2vols.,pp. viii.
314, and v. 403. This author opens his work with a review of the leading
events in Mexico, from the conquest by Cortes to the termination of the
war of independence. He then enters upon Texan matters, and describes
the numerous expeditions into Texas from the U. S. Of the Fredonian war
he gives a very full account, preceded by a sketch of the progress of Austin's
colony. The second volume is devoted to the Texan war of independence,
and the causes which led to its outbreak. In a postscript some informa
tion is given concerning the claims of the U. S. to 'lexas, at different periods
after the purchase of Louisiana, and the efforts to confirm a title to the ter
ritory. Foote had at his disposal much valuable material, and supplies
copies of a number of important documents. He had been invited while in
Texas, he informs us in his preface, ' to undertake a History of the War of
Texan Independence, by more than twenty of the most conspicuous actors in

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 385

that war.' This may explain his strong one-sicledness, but is no excuse for
his frequently indulging in contemptuous and undignified expressions when
speaking of the Mexicans. His work, however, is a valuable contribution to
Texan history.

Mary Austin Holley, Texas. Lexington, Ky., 1836. 12mo., pp. viii. 410;
Map. This authoress published a few years previously, Texas, Obsemntionx,
Historical, Geographical, and Descriptive, in a Scries of Letters written (hiring a
Visit to Austins Colony, with a View to a Permanent Settlement in that Count)-yt
in the Autumn of 183 1. Baltimore, 1803, 12 mo., pp. 167. The work under
consideration is an enlargement of the former issue, and contains a very
correct description of the physical features of Texas, besides a large amount
of historical matter, which is supported by copies of important documents.
Mrs Holley concludes her narrative with a brief recital of the battle of San
Jacinto, furnishing a list of the killed and wounded on the Texan side, as
also Houston's Army Orders of May 5, 1836. Attached is an appendix
containing 'The Constitution of the Mexican United States,' and 'Constitu
tion of the Republic of Texas, ' with a list of the signers of the ' Declara
tion of Rights. In The Quarterly Review, vol. Ixi. p. 332, a slighting remark

stically printing

italics. But the whole tone of his article is stamped with a lack of appreciat
ing what a struggle for free principles against despotism really is. With
regard to Mrs Holley 's style I quote the following passage from The North Amer
ican Review, vol. xliii., no. xcii. p. 257. 'Mrs Holley has given an agreeable
account of her visit, in her own femininely graceful style, yet by no means
destitute of expression and force; and her statements, as to the natural
features of the country, are, in substance, correct.' This remark refers to
her earlier work.

W. B. Dewecs — Letters from an Early Settler of Texas. Compiled by Cara
Cardclle. Louisville, Ky., 1852, 12mo. pp. viii. 312. There is internal evi
dence that his work is not what it purports to be. The compiler states in
her preface that she ' chanced to find, among the papers of a worthy friend,
a large pile of letters from Texas, some of them bearing an early date in
the history of that country. ' Interested in the perusal of them she professes
to have obtained leave from Dewees to publish them, and remarks, ' I give
them as they are, from the pen of the author, lest by revising and correct
ing, some gem should be lost or beauty marred.' The first letter is dated
'Long Prairie, Ark., March 1, 1819, 'and the last 'Columbus, Texas, Feb.
3, 1852,' being in answer to the compiler's request that Dewees would write
her ' concerning the prosperity of your country, from the date of your last
letter (January, 1850) up to the present time; ' that is, Jan. 15, 1852. Now
without discussing the many extraordinary historical mistakes scattered
through the volume, attention is called to that in the third letter dated June
10, 1821. The writer says, on pp. 20-22, ' Nacogdoches h an old Spanish
town, situated on the San Antonio and Louisiana road, about sixty milca
west of the Sabine river, in the state of Coahuila and Texas;' and again:
'During my stay in Nacogdoches, I learned that Mr Moses Austin, of
Missouri, had received permission from the Mexican government to estab
lish a colony in the state of Coahuila and Texas.' Here is a glaring anach
ronism that could not have been perpetrated by Dewees; the state of Coa
huila and Texas was not formed till May 7, 1824 — see index this volume.
That at least some of these letters are spurious there is incontrovertible
evidence. In the 19th letter, dated Columbus, Texas, May 15, 1836, the
writer has not scrupled to copy almost verbatim from Mrs Holley1 s Texas,
pp. 354-5. 1 quote a few passages. Dewees writes ' Colonel Travis, on
whose head a price was set, when wounded and dying was attacked by a
Mexican officer who seemod intent on striking the body of the dead; ' Mrs Holley
has, ' wh'o, in imitation of the western savage seemed desirous of striking the
body of the dead, the other portion of the passage being identical. Dewees

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 25

386 END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

has, ' Travis met and plunged his sword in the breast of the savage
Mexican, and they fell, the victor with the victim, to rise no more.' Mrs
Holley writes, ' Travis met and plunged his sword in the breast of the
advancing enemy, and fell, the victor with the victim, to rise no more.'
Again the following passage is almost word for word, the same as the corres
ponding one in Mrs Holley 's work. ' Immediately after the fall of the
A'lamo, Gen. Santa Anna sent Mrs Dickenson and Col Travis' servant to
Gen. Houston's camp, accompanied by a Mexican, with a flag, who bore a
note from Santa Anna offering the Texans peace and a general amnesty if
they would lay down their arms and submit to his government. Gen.
Houston's reply was "True, sir, you have succeeded in killing some of our
brave men, but the Texans are not yet whipped. " ' Now Mrs Holley pub
lished in her work, which was issued in Lexington, Kentucky, in 1836,
Army Orders of Gen. Houston, dated May 5, 1836, and it was impossible
that Dewees could have had the work before him at the time when his letter
is pretended to have been written. The conclusion that the letters were
written long after the dates assigned to them is indisputable. With regard
to their matter, they contain numerous accounts of fights with Indians, and
of the distressed condition of the early settlers. In historical matters they
are marked by inaccuracies and exaggeration.

Anson Jones — Memoranda and Official Correspondence relating to the Republic
of Texas; its History and Annexation. Including a brief Autobiography of the
Author. New York, 1859, Svo, pp. 648. The author of this work went to
Texas in 1833, and fought against the Mexicans as a soldier in the ranks.
After the independence of Texas, he was successively representative, sena
tor, secretary of state, minister, and president. His book consequently con
tains a vast amount of information; as he gives in it not only his private
memoirs, but all his official correspondence, especially during 1841 to 1844.
It is divided in 'Private Memoirs,' 'Memoranda,' in the form of a journal,
and 'Letters, etc.,' among which appear extracts from a number of Texan
and U. S. newspapers. The work contains extensive information on all
political affairs in lexas, from the time of his arrival, to within a few weeka
of his death, Jan. 7, 1858. Especially valuable are his remarks on the cam
paign of 1836, the annexation question, and the schemes of England. During
Jones' presidency Gen. Houston became estranged from him and, according
to his own statement, page 520, assumed a hostile attitude toward him,
both politically and personally. Doctor Jones was subject to paroxysms of
gloom, and in a fit of despondency took his own life on the above mentioned
date.

An elaborate volume by Homer S. Thrall, — A Pictorial History of Texas,
from the Earlie-it V-isits of European Adventurers, to A. D., 1879, etc., ctc.9 St
Louis, Mo. Svo, pp. xix. and 861, map, — supplies extensive information re
garding Texas, the author having had access to many official documents,
and the opportunity of perusing a large number of histories, pamphlets, and
addresses bearing upon his subject. He has, therefore, been able to place
before his reader, in a condensed form, a vast accumulation of historical
events, and in all main features, it is safe to say that he is generally
correct. Toward the close of the period which Thrall's work covers, he is
scanty and very delicate about expressing any views of political matters.
The works comprises all matters connected with the history of the state.
Lists of the executives and the personnel of the different departments will
be found in the notes, and brief descriptions, in alphabetical order, of the
counties are supplied, as also accounts of charitable and educational insti
tutions and churches. Information is given on agricultural industries, rail
ways and commerce, population and the growing wealth of the state,
Perhaps the most valuable and interesting portion of the book is that
devoted to biographical notices of prominent Texans, of whom he furnishes a
list of over 200, their names arranged alphabetically. The work is so com
prehensive in details, and methodical in construction, that it may be regarded
as a miniature cyclopedia rather than a history of Texas.

FULLER REFERENCE. 387

The following is a list of the principal authorities consulted in the preced
ing chapters: U. S. government documents, notably Cony. Debates; Id. Globe;
Sen. Doc.; Sen. Miscel. Doc.; Sen. Rep.; H. Ex. Docs; II. Miscel Docs; H.
Com. Rep.; H. Jour.; Charters and Constitutions; Sen. Jour.; to the respective
indices of which the reader is referred for Texas affairs; Rules and Articles
for Oovt Armies, Houston, 1839, 20pp.; Texas Repealed, passim; Texas State
Gaz., iv. app. ; Laws of Rep. of Texas, for the years 1838-45; Texas, Message
ofPres., Houston, 1838, 32pp.; Laying Corner-stone New State Capital, Aus
tin, 1885, 43 pp.; Tex. Almanacs, for tho years 1858-61, 1807-9, sec indices;
Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tex. , vols i. and ii. ; Kennedy's Tex. , vols i. and ii. ;
Bakers Tex., passim; Cordova's Tex., 3-6, 102-53; Jays Mex. War, 20-106;
Holley's Tex., passim, Houston s Letter to Santa Ana; Id., Life of, 211-24; Id.,
Message, May 12th, Houston, 1838, 9pp.; Id., Mess. Relative to Ind. Affairs,
Houston, 1838, 13 pp.; Footers Tex., passim; Mex. Manifest del Cong. Gen.,
Mex., 1836, 20pp.; Id., Rel. Exter., 1838, 12-14, 18; Id., Mem. Hac., 1838,
7; Id., Col. Leyes, 1829-30; Thrall's Tex., 18-701; Rivera, Jalapa, iii., passim;
Youn/'s Hist, of Mex., 262-606; Gray's Outline Hist., 1-16; Linns Reminis ,
65, 225-312; U. S. Rcpub., 58-268; Burnett's Address to the Sen., Houston,
1838, 8 pp.; Lester's Houston and his Repub., 45-201; Dublan and Lozano, Leg.
Mex., iii/ 141-88; iv. 154, 198; v. 17; Roberts' Descript. Tex., i.-iv.; Willson's
Amer. H'ist., 665-72; Gwin's Memoirs, MS., 2-4, 249-55; Potter's Texas Revol,
27 pp.; Tex. Coll Docs, nos 3-7, 19, 53-8, 65; Hansard's Parl. Rec., Ixv.
934-5; Ixxiv. 1227, 1330; Id., Parl. Deb., xxxvii. 191-202; Hay's Life, MS.,
3, 7, 11-33; Niles' Register, covering the period, see indices; Fede radon y
Texas, 39pp.; Dewees Letters from Tex., 223-98, 304-8; Papon's Hist. U. S.,
688-91; Do.nenech, Hist, du Mex., 177-8, 187-96; Id., Jour. Mitsionaire, 10,
25, 325^142; Falconers Discov. Miss., 34-52; Hist. Doc. Gal, i. 72; ii. 21, 36;
Fry's Life of Taylor, 71-86; Gallatin's Peace with Mex., 7-9, 15-23; Green's
Journal, passim; Id., Reply to Houston, 29-66; Id., Speech in U. S. Sen., 3-67;
Gratton's Civ. Amer., ii. 261-5, 278-311; Hootons St Louis Isle, Lond., 1847,
204 pp.; Jenkins' Mex. War, passim; Id., Life of Polk, 120-33, 236-45; Peirces
Rou'jh Sketch, MS., 93-8; Id., Jour., MS., 100-9; Varios Impresos, 2, no. vi.
1-96; Giddin'js' Speeches, 97-118; Smith's Reminis. Tex., Galv., 1876, 82 pp.;
Barbey, Tex.; Benton's Deb. in Cong., xii. 650-2, 805; xiii. 802; xx. 673-4;
Id., Thirty Years' Vieiv, ii. 581-624, 665-76; Bustamante, Diario Mex., MS.,
xliv. 81, 109, 127, 169; xlv. 53, 71, 168; xlvi. 31, 77, 87; Id., GaUnete Mex.,
MS., i. 5, 23-4, 45; ii. 7-14, 158-70, 183-5; iv. 17; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS.,
ii. 46-50, 61-2, 71-6, 90-3, 166-7; Id., Hist. Santa Anna, 5-6, 42-50, 110-16,
301; Cebalhs, Vind. de Mex. , 43-50, 73-7 ; Channinn's Letter to Clay; Complaint
of Mex.; Bonncll's Descrip. Tex., 117-50; Kendall's Narr. of Tex., Santa F6
Exped., ii. 11-406; Kennedy's Sveech in U. S. Sen.,; Blanchard's S. Juan, 522-
6, 543-72; Almonte, Notic. Estddist. Tex., 5-10, 51, 68-70, 76-7; Adams, Dis-
curso del Ex-prcsidente, Mex., 1836, 22 pp.; Rep. Mex. Border Commiss., 245
et seq.; Tornel, Tejas Estad. Unid., 1-98; Nilcs S. Amer. and Mex., i. 250-69,
356-69, 372; Ramsey's Other Side, 21-4; Cranes Wash. Co. Tex., 25-9, 33;
Tex. , Dictamcn de Comis Unidas, 24 pp. ; Texas, History of, or Emiy. Guide to,
N. Y., 1S44, 275 pp.; Fournel, Coup d'Oeil, 20-1, 38, 41, 53-6; Tcjas, Exped.
hecha en, 1-56; /(/., Com. Agrecj. Estad. Unid., 3-30; Porter's Rev. Mex. War,
9-35; Mex. Comunic. Arjrerj. Tex., 7-30; Mamfield's Mex. War, 9-19, 22-4;
Amer. State Papers, vi. 412-27; Arrillaga, Recop., 1836, 234, 331-3; 1837, 40,
86-7, 268-9, 398, 596-7; 1838, 187, 212-13; Austin Directory, 1877-8, 1-33;
Tex. in 1840, 23-8, 61-7, 209-22, 248-56; Marcy's Army Life, 63, 356-90;
Texas Com. from Sec. of the Treas., Houston, 1838, 16 pp.; Goodnch's Hist. N.
and S. Amer., 268-70, 810-61; Dickenson's Speeches, i. 127-59; Larenaudibre.
Mex. y Guat., 239-40; Lamar's Letter on Annex, of Tex.; Id., Inauy. Address,
Houston, 1838, 11 pp.; Rivero, Mex. en 18 42, 118, 223; Guerra entre Mex. ylos
Ettad. Unid., 17, 21-2; Yuc. Manifest Gob. Prov., 16-37; Peeler and Maxey's
Mercer. Colony Case; McCabe's Comprehensive View, 761-2; Thompsons Recol.
Mex., passim; Olmsted's Journey, 472-4; Stunner's Orations, ii. 107-16; Robin
sons Mex., 256-61; Ripley's War Mex., i, 58; Texan Revolution; MacGre<jor's

388

END OF THE TEXAN REPUBLIC.

Progress of Amer., ii. 1036, 1256; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc., i 7 42-5; Barreiro,
Resumen, 36pp.; Hutchisons Reminis. , 198-208; War in Texas, 64pp.; Rejon,
Crecendo Justification, 1-35; Hunt's Address to People of Tex., 21-43; Id., Pub
lic Lands and Debt of Tex., 16 pp.; Palado Leyes, 1844-6, 115-17; Otero, Obras
MS., 1. 313-17; ii. 1-4; Tex., UlL Cormmic., Hex., 1846, 22 pp.; Democratic
Rev., 1839-45; Pap. Far., 75, no. 14, 85, no. 15, 106, no. 7, 111, no. 1, 143
no. 19, 149, no. 12; Mayer's Mex. War, 54-66, 74-5; Id., Mex. as It Was and
Is, 312; Rouhan, Regions Nouvelles, 27; Lond. Geog. Soc. Jour., xiii. 202-44;
Fisher s Memorials, 3-87; De Bows Stat. View, 32-168; Edinburgh Rev., no.
147, p. 266, no. 157, p. 180-2; North Amer. Rev., xliii. 251-7; Hunt's Merch.
Mag., ii. 264-5; iv. 564; xvi. 486, 557; xviii. 504; Amer. Rev., 75-81; Gouges
Fiscal Hist. Tex., 54-102, 292-318; Gould's Alamo City Guide, 23-7; Putnam's
Monthly Mag., iii. 183-94; iv. 639-44; Hobb's Wild Life in Far West, 18-32;
Reid's Tramp, 42-5, 52; Paynes Hist. European Colonies, 310-11; Hardmaris
Frontier Life, 197-248; Midler, Reisen en Mex., iii. 315-17 In connection
with the preceding, a large number of newspaper authorities have been ex
amined.

SEAL or TEXAS.

CHAPTER XV

TEXAS AS A STATE.
1846-1859.

SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE TEXANS — POPULATION — POSITION OF MALE
FACTORS—SIMPLICITY OF HOUSEHOLDS — THE LITERATE ELEMENT — GOV
ERNOR HENDERSON'S INAUGURATION — TEXANS' DOINGS IN THE MEXICAN
WAH— WOOD'S ADMINISTRATION — DISPUTE ABOUT THE POSSESSION OF
SANTA FE — GOVERNOR BELL — THE TEXAN DEBT — PEARCE'S BILL — THE
SANTA FE AND PUBLIC DEBT QUESTIONS — SCALING THE DEBT — PEASE'S
ADMINISTRATION — PROSPERITY — INDIAN DEPREDATIONS — NATIVE COLO
NIES — PROSPECTS OF SUCCESS — Vicious INDIAN SETTLERS — ANGRY
FRONTIER-MEN — A BARBAROUS MASSACRE — REMOVAL OF THE INDIAN
COLONISTS — FINAL ADJUSTMENT OF THE PUBLIC DEBT — FINANCIAL
MATTERS — HOSTILITY TO MEXICANS — THE CART WAR — POLITICAL PAR
TIES — BIOGRAPHY OF RUSK — ADMINISTRATION OF RUNNELS — THE
SLAVERY AGITATION — HOUSTON ELECTED GOVERNOR.

TEXAS now entered upon a new phase of existence.
She had presented to the world the extraordinary
spectacle of a nation voluntarily surrendering its na
tionality, of a sovereign people laying down their
sceptre of autonomy. But her gain was not small.
No longer had she to support an army and navy, or
bear the expenses of a diplomatic corps and postal
service. With regard to her internal condition it had
greatly improved. Agricultural productions had in
creased, and by 1845 the exports nearly equalled the
imports.1 Having arrived at a distinctive period of

1 For the year ending July 31, 1844, the imports amounted to .$686,503,
and the exports to $615,119, showing a balance of trade against the re
public of $71,384. In 1839 the corresponding balance was $1,232,379, or
more than 17 times as much, (rouge, in his Fiscal Hist., 128, supplies these
figures, and points out the effect of excessive issues of paper currency in en
couraging imports and discouraging exports. Though there is some truth in
his remark, he fails to take notice of the fact that the production of raw
material in Texas was rapidly increasing, and would naturally affect the
balance "of trade.
(389)

390 TEXAS AS A STATE.

Texan history, it will not be out of place to take a
retrospective glance at the social condition of those
extraordinary men who wrested from a powerful
nation this fair portion of her territory.

It is impossible to arrive at any certain estimate as
to the number of the Anglo-Texan population before
the year 1847, when the first census was taken, show
ing the number of that race to be 100,508. 2 A cal
culation based upon the number of votes cast in Sep
tember, 1844, at the presidential election, gives the
figures 51,008 ;3 but when it is considered how widely
the population was dispersed, and the consequent
probability that no small number of the country
voters would be unable to appear at the polls, these
figures may be regarded as too low. The Mexican
element at this time numbered about 4,000 souls.
These, with the exception of the Mexicans resident at
Bejar, Goliad, and Nacogdoches, were scattered
among the settlements. Some few European immi
grants, for the most part English, Irish, and Germans,
were also to be found.4 San Patricio, which was es
sentially an Irish colony, contained quite a number of
that race. English settlers, also, shortly before the
annexation, were constantly arriving, some of whom
engaged in raising sheep, bringing with them flocks
of the best bred wool-producers in Great Britain.

When it is borne in mind from how many states of the
northern union the early settlers of Texas proceeded,
that descendants of the pilgrim fathers, and Hollanders
from the north, of the old Virginia cavaliers, and
of the ancient Huguenots who settled in South Caro
lina, that hunters from Kentucky and Tennessee, and
illiterate frontier farmers all flocked to this land of
promise, it will be recognized how motley was the

2 Consult note 4, chapter xiv.

3 The number of votes was 12,752, and each voter is estimated to repre
sent four persons, including himself.

4 In 1845 a German colony wai founded by Prince de Solms, on the Guad-
alupe river. At first these settlers suffered much from sickness, but their
county capital, New Brauufels is now a thriving place. Linns Rem., 348.

ELEMENTS OF SOCIETY. 391

community at this time. But on their arrival,
previous rivalries and jealousies, arising from dif
ferent origins and local interests, to a great extent
disappeared. They had met in a new land under a
common name, and were ready to aid each other
and live in friendship, but as yet no national
character distinguished the people of Texas. Neither
in manners, customs, nor dress, did they display uni
formity ; and each new-coiner, finding no general
model, retained the habits he had brought with him.

/ O

In their intercourse with each other and with strang
ers, they exhibited a freedom, and a want of the tinsel
of politeness — so often the cloak of insincerity — which
might not always have pleased the transient traveller ;
but if he possessed ordinary common sense, he soon
discovered the virtues of frankness, truthfulness, and
hospitality in the Texan settler.

With regard to the criminal element, the murderers
and fugitives from justice of which the people were
said to be largely composed, I fail to find these hasty
assertions verified. Either the Texans were intention
ally maligned, or else they were introduced to the
world by writers who had no personal knowledge of
them. That numbers of malefactors found their way
into Texas cannot be denied; but they were in so
small a minority that they possessed no influence ; and
it may justly be said that in respect to this social
detriment, Texas suffered no more than the settle
ments in all the frontier states of the union.5 Over
the class of people which is the subject of these re
marks a vigilant watch was kept by the community,
and an immigrant guilty of crime, who had made

5 Unbiassed travellers recognized this. Consult Parker's Trip to the West
and Tex., 169-70; Texas, A Visit to, being tiie Journal of a Traveler, 214-16;
Texas, A History of, or the Emigrants' Guide, 230. These works, published re
spectively in 1835, 1834, and 1844, contain much excellent information, and
are evidently reliable. Jake Johnson, a native Texan, and son of an old
pioneer who in early days was a stock-raiser and farmer in Gonzalez county,
writing in 1886, says, 'The reason Texas has such a bad name is that
when the lawless of other portions of the country commit depredations, they
come to Texas, and thus give the state a bad name.' Race Horses in Tex.,

392 TEXAS AS A STATE.

Texas his place of refuge, was generally careful not to
repeat the offence which had caused his expatriation.
To suppose that no murders, or no violence occurred
in Texas, would be to imagine a millennium. Many
abominable crimes were perpetrated; but they were
not in greater proportion than every newly settled
country in the United States has been subject to;
while at the same time theft and burglary were car
ried on to a much less extent. In manners and
morals the conduct of the Anglo-Texans would bear
comparison with those of any new country.

In most of the towns could be found a billiard
room, and in the suburbs a race-course. The amuse
ments derived from these sources were greatly in
vogue among the Texans. Though the legislature
attempted to suppress gambling,6 this vice was greatly
practised in private. With regard to the use of in
toxicating liquors the Texans could not be charged
with too strict temperance.

In the older settlements some comfortable frame-
houses could be seen at this date, and occasionally a
few of brick. In these might be found good imported
furniture and articles of luxury, such as pianos, sofas,
and bureaus. But the dwellings of most of the set
tlers, especially in the country, were of logs, with
furniture of the simplest kind, generally made on the
spot out of materials at hand. A few boards with
supports roughly put together, constituted the house
hold table, and chair frame- works were covered with
raw hides. The female part of the community per
formed nearly all the household duties; and refined
as were the wives of many immigrants, they were not
exempt from severe toil unless they held slaves.

Food was of the simplest kind, except in the towns
and the better class of country establishments. Corn-
meal bread, meat, and sweet or Irish potatoes consti-

6 On May 26, 1837, an act was passed making all games of chance, played
by persons holding hanks for the purpose of inviting hetters thereto, penal
offences. Laws Repuh. Tex. , i. 228-9. This law had the effect of suppressing
gambling in public only,

HENDERSON, FIRST GOVERNOR 393

tuted the principal viands in the outlying districts.
The corn was frequently left standing in the field, and
gathered only as it became wanted.7 The chief ex
ports were cotton, sugar, live-stock, and peltries.
Indeed, the agricultural productions as yet were very
few, and confined to those of the first necessity.

A large portion of the settlers at this time was
composed of illiterate men, drawn from the class of
industrious husbandmen whose tastes and avocations
precluded the acquirement of an education. But,
nevertheless, among the early immigrants into Texas
were many highly cultured persons. The various
professions were represented by numerous indi
viduals who displayed great intelligence and skill in
their particular callings ; many were gifted with con
versational powers and versed in literature and science.
During the last years of the republic, graduates from
half the colleges in the United States could be found
in Texas.8

On the 16th of February, 1846, the inauguration
of J. Pinckney Henderson,9 the first governor of the

7 Parker — writing, however, a decade before the annexation — says: 'It
used to amuse me, when we rode up to a house at night and called for a
meal, to hear the women sing out to a boy, " Run to the field and bring two
or three ears of corn, I want to make some bread for the gentlemen's supper. ' "
Ut sup., 130-1.

8 Texas, A Hist, of, 230-1.

9 Henderson was born in Lincoln county, N. C., March 31, 1809. For
several years he studied at the university of Chapel Hill, and having adopted
the profession of law was admitted to practise in N. C. at the early age of
nineteen. His intense application while preparing for his profession injured
his constitution. He wont to Texas in 1836, and in 1837 was appointed
minister from the republic of Texas to England and France, where he suc
ceeded in obtaining a recognition of the independence of Texas. He married
Frances Cox, in London, in October, 1839. On his return to Texas in 1840
he practised his profession till 1844, when he was appointed minister pleni
potentiary to act in concert with Colonel Van Zandt, the charge d' affairs of
Texas to the United States, to negotiate a treaty of annexation. The treaty
was, however, rejected by the U. S. senate. In the war with Mexico, Hen
derson signalized himself, especially at the capture of Monterey, and was
one of the commissioners appointed by Taylor to treat with Ampudia for
the surrender of that place. On his return to Texas he declined a renomi-
nation as candidate for the governship, and resumed the practise of his pro
fession. He died in June, 1858, at the federal capital, having proceeded
thither, to fill the vacancy in the U. S. senate occasioned by the death of
Senator Rusk. Tex. Aim., 1868, 55-8; Thrall, 551; Cony. Globe, 1858, 899;
Tex. State Gaz., iv, app., 161-G.

394 TEXAS AS A STATE.

new state took place. By the constitution which had
been drawn up by the convention and ratified by pop
ular vote the year before,10 the governor's term of
office was fixed at two years, the power of veto being
granted him. He also had the privilege of nominat
ing the justices of the supreme court, and the judges
of the eight judicial districts which were formed by
the legislature. His nominations were to be con
firmed by a vote of two thirds of the senate, and the
appointees were to hold office for six years.

When the joint resolutions of the United States
congress, in favor of annexation, were officially pub
lished, March 7, 1845, General Almonte, the Mexi
can minister at Washington, denounced the proceeding
in a vehement protest, and demanded his passports.
As there could now be no doubt of war with Mexico
— a result which the United States was really playing
for — General Taylor, who, pending negotiations, had
been stationed on the Sabine with a strong force of
United States troops, was ordered to establish his
headquarters at Corpus Christi, at the mouth of the
Nueces. This significant movement was effected at
the end of June. The Mexicans were, however,
making vigorous preparations for war, and were mass
ing troops at Matamoros, evidently the first point to
be attacked if the enemy invaded Mexican territory.

As the events of the Mexican war are fully nar
rated in another volume,11 I shall not, of course, enter
into particulars here; yet it would be an injustice to
the Texan volunteers, who bore a noble part in that
struggle, that in the history of their country, no
mention of their achievements should be made.

As soon as hostilities seemed inevitable, the Texan
legislature passed a bill authorizing Governor Hen
derson to take command of the Texans who might be
mustered into the service of the United States. On

M It was approved by the people on the second Monday in Oct. 1846.
11 Hist. Mex., v. 346-548, this series.

THE MEXICAN WAR. 395

May 2, 184G, a requisition for two regiments of in
fantry and two of cavalry was made on Texas. On
May 8th and 9th, the battles of Palo Alto and Re-
saca de la Palma were fought, but it does not appear
that many Texans took part in them,12 and it is prob
able that Henderson did not join Taylor with his
command until the army had reached Camargo. The
limited means of transportation, and uncertainty with
regard to supplies, induced Taylor, while on his inarch

CITY OF MONTEREY.

against Monterey, to leave a large number of volun
teers on garrison duty in towns on the Rio Grande.
Thus, the 1st and 2d regiments only of the Texan
division accompanied the army on that memorable
campaign. In the attack upon Monterey, the 1st
regiment mounted volunteers under Colonel John C.
Hays, the celebrated ranger, was detached and sent
with General Worth to make a demonstration on the
western side of the town, while Taylor assaulted on
the east.

l2Capt. Samuel H. Walker, of the Texan Rangers, however, performed
eminent service as a scout. He was afterward killed at Huamantla, while
serving in. Gen. Lane's command.

396 TEXAS AS A STATE.

The city, which was strongly fortified and garris
oned, was assailed by Taylor September 21st. The
attack lasted three days, on the last of which Hender
son ]ed in person the 2d regiment of Texans, who,
dismounting, acted as infantry. Being cut off from
his men by a murderous fire, he narrowly escaped
death.

Meanwhile Worth, making a detour, had gained
the other side of the town. On the 21st, he engaged
a body of Mexicans 1,500 strong, and it was mainly
owing to the strategy of Hays, and the deadly fire of
the Texan Rangers, who were in advance, that a
furious cavalry charge was repulsed and a victory
gained.

On the western side of Monterey lie two fortified
heights, one on each side of the river on which the
town is situated. These strongholds, known by the
names of La Federacion and Cerro del Obispado,
commanded the approach to the place. That after
noon a force of 300 men, half of them Texans, stormed
and occupied La Federacion on the south side ; and
before daylight on the following morning 200 Texans
led by Hays and Walker, with three companies of the
artillery battalion and three companies of the 8th in
fantry, scaled in two columns, under cover of a mist,
the almost perpendicular height of El Obispado, and
well nigh reached the summit before the alarm was
given. Then a volley was poured down upon them.
But the work was soon carried, and as fresh troops
arrived in support, the strong fort of El Obispado was
assaulted and taken. The Texans, however, had to
mourn the death of Captain Gillispie, whose loss was
deeply lamented.

The investment of the city on the west side was
complete ; and during the next two days the Ameri
cans so successfully pushed their way into the city—
the Texans bearing a prominent part in the struggle
—that on the 24th Ampudia capitulated, General
Henderson being appointed by Taylor one of the com-

TEXAN HEUOES. 397

missioners to treat about the terms of surrender.

All through the war the Texans distinguished
themselves. Hays' regiment, of which the old rangers
formed the nucleus, and among whom were such
spirits as Benjamin McCulloch, Major Mike Chevalie,
Samuel A. Walker, McMullen, Kit Acklin, J. B.
McGowan, and others, after serving in Taylor's cam
paign on the Rio Grande, was transferred to Scott's
command. The efficiency of these mounted troopers
was marked wherever the army marched. Serving
equally as well on foot as on horseback, they would
storm a height or charge the enemy's cavalry with
the same indifference, intrepidity, and success. On
the road they were the terror of the guerrilla bands,
and in the towns objects of dread to antagonists, and
of awe to non-combatants. Their uncouth, wild, and
fierce appearance, their strange garb, and their repu
tation for contempt of every form of danger, gained
for them in Mexico the belief that they were more
than human — that they were beings intermediate be
tween man and devil. In the city of Mexico, some
of these brave, single-hearted, and patriotic men fell
beneath the knives of assassins, and the smouldered
remains of many others lie buried in Mexican soil all
the way from Vera Cruz to the capital.13

While Governor Henderson was absent in command
of the Texan volunteers, his place was filled by Lieu-
tenarit-governor Horton. On December 21, 1847,
George T. Wood14 was inaugurated as the second
governor of the state, and John A. Greer as lieuten
ant-governor. During Wood's administration, a con
troversy arose between Texas and the United States
which could not fail to make the former reflect some
what seriously upon the surrender of her separate

13 Hays' Life, MS., 39-60; Tex. Aim., 1868, 58-9; Thrall, 358-9; Morphy,
450-1.

11 Wood was a native of Georgia; came to Texas in 1836, and in 1846
raised -a regiment for the Mexican war, in which he served with distinction.
He died in Panola county in 1856. Thrall, 635.

398 TEXAS AS A STATE.

nationality. When war was formally declared be
tween Mexico and the United States, General Kearney
took possession of Santa Fe in the name of the latter
power; and when, by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo,
February 22, 1848, New Mexico was ceded to the
United States, Colonel Munroe was placed in com
mand there. As the reader is aware, Texas laid
claim to all that portion of New Mexico lying east of
the Rio Grande; and in 1848 the state legislature
passed an act extending her jurisdiction over it, and
Judge Beard was sent to hold the district court.
Colonel Munroe ignored the Texan judge, and ordered
the election of a territorial delegate to the United
States congress. The controversy assumed a serious
phase. Governor Wood threatened force, a menace
which the cabinet at Washington met by notifying
the bellicose governor that if the Texans attempted
to take forcible possession of New Mexico they would
be treated as intruders. This question, which not
only deeply concerned Texas but threatened a serious
breach between the northern and southern states
owing to the sympathy of the latter with Texas, was
finally combined with that regarding the settlement of
the public debt.

At the election of 1849, P. Hansborough Bell15
was chosen governor, and John A. Greer reflected
lieutenant-governor. Governor Bell was inaugurated
in December of the same year, and on the expiration
of his term, was reflected. His administration was
marked by the settlement of the two absorbing ques
tions of the boundary line and the public debt.

On the incorporation of Texas into the union, the
United States' government, of course, acquired the
revenue derived from the customs. These receipts,
however, had been pledged by the late republic as

15 Was a native of Virginia; landed at Velasco in March 1836, and fought
as a private at San Jacinto. In 1845 he became a captain of rangers, and
during the Mexican war was colonel of volunteers. He served two terms in
the IL S. congress, and then settled in N. C. According to Thrall, 501, he
was still alive in 1879.

INDEBTEDNESS AND BOUNDARY. 399

security for the payment of a certain portion of her
debt ; and when they were passed over to the federal
government, the bond-holders clamorously maintained
that the United States had become responsible for the
liabilities of Texas/6 and pressed for a speedy settle
ment. This matter, as well as the boundary question,
was discussed at great length in both houses, and on
January 29, 1850, Henry Clay introduced among
other " compromise resolutions," one designed to solve
the perplexing questions of dispute with Texas.17

Meantime the excitement with regard to the
question of ownership of that part of New Mexico
lying east of the Rio Grande increased both in Texas
and the United States. To show her serious deter
mination not to yield her claim, a joint resolution
was passed, February 11, 1850, by the legislature
of the new state, not only asserting her right
to the disputed ground, but declaring her intention to
maintain the integrity of the territory.18 The several
resolutions of Clay's bill were slowly discussed, and
on August 5, 1850, James A. Pearce, senator from
Maryland, introduced a bill making definite proposi
tions to the state of Texas relative to her boundary
and the payment of her public debt. They were to

16 That portion of the debt, however, for which the revenue from customs
was specially pledged, only amounted to §868,000, ostensible value, or $611,-
784.50 par value. Hunt's Merck. May., xxiv. 111.

17 ' Resolved, that it be proposed to the state of Texas, that the U. S.
will provide for the payment of all that portion of the legitimate and bona
fide public debt of that state contracted prior to its annexation to the U. S.,
and for which the duties on foreign imports were pledged by the said state

to its creditors, not exceeding the sum of •$ , in consideration of the

said duties so pledged having been no longer applicable to that object, after
the L,aid annexation, but having thenceforward become payable to the U. S.,
and upon condition, also, that the said state of Texas shall, by some solemn
and authentic act of her legislature, or of a convention, relinquish to the
U. S. any claim which it has to any part of New Mexico.,' Bentoris Abridg.
Debates, Cong., xvi. 388, 391.

18 ' Resolved by the legislature of the state of Texas, that all that terri
tory which lies east of the Rio Grande, and a line running north from
the source of the Rio Grande to the forty-second degree of north
latitude, and south of the forty-second degree of north latitude and west and
south of the line designated in the treaty between the U. S. and the late
republic of Texas, of right belongs to the state of Texas, is included within
her rightful civil and political jurisdiction, and the state of Texas will main
tain the integrity of her territory.' Tex., General Laws, iii., pt 1, 207-8.

400 TEXAS AS A STATE.

this effect : Texas was to agree that her boundary on
the north should commence at the point at which the
meridian of one hundred degrees west from Green
wich is intersected by the parallel of thirty-six de
grees and thirty minutes north latitude, and should
run from that point due west to the meridian of 103°
west from Greenwich; thence the boundary line
should run due south to the 328 of north latitude,
thence on the said parallel to the Rio Grande, and
thence with the channel of that river to the gulf of
Mexico. Texas was to cede to the United States all
her claim to territory outside of these limits, and to
relinquish all claim on the United States for liability
for her debts, or compensation for the surrender of
her ships, forts, custom-houses, custom-house revenue,
public buildings, etc. The United States, in consid
eration of the establishment of said boundary, and
relinquishment of claims, would pay to Texas $10,-
000, OOO,19 in stock bearing five per centum, and re
deemable at the end of fourteen years. No more
than $5,000,000 of said stock was to be issued until
the creditors of the state of Texas had filed at the
treasury of the United States releases of all claims
against the United States on account of Texan bonds.20
This bill passed the senate, August 7th, by a vote of
thirty yeas and twenty nays, and on September 4th
following, passed the house by a vote of 108 against 97.
The president having signed the bill, which was
called the Boundary Act, it was forwarded to Gov
ernor Bell, who forthwith called an extra session
of the legislature. The propositions met with
violent opposition. Bell in his message advised the
occupancy of Santa Fe with a military force, suggest
ing, however, that the vacant lands of that district
might be sold to the United States provided that
Texas retained jurisdiction over it. Apart from the

19Benton had proposed, Jan. 16th, that $15,000,000 should be paid Texas
for similar considerations. Cong. Globe, xxii., pt 2, 1262.

20 Copy of the bill will be found in teuton's Abridg. Delates, Cong., xvi.
590.

TEXAS CLAIMS. 401

unwillingness to yield territory on a general principle,
there was one feature in the bill especially repulsive
to the Texans, and that was the retaining half of the
$10,000,000 in the United States' treasury until the
creditors of Texas were paid. This self-protective
condition imposed by the United States was regarded
as a reflection on Texas, since it seemed to insinuate
that she would not be disposed to meet her liabilities
promptly if she obtained possession of the whole
amount. Then again, agreement to the propositions
was required to be given on or before December 1,
1850, a proviso which, taken with the general tone of
the document, and the unconditional assent expected,
was regarded as a symptom of domination to which a
sovereign state ought not to be subject. The ques
tion having been discussed with much warmth and at
great length, the propositions of the United States
were finally accepted, November 25th, and a law
passed to that effect.21 By this act Texas waved her
fictitious claim to about 98,380 square miles of the
territory of New Mexico.22

21 After reciting the provisions of Pearce's bill, it is declared in the act,
* 1st. That the state of Texas hereby agrees to and accepts said propositions;
and it is hereby declared that the state shall be bound by the terms thereof,
according to their true import and meaning; 2d. That the governor of this
state be, and he is hereby reqiiested to cause a copy of this act, authenti
cated under the seal of the state, to be furnished to the president of the U.
S., by mail, as early as practicable.' Gouge, Fisc. Hist. Tex., 179.

22 The claim of Texas to Santa Fe and district was as unwarrantable as
the earlier claim of the U. S. that the Rio Grande was the boundary line of
Mexico. Yet Texans and Texan writers still regard it as a legitimate one.
Thrall, page 367, says: ' It will be seen that Texas sold 98,380 square miles,
equal Bto 50,249,640 acres. Had Mr Clay's bill passed, we should have lost
much more.' It is not easy to perceive how Texas could lose what she
never had. On the boundary question consult Niks' Reg., Hi. 241; liii. 180,
306; liv. 180-5; Iv. 118, 304; Ivii. 1, 65, 280; Iviii. 99, 227, 274; Ixxv. 156-7;
U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 25, sess. 1, doc. 42; Hex. Treaties, i. no. 6; Cong. Globe,
1838-9, 98-9, 109-10, 219; U. S. Repub. of, 269; Mayer s Hex. A~Jb., i. 334-6;
Gallatins Peace with Mex., 15-25; Hunt's Merch. Mag , xix. 328; Rusk's Speech,
1850; Mason's Speech, May27,lS50; Me Leans Speech, June5, 1850; GrattonsCw.
A mer. ,ii. 269-70; Thrall, 361-7. It may be argued that the U. S. seemed to recog
nize to some extent the claim of Texas to the eastern half of New Mexico. Such
was not the case; the speakers in the debates on the boundary bill generally
disclaimed all right of Texas to the territory of Santa Fe. Moore of Pennsyl
vania expressed the general opinion when he said that not one dollar would
he vote as a remuneration for the territory which Texas claimed; but that
that state having been annexed to the U. S., which took all her means of
revenue, they were responsible for her debts. Gouge, ut sup.t 177-8.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 26

402 TEXAS AS A STATE.

This matter having been settled, the $5,000,000
was paid into the state treasury in February, 1852.
The amount of the indebtedness of the late republic
had been determined previously by the state. Ac
cording to the report of the auditor and comptroller,
dated November 12, 1851, the ostensible indebted
ness of Texas was $12,436,991, including interest.
But the state, in view of the low price at which a
large portion of the bonds issued by the republican
government had been sold, did not consider itself
bound to pay their full face value. It is here neces
sary to take a retrospective glance at the action taken
by the state government in this matter.

The first legislature met at Austin, February 16,
1846, and gave its attention to the subject of the
public debt. A select committee was appointed, and
sent in its report March 1, 1846. This committee
stated that there was no other means of paying the
public creditors than by the sale of the public lands,
and recommended that these be sold to the United
States' government. So much with regard to the
question of means at that date ; respecting the amount
to be paid, however, the committee were of opinion
that Texas should only be bound to return to her
creditors what, according to just average, they had
paid for her securities, with interest at the rate stip
ulated in the bond. On March 24th a committee
of the state senate made a report in favor of selling
the public lands to the federal government, but ex
pressed the opinion that there should be a legislative
classification of all debts against the extinct republic
of Texas, and that each creditor should be awarded
relief and payment according to the merits of his
case.23 The committee accordingly sent in the draft
of an act to classify the liabilities of the republic of

23 ' For your committee cannot consent that the parties who have ad
vanced cash and important service to Texas shall be placed on equal footing
with those who hold the liabilities of the republic of Texas, for which they
have paid not more than twenty cents on the dollar, and for which Texas
•received perhaps a less amount, as it is notoriously and universally admitted

AUDITORS REPORT. £03

Texas and of another entitled an act for the dis
charge of the public debt of the republic of Texas,
in which the scaling principle was to operate.

The stand taken by the first legislature that a dis
tinction should be made between the original and final
holders of Texan bonds was maintained by the second
legislature, which assembled at Austin in December
1847. On March 20, 1848, an act to provide for
ascertaining the debt of the late republic of Texas
was approved.24 This act required the auditor and
comptroller of the state to reduce all claims to the
actual par value which was realized by the republic.
Accordingly on December 27, 1849, the auditor and
comptroller sent in their report with the scale of re
ductions as estimated by them, and a more thorough
one November 12, 185 1.25 According to their show
ing the claims filed of all descriptions, including in
terest up to the latter date amounted to $9,647,253,
which amount was scaled down to $4,807,764. The
claims not filed, including interest, amounted to
$2,789,738, and were scaled down to $2,019,514.
Thus the total debt with interest, including filed and
unfiled claims, was $12,436,991, which amount was
scaled down to $6,827,278.26 In January, 1852, the

that a great portion of the liabilities now in circulation were issued and
paid out at about sixteen cents on the dollar.' Extract from committee's
report in Gouge, ut sup., 153.

24 A supplementary act was passed Feb. 8, 1850, extending to the first
Monday in September, 1851, the time within which creditors were required
to present their claims against the late republic. Tex. Gen. Laws, iii. pt i.,

25 John M. Swisher was auditor and James B. Shaw comptroller. The
latter was appointed comptroller, under the republic, in 1840, and continued
to hold that office till Nov. 1, 1858. Shaw was a native of Ireland, emi
grated to Texas in 1837, and served as a private in the army. His knowl
edge of the financial affairs of the republic was of great service in the ad
justment of the public debt. Cordova's Tex., 102; Tex. Col. Doc., no. i, 3,
pp. 48, 62.

26 The claims were divided into three classes: 1st class consisted of
audited or ascertained claims, $8,587,132; 2d class, of claims sufficiently
authenticated to admit them to audit under the laws of the late republic,
$962,445; 3d class, claims not sufficiently authenticated to authorize their
being audited, $97,675. The following table will be found useful as showing
the different issues of bonds by the republican government, and the scale on
which their face values were reduced:

404

TEXAS AS A STATE.

legislature passed a law by which the state recognized
and adopted the rate of payment and classification
assigned to each class of debt by the auditor and
comptroller in their last report. The bill was sent to
Governor Bell on the 23d of the same month, and
on the 29th he returned it on the ground that he
considered that there existed cases of individual hard
ship to which an application of the general basis
would not render justice. Nevertheless, in spite of
the governor's veto the bill was passed in the senate
by a vote of 29 to 5, and in the house by a vote of
47 to 12. Thus the state finally decided the amount
of her indebtedness by repudiating to the extent of
one half the liabilities which she had engaged to meet
according to the face of her bonds.

At the September election in 1853, Elisha M.
Pease27 was chosen governor, and David C. Dickson

OSTENSIBLE
VALUE

RATE

PAR VALUE

Ten per cent, bonds under act of June 7, 1837
Ten per cent, bonds under act of June 7, 1837)
for relief of Swartout )

632,526
7,970

70cts.
1.00

442,768
7,970

Ten per cent, funded debt, under act of Feb. 1
5, 1840 f

754,000

.30

226,200

Eight per cent, funded debt, under act of Feb. J
5, 1 840 f

24,280

.30

7,284

Eight per cent, treasury bonds, under act of )
Feb. 5, 1840 f

766,800

.20

153,360

Ten per cent, treasury notes, under act June)
9, 1837 \

41,630

1.00

41,630

Ten per cent, treasury notes, second issue ....
Treasury notes, without interest, under act)
of Jan 19 1839 j

331,371

1,828,192

.50
.25

165,685
457,048

Ten per cent, bonds, for loan of U. S. Bank. .
Ten per cent, bonds, for purchase of Steamer)
Zavala f

457,380
195,907

.8745
.50

400,000
97,953

Ten per cent, bonds, for purchase of naval )
vessels, contract with F. Dawson )

280,000

.50

140,000

The above figures represent values without interest. A copy of the report
will be found in G&uye, 304-11.

27 A native of Connecticut, born in 1812, and a lawyer by profession. In
1835 he went to Texas, and war- appointed secretary of the executive council
at San Felipe. During 1836-7 he held several positions under the govern
ment. Resigning the comptrollership of public accounts in the latter year,
he began to practise his profession in Brazoria county. He was a member of
the house of representatives of the 1st and 2d legislatiires, and was trans
ferred to the senate of the third legislature. At the end of his second admin-

GOVERNOR PEASE. 405

lieutenant-governor.28 Pease was reflected in 1855,
thus holding office for four consecutive years. In his
first message to congress, he recommended that meas
ures should be adopted to provide adequately and
permanently for the support of public schools,29 and
for the establishment of a state university. He also
advised the establishment of asylums for lunatics, or
phans, and for the education of deaf-mutes and the
blind.

The period of Pease's administration was one of
great prosperity. After the annexation, emigrants
from the United States flocked into the country, and
the war with Mexico having decided forever the posi
tion of Texas, and secured the prospect of uninter
rupted peace, every branch of industry thrived ; wealth
and population rapidly increased, and progress in com
merce and internal development was marked in an
unprecedented degree

The only interference to this steady advance was
occasioned by Indian depredations on the frontiers.
Though the main body of each border tribe professed
friendship, the outlying settlements sustained consid
erable damage, especially on the western frontier.
These depredations were committed for the most part
by the Comanches, who, while showing no disposition
to attack the Texan settlements directly, made fre
quent inroads into Mexico, and on their journeys to
and from that country could not desist from foraging
in Texan territory, and pillaging settlements. On

istration, he took up his residence at Austin, and in 1867 was appointed
governor by Gen. Sheridan on the removal of Gov. Throckmorton. In 1874,
he was appointed collector of customs for Galveston, which office he did not
accept. In 1879 he was reappointed to the same position, and took charge
of the custom-house Feb. 1st of that year. Thrall, 598; Cordovas Tex., 101-2.

28 The total number of votes cast was 36,152, of which Pease received
13,091, W. B. Ochiltree 9,178, George T. Wood 5,983, Lemuel D. Evans
4,677, T. J. Chambers, 2,449, J. W. Daney 315, and 459 were scattered.
Gov. Bell having been elected to the U. S. congress, the executive chair was
filled by J. P. Henderson for a short time at the close of his term. ThralL
368.

-9By the constitution, ratified by the people Oct. 13, 1845, one tenth of
the "annual revenue by taxation was to be appropriated for the maintenance
of public schools.

406 TEXAS AS A STATE.

several occasions, white men were killed and captives
taken. The military being unable to afford protection
all the roads leading from Bejar to the Rio Grande
were unsafe. On the northern frontier, the Texan
Indians were all friendly, but that portion of the state
was exposed to hostile incursions made by Indians
from the Choctaw and Chickasaw United States' re
serve, north of Red River. The Kickapoos were es
pecially troublesome, and from time to time crossed
into Texas and committed depredations. In the
spring of 1854 a band of this tribe killed the special
agent, Stein, and a Mr Lepperman of Ohio, near Fort
Belknap. The special Indian agent at San Antonio
de Bejar invoked the action of the commissioner for
Indian affairs at Washington, touching this condition
of affairs.30

Owing to the advance of the white race, and the
diminution of the buffalo and other game from which
the native tribes mainly derived their subsistence, the
Texan Indians were in danger of being reduced to a
state of destitution. This condition applied to all
Indians of the plains, and was regarded as the main
cause of the outrages committed by roving bands
within the borders of Texas.

As a remedy for this evil, a system of colonization
was applied, means being furnished by the United
States government to aid and instruct Indian settlers
in the cultivation of land. In pursuance of this policy
in the spring of 1855 two Indian colonies were es
tablished in Texas, on reservations granted by the
state in Young county,31 one of which, consisting of
eight leagues of land, was located on the Brazos
river, below the junction of Clear Fork and Main
Brazos, about fifteen miles from Fort Belknap. This

30 Robert S. Neighbors, the agent, considered that the Kiekapoos were
not under the charge of the Choctaw agent, but existed as renegades, and
were under no control. Ind. Aff. Kept, 1854, 158-66; M, 1855, 10-11, 185-6.

31 Twelve leagues of land, or 55,728 acres, were set apart for this purpose
by act of the legislature, to be reserved to the U. S. for the benefit of the
Texan Indians exclusively. Tex. Aim., 1859, 130; Id., 1858, 92,

INDIAN AFFAIRS. 407

reservation was called the Brazos agency. The other
settlement was located on Clear Fork, about forty-
five miles above its confluence with the main river.
It comprised four leagues of land. The first colony
was com posed of Ariadahkos, Caddoes, Tahwaccorroes,
Wacoes, and Tonkahwas, numbering in all 794 souls.
On the reservation on Clear Fork, 277 northern
Comanches were settled. The reports of the agents
at these reservations held out every prospect of
success. The Indians of the Brazos settlement, in
good behavior, morality, and industry, surpassed the
most sanguine expectations. They voluntarily ab
stained from the use of ardent spirits, and drunken
ness was unknown among them. By the end of
August public buildings had been erected — store
rooms, houses for agents and employes, and a black
smith's shop. Two farmers with assistant laborers
were employed to instruct the Indians, and 295 acres
of land had been ploughed and planted with corn. On
the reservation on Clear Fork farming operations had
not been commenced, owing to the season being too
far advanced when the Comanches were located
thereon, but from the disposition evinced by them,
the agents looked confidently forward to the success
of the settlement.32

Nor were these expectations without realization.
Within three years' these settlements attained a
high degree of prosperity, especially that of the Brazos
agency. The Indians tilled their land, tended and
garnered their crops, and possessed stocks of cattle,
horses, and hogs. They erected comfortable dwell
ings, had school-houses,34 and were steadily pro-

32 Reports of agents, R. S. Neighbors and G. W. Hill in Id., 1855, 177-85.

33 The Comanches did not make the same progress as the Indians on the
Brazos reserve, owing to their not having had the same experience in the
manners of the white race. They were not more indolent than the other
tribes, — but whereas the latter had long lived near the white settlers, the
Comanches had hitherto been outside of all friendly intercourse. Tex. Aim.,
1859, 130.

31 According to the reports of the teachers, Aug. 18, 1858, the school in
the Comanche settlement was attended by 37 students, 25 male and 12
female, On Sept. 7, 1858, the teacher of the school at the Brazos agency, re-

408 TEXAS AS A STATE.

gressing in civilization, peaceably pursuing their agri
cultural occupations. Moreover, they afforded no
little protection to the frontier, from fifty to one
hundred warriors being employed in ranging service.
In the spring of 1858 this band went out with the
Texan rangers, on an expedition against the Coman-
ches, and fought gallantry, thereby winning the
praises of tlieir Anglo-American neighbors. Had
they been allowed, and a proper forbearance been ex
tended to them, they would have developed into
thriving and self-supporting communities.35 But they
were doomed to be driven from the homes they had
made for themselves, deprived of the lands they had
put under cultivation, and removed, in almost a desti
tute condition, beyond the borders of Texas. The
aggressive nature of Anglo-American settlers would
not let them rest in peaceful possession of their small
domains ; and a persistent hostility to these Indians
and their agents soon exhibited itself.

In 1858 the number of these natives thus reclaimed
from barbaric life was 1,483. Among this number it
cannot be denied that there were many, particularly
in the Comanche reservation, who were addicted to
horse-stealing, and who associating with wild bands
of their tribe, or with the Kickapoos beyond Red
river, took part in predatory incursions, and after
ward, by circuitous routes, reenteredthe reservations.
There was, moreover, a set of villainous white men,
scattered from the Rio Grande to Kansas, who made
robbery their pastime, and horse-stealing their busi
ness. These wretches leagued themselves with the
worthless Indians, instigating them to commit depre
dations from which they reaped a profit. Positive

ported the number of his scholars at 60, 47 of whom were boys and 13 girls.
U. S. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, 178-9, 183.

30 The U. S. gov't expended on account of these Indian settlements?

For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1856, $101,430; 1857, §89,658.50;
1858, $91,707.50; 1859, $61,655.25; total, $344,451.25.

The estimate for the year ending June 30, 1860, was $62,186.50; Id.,
1855-1858 inclu., where full information on the progress of these colonies
will be found,

MASSACRE OF NATIVES. 409

proof was adduced that Indians from the reserves
during this year killed cattle and hogs belonging to
citizens, and the strongest circumstantial evidence
seemed to show that the practice of horse-stealing
had been extensively carried on by these vicious
members.36 But the large majority of the community
were faithful to the white inhabitants. Nevertheless,
the crimes of the few were visited on all. In the
counties adjoining the reserves the unreasonable
opinion was expressed by a portion of the settlers
that all depredations were committed by the Indian
colonists. In fact it was determined to get rid of
them by some means, and an organized conspiracy
against the Indian policy of the general government
seems to have been formed for the purpose of break
ing up the Texan reservations.

The Indians had been in the habit of making hunt
ing excursions outside their reservations under permits
issued by the agents. But designing men so preju
diced the public mind against the reserve Indians, by
attributing to them the depredations of the unsettled
Comanches and other native tribes, that under threats
of extermination they had been compelled to confine
themselves during 1858 strictly to the reservations.
In the autumn of that year, however, several hunting
parties ventured beyond the limits. And now was
planned and perpetrated as cold-blooded and brutal a
massacre as ever disgraced a civilized people. In a
bend of the Brazos, just above the mouth of Keochi
creek, a party of Indians, men, women, and children,
encamped. Here they remained for several weeks,
engaged in hunting, conducting themselves peaceably,
and offering no molestation to the white settlers, who
visited their camp on several occasions. On Decem
ber 21st, between forty and fifty men, mostly of Erath
county, assembled in conclave on Bosque river to con
sult upon a general extermination policy. A com-

36 Report of Peace Commissioners to the governor, June 27, 1859. Id.,
1859, 297-303.

410 TEXAS AS A STATE.

mittee was appointed, which proceeded to organize a
company, the command of which was given to Peter
Garland.37 Then the order was issued to kill any
Indians found south of Cedar creek. The company
proceeded to the Indian camp on the Brazos, which
contained eight men, eight women, and eleven chil
dren. Having stealthily approached, at early morn
of December 27th, while their victims were sound
asleep, they poured into them a volley of buckshot
and rifle-balls. Seven were killed outright, of whom
three were women ; three men, two women, and three
children were severely wounded, and nearly all the
rest more or less injured. One warrior, after being
struck by a bullet, seized his gun, and rushing outside
of his tent, shot Samuel Stephens dead, to fall himself
almost at the same moment, struck through the brain.
The wounded succeeded in escaping to the reservation.
On their return, as the murderers passed through
Golconda, in Palo Pinto county, they told the citizens
of that town that "they had opened the ball, and the
people there should dance to the music."

This atrocity naturally caused great excitement.
The exasperated Indians threatened vengeance on the
perpetrators ; a proclamation issued by the governor,
denouncing the act, and warning all persons against
joining organizations for hostilities against the friendly
Indians, was without effect. The press published
biased accounts and inflammatory articles on the
subject, and meetings of citizens were held at various
frontier towns, resolutions being passed that the Ind
ians must be removed.38 In the surrounding counties

37 The names of the others, doomed to immortal infamy, were Daniel
Thornton, J. Hightower, E. Fireash, T. Wilie, W. E. Motheral, W. W. Mc-
Neal, Robert Duval, J. P. Harris, W. Fitzgerald, A. L. Braw, R. Dupuy,
W. J. F. Lowder, W. Wood, J. Barnes, H. Highsaw, J. R. Waller, George
Harden, Samuel Stephens, and one Dalton.

38 An idea of the spirit that prevailed at these meetings may be formed
from a resolution passed by the citizens of Weatherford, June 24, 1859. After
stating that they ' believed ' that certain outrages had been perpetrated by
the reserve Indians, they pledged themselves to act in concert with sister
counties in any action necessary for the removal of them, ' whether the same
be over Jordan or Red River, '

CRUELTY TO INDIANS 411

bands of armed citizens were organized, and scouted
round the reservations. Tame Indians found outside
the limits would not, it was declared, be known from
wild ones, but would be killed. The removal was
peremptorily demanded, under threats of extermina
tion. In vain the agents endeavored to avert the
blow; their action caused offence to the citizens of
the frontier, who, on April 25, 1859, boldly demanded
their immediate resignation. All they could do was
to postpone the exodus for a time, aided by the pres
ence of a detachment of the United States troops.
On May 23d, Captain Baylor, the ex-agent, at the
head of 250 armed men, marched upon the Brazos
reservation with the avowed intention of attacking
the Indians. Captain Plummer, 1st infantry, warned
him to leave the reservation, and he departed the
same day. A skirmish occurred with the Indians,
and several on both sides were killed and wounded.39
That the Indians could not remain in Texas was no
longer a matter of doubt ; and on the representations
of the agents, and the pressing instance of the state
authorities, the department at Washington, in order
to avoid bloodshed, issued an order to break up the
reservations as soon as the standing crops could be
harvested. But this did not satisfy the frontier men ;
they peremptorily demanded the immediate removal
of the Indians, and at the urgent request of the super
vising agent, R. S. Neighbors, permission was given
him to conduct them at once beyond Red river. The
evil passions of the white people, however, were thor
oughly aroused. One hundred men of the state
troops had been sent by the governor to the BrazoF
reservation to preserve order, but these even displayed
an attitude hostile to the Indians, while the bands of
armed citizens threatened to attack them on their
march. It became necessary to call in the aid of the
United States army, and on July 30th and August
1st, the unhappy exiles from both reservations, under

*9U. S. Sen. Ex. Doc., cong. 36, sess. 1, ii. 372-3,

412 TEXAS AS A STATE

strong escorts of infantry and cavalry, and accompan
ied by the agents, left their homes for the new loca
tion which had been assigned to them on Washita
river. On August 8th, they crossed Ked river, and
on the 16th arrived at their destination. The number
of Indians thus removed by the pressure of a popular
outbreak, fomented to a great extent by the unreason
able clamor raised by unprincipled men, was 1,415, of
whom 380 were Comanches/0 Owing to the unre-
mitted persecution on the part of their white foes, the
exiles were compelled to leave their cattle behind, it
being impossible even to collect them. As a climax
to this practical illustration of Lamar's principle of
expulsion or extermination, Superintendent Neighbors,
having returned to Texas in September, was waylaid
on the 14th near Fort Belknap by a man unknown
to him, and shot. He died in twenty minutes after
being fired upon, and it was believed that the crime
was ^perpetrated on account of the free opinion ex
pressed by Neighbors relative to the killing of a reserve
Indian some time previously.41

During the administration of Governor Pease a
final adjustment of financial questions between the
state and the federal government was arrived at, and
a settlement made with the creditors of the old re
public. The bond-holders had not been satisfied with
the terms offered them under the state law of Janu
ary, 1852, and little or nothing was done toward the
liquidation of their claims before 1855. Matters be
came still more complicated by an additional claim
raised by Texas against the federal government. By

40 According to the census rolls, there were, in the May preceding, 1,492
souls on the two reservations, viz.: 258 Tonkahuas, 204 Tahwaccaros, 171
Wacos, 244 Caddoes, 235 Anahdahkoes, and 380 Comanches. U. S. Ind. Affairs
Rept, 1859, 267,

41 The official correspondence and full particulars relative to the removal
of the Texan Indians will be found in Id., 1859, 5-6, 220-334. and U. S. Mess.
and Doc., cong. 36, sess. 1, pt i. 588-702. In June 1860, a law was passed
appropriating .$45,650 for the expenses of recoloni/ing these Indians during
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1861. Cong. Globe, 1859-60, app. 486.

FINANCES. 413

the terms of an old treaty the United States were
under the obligation to prevent Indians making pre
datory incursions into Mexican territory.42 On the
strength of this treaty it was claimed that the United
States was responsible for the expenses incurred dur
ing the days of the republic in protecting the frontier
against inroads by savages from United States' terri
tory. It was argued that Texas at the time this
treaty was made was a part of Mexico, and that
although she separated from that country soon after
ward by revolution, that fact did not obliterate the
obligations of the treaty. In July 1854 Thomas J.
Rusk, senator from Texas, brought this view of the
case before the senate, maintaining that as more than
one half of debt of Texas had been expended in pro
tection against Indians, the United States ought to
provide a sum sufficient to pay off the debt in full.
After quoting extracts from diplomatic correspondence
in support of the views taken by Texas, he intro
duced a statement made out by James B. Shaw,
comptroller, showing that the late republic had ex
pended from December 5, 1836, to February 1, 1845,
the sum of $3,815,011 exclusive of interest, in pro
tecting the frontier from incursions of Indians be
longing to the United States.

Meantime the creditors of Texas had appealed to
the United States for payment of their claims, alleg
ing that the general and not the state government
was liable. Under these circumstances the United
States' government intervened. The scale of reduc
tion adopted by the state law was cast aside, and a
bill passed by congress was approved February 28,
1855, by which it was provided that $2,750,000
should be added to the $5,000,000 lying in the treas
ury pertaining to Texas, and that the whole sum of
$7,750,000 should be apportioned pro rata among the
creditors; any portion of the debt that had been

<2 Thirty-third article of the treaty with Mexico of April 5, 1831. Cong.
Globe, xxviii., pt iii., p. 1808-9.

414 TEXAS AS A STATE.

already paid by the state of Texas should be refunded
to her; no payment would be made until the claimant
filed a receipt in full releasing forever the United
States from all claim against them. The act was
not to take effect until it had been assented to by the
legislature of the state of Texas, and until the same
legislature passed an act abandoning all claims and
demands against the United States, growing out of
Indian depredations or otherwise.43

By this pro rata system of payment each creditor
would realize seventy-eight cents on the dollar.44
Three classes of bonds, as scaled by the state's law,
would have yielded more than this,45 and the holders
were consequently dissatisfied.46 By the people of
Texas the bill was received with great disfavor, and
when called upon by proclamation of the governor
to vote upon it, out of 45,000 voters 19,573 refused
to cast their votes; 13,818 voted against accepting the
bill, and 11,609 voted for it.4T It was, however,
finally passed by the state legislature, and the credi
tors, who were secured by a pledge of the import
duties of the extinct republic, on filing their receipts
in the treasury department of the United States re
ceived their pro rata payments. The sum of $299,602
was refunded to the state in consideration of Texas'
having already paid that portion of the debt.

43 Copy of the act will be found in Hunt's Merck. Mag., xxxii. 485.
"Tex. Journal Sen., 1857, 140.

45 Namely, 10 per cent bonds, June 7, 1837 (Swartout), allowed at face
par, 10 per cent bonds for loan from U. S. Bank, scaled at $.8745; and 10
per cent treasury notes, June 7, 1837, allowed at face par. In Id., xxxiii.
89, a tabular form is supplied exhibiting the rate of adjustment established
by Texas and the rate proposed in the above act of the United States con-

fress. It should be remarked that the state legislature passed an act
ebruary 11, 1850, declaring that all liabilities of the late republic should
* cease to draw interest from and after the first day of July, 1850. Gouge, ut
»up., 168. Interest, therefore, was only calculated to that date.

46 Governor Pease in his message to congress, Nov. 2, 1857, recommended
that the state should, out of the sum refunded to Texas by the U. S., pay
these creditors the difference between the amounts which they received under
the above act of congress, and those at which their claims were rated and
classified by the state law, in all $123,217. The committee appointed to
consider the question reported unfavorably to the proposition. Hunt's Merch.
Mac/., xxxviii. 468; Tex. Journal Sen., 1857, 17-18, 139-42.

47 Thrall, 371.

REVENUE. 415

The reader, doubtless, will wish to learn how the
, $5,000,000 in United States' bonds paid into the state
treasury were employed. In order to dismiss this
subject, once for all, it will be better to give a succint
account of the financial condition of the government
up to the time of the final exhaustion of those funds
in 1861.

From 1852 to 1858 nine tenths of the taxes col
lected were remitted to the several counties to enable
them to build court-houses and jails; the remaining
tenth being set apart by the constitution for the sup
port of schools was paid into the treasury. The
rapid progress that was being made in Texas during
this period will be perceived by a comparison of the
amount of taxes collected in the two consecutive
years 1856 and 1857. In the first named year the
valuation of the property assessed was $161,304,025,
which produced $242,964 in taxes; the poll tax
yielded $22,413; and those on occupations and sales
of merchandise $28,993, making a total of $294,370.
The net proceeds received, after deducting the ten
per centum for the school fund and the expenses of
assessing and collecting, amounted to $229,289. The
corresponding figures for 1857 were: assessments of
property, $183,594,205; taxes on the same $276,663;
poll tax $24,463; other taxes $26,940. The net
yield after making the same deductions was $255,044,
showing an excess of more than $25,000 net, over the
proceeds of the previous year. Had the incomes
not been relinquished to the counties, they would
have about covered the ordinary expenses of the
government.48 As it was the expenses had to be
paid, during the period from 1852 to 1858 inclusive,
out of the $5,000,000 United States bonds.

As the bonds bore an interest of five per centum,
the state received up to January 1861, interest to

48 Comptroller's report for 1856 and 1857 in Cordova's Tex,, 336-7. Com
pare governor's message in Tex. Journal Sen,, 1857, 14-16; Thrall^ 375, where
will be found an extract from Pease's message of Nov. 1855.

416 TEXAS AS A STATE.

the amount of $1,625,441, making the total receipts
of principal and interest, $6,625,441, which sum is
thus accounted for. By act of February 16, 1852,
$36,000 were transferred to the school fund to reim
burse it for state bonds destroyed. By act of Jan
uary 31, 1854, $2,000,000 were donated to the same
fund/9 and at subsequent dates interest and premium
on the bonds were paid to the amount of $653,619.
Again by act of February 11, 1856, $100,000 were
transferred to the university fund, and interest paid
on the same up to January 1861, amounting to $9,-
472. Besides these sums, $1,425,296 were disbursed
in payment of certain debts of the late republic — for
it must be borne in mind that the state had other
liabilities than those assumed by the United States,
which only became responsible for claims that were
secured by a pledge of the impost and tonnage duties
of the late republic. The remaining $2,401,054, to
gether with the premium derived from the sale of the
bonds, were used for the general expenses of the gov
ernment from 1852 to 1861 inclusive, appropriations
being made for the establishment of an insane asylum,
and institutions for the education of the blind, and the
deaf and dumb. In 1858 and 1859 the receipts from
taxation were not sufficient to meet the expenses of
the state government, and United States bonds were
expended to the amount of $443,000. The remainder
of the bonds were used in 1860 and 1861, besides
$100,000, transferred from the university fund.50

The general feeling toward the Mexican population
was one of intense animosity in those counties where
they were more thickly congregated. The inhabi
tants of that race were mostly of the lower orders,
and were charged with associating with the slaves,

49 By a law of 1856 the ten per centum of taxes set apart for school pur
poses was blended with the $2,000,000, and one general school fund formed.

^'Comptroller Clement R. Johns' report of Sept. 1, 1859, No. 3 in Tex.
Col Doc., No. 1; Governor's Message oi June 10, 1879, app., 18-19. Treas

r's report of Aug. 31,
troller, Aug. 31, 1876, 6-7.

urer's report of Aug. 31, I860, in Tex. Aim., 1861, 248-9; Tex. Kept Comp
6,

ANIMOSITY TOWARD MEXICANS. 417

and frequently stealing horses and carrying off negro
girls to Mexico. In the autumn of 1856 a dangerous
negro conspiracy was discovered in Colorado county,
which contemplated a simultaneous insurrection, and
the massacre of the white population, with the ex
ception of their young women, who were to be made
captives. The slaves had formed an organized plan,
adopted secret signs and passwords, and provided
themselves with bowie-knives and some fire-arms.
Their intention was, after having accomplished the
first part of their plot, and obtained possession of the
horses and arms of their intended victims, to fight
their way into Mexico, or the "free state," as they
called that country. On the detection of the con
spiracy more than 200 negroes were severely pun
ished with the lash — two being whipped to death—
and three prominent ring-leaders hanged on September
5th. It was maintained that every Mexican in the
county was implicated in this intended uprising, and
they were ordered to leave and never return, under
penalty of death. In Matagorda county, also, a
popular meeting was held, and every Mexican ordered
to leave.51

In 1857 much trouble was caused by the perpetra
tion of numerous acts of violence by Texan wagoners
on Mexican cartmen. In the transportation of goods
from the sea-ports to San Antonio, the freight rates
charged by the latter were so low as practically to
drive the Texan teamsters from the field of compe
tition. As the Mexicans were thoroughly trust
worthy, and generally made better time than their
rivals, the merchants naturally employed them in
preference to paying higher rates to carriers of their
own race. This gave umbrage to the Texan drivers,
who proceeded to form secret organizations for the
purpose of ousting their competitors from the road.
A system of the most outrageous persecution followed.

51 Extracts from the Galveston News, and True Issue, in Olmsted's Journey,
Ovl^ — 4.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 27

418 TEXAS AS A STATE.

Bands of masked men way-laid the Mexican wagon-
trains, destroyed the wheels, drove off the oxen, mur
dered cartmen, and often pillaged the freight, carry
ing off valuable cargoes. This practice was carried
on to such an extent that General Twiggs, the United
States' commander at San Antonio, was compelled to
protect with a military escort trains transporting
government supplies. About the end of July, a train
was attacked by night and three Mexicans wounded;
in September following the cartmen of another train
were fired upon by masked men, one man being killed
and three wounded; and again on November 21st
two more were killed.

In October the Mexican minister at Washington
addressed the United States government on the
matter, stating that he had been assured that the
number of men thus murdered was no less than
seventy-five, and that the persecution directed against
Mexicans had compelled many to abandon their
homes in San Antonio and elsewhere, and seek refuge
on Mexican territory in a state of destitution. On
November llth and 30th, Governor Pease addressed
special messages to the legislature on the subject, in
which after making particular mention of the three
cases above mentioned, and denouncing such acts of

' O

violence, he remarked that it was evident that there
was no security for the lives of citizens of Mexican
origin engaged in the business of transportation,
unless they were escorted by a military force. As
the counties in which these deeds were perpetrated,
took no trouble to put a stop to them, he invited the
legislature to consider whether their citizens should
not be compelled to pay a heavy penalty, which would
arouse them to the necessity of preserving the public
peace.

The senate referred the matter to the committee on
state affairs, which on December 1st reported the
necessity of a bill to establish a penalty, and provide
for the punishment of those who unlawfully combined

THE CART WAR. 419

to prevent people from engaging in lawful employ
ments, and that such a bill was being prepared by the
committee. It does not appear, however, that any
further action was taken. Meantime the governor
had called into service a volunteer company, which
proceeding was approved by the legislature. This
force proved inadequate to suppress the lawlessness,
and other means were brought to bear upon the male
factors. When the road was abandoned by the
Mexican cartmen, and booty became scarce, they
began to commit depredations on the property of citi
zens. However indifferent the people had been to
outrages perpetrated on Mexicans, they now energeti
cally took the matter in hand. Lynch law was vig
orously applied, and in the neighborhood of Goliad
the passing traveller would see many a corpse sus
pended from the boughs of the black oaks. The dia
bolical organization was thus speedily broken up, and
this system of murder and robbery — which was
dignified by the name of the Cart War — was brought
to an end.52

Political parties, strictly so called, were first organ
ized in Texas during Pease's administration. The
party factions opposed to each other in the days of
the republic were of a personal rather than of a politi
cal nature. Being in reality the offspring of the ri
valry between prominent men, they did not originate
from differences in political opinions, but merely sup
ported their respective leaders in their candidateship
for office, without being materially influenced by prin
ciples of policy. When, however, Texas was annexed
to the union, under the auspices of the democratic
party, she soon became involved in the political antag
onism which prevailed in the United States. Her
constitution was framed on the principles of democracy,
and during the first years of her existence as a state,

, 1857, 82, 96, 145-6, 154-5, 158-60, 171-2, 186; Hex. Informs Comis.
Pesq., 1873, 73-4; Linn's Reminis., 352-4; Thrall, 372.

420 TEXAS AS A STATE.

candidates for office were elected on personal consid
erations. When the disruption of the great national
whig party occurred in 1854, the abolitionists of the
north gained thereby large reinforcements, which were
supplemented by defections from the democratic ranks
of members who thought they had cause to be dis
pleased with President Pierce's administration. At
this time what was called the "native party" whose
principles were opposed to naturalized foreigners hold
ing office, was in a moribund condition; but it was
now resuscitated, and undergoing a kind of metempsy
chosis, developed into the know-nothing party. By
this later organization, the creed of the old native
party was enlarged, and made to include proscription
of Roman catholic citizens, while the opposition to
naturalized aliens was intensified. The know-noth
ings cast over their proceedings a cloak of mystery.
They constituted, in fact, a secret political society;
applied tests of a religious character, and endeavored
to pit the different races against each other. All
these principles were contrary to the constitution of
the United States. In Texas, the know-nothings
for a short time acquired considerable influence. Nu
merous lodges were organized, and in 1855 L. D.
Evans was returned by the party to congress from
the eastern district. On the reelection of Pease the
same year, he was opposed by their candidate, Dick-
son, who obtained no less than 17,968 votes, being
between 4,000 and 5,000 more than had ever before
been cast for governor. However, on their failure to
elect their candidate, the career of the know-nothings
in Texas was brought to a close. The unconstitution-
ality of their doctrines, and the violence to civil and
religious liberty entailed in their intolerant principles
were denounced by their more enlightened opponents ; 53

53 Prominent among their opponents was Anson Jones, who states that he
4 wrote upwards of fifty articles for the Ranycr, and other Texan newspapers,
in opposition to know-nothingism, and the various isms associated with it,
omitting no opportunity to strike at the hydra which offered.' Letters, etc.,
520-42. Consult also, Thrall, 376-7; Linn's Reminis., 354-5.

RUSK AND HAMILTON. 421

the democratic party called upon the people in the
name of liberty and the constitution to discountenance
the secret organization, and their influence rapidly
waned.

In 1857, Texas was called upon to mourn the loss
of two men conspicuous for their services during the
revolutionary struggle — Thomas J. Rusk and James
Hamilton of South Carolina.

Thomas Jefferson Rusk, whose earlier biography
has been already given,84 migrated to Texas in 1834,
and having distinguished himself in tlie war of inde
pendence, subsequently held the command of various
expeditions against hostile Indians. In 1839, he was
appointed chief justice of the republic, but soon re
signed that position, retired to Nacogdoches, and
resumed his practice as a lawyer. In 1845, he was
chosen president of the annexation convention, and on
the incorporation of Texas into the union was elected
at the first session of the state legislature to the
United States senate. This position he held till the
time of his death in 1857. In 1856, Rusk lost his
wife, while he was in Washington engaged in his sen
atorial duties. This bereavement deeply affected him,
and on his return to his home he was prostrated by a
serious illness, his recovery from which was slow.
Enervated in mind and body, and afflicted by a tumor
on his neck which probably affected the brain, he took
his own life at Nacogdoches, July 30, 1857.

Rusk was a man of rare qualities, and took a prom
inent part in the United States senate. He was a
statesman of a high order, energetic, and possessed of
a mind of great clearness and strength. Of remark
ably sound judgment, supported by wide experience,
he had an accurate and extensive knowledge of man
kind. And his wisdom and talents were equalled by
his virtues — courage, honesty, and truth being his
marked characteristics. Insensible to adulation, he
never stooped to flattery. In his intercourse with

54 See note 39, chap, viii., this voL

422 TEXAS AS A STATE.

men. he did not affect dignified importance, but was
accessible to all; and it was a habit of his to converse
with men in the humblest stations in life as freely as
with those in the highest, while his sympathy for the
unfortunate or oppressed, and his love of justice and
candor won for him the respect and affections of
every class. Uninfluenced by selfish motives and by
personal ambition, he labored in the senate for the ag
grandizement of the nation at large, and the promotion
of its general welfare. In just recognition of his loss,
and as a mark of respect, the United States congress
wore the usual badge of mourning for thirty days.55

General James Hamilton was a native of South
Carolina, of which state he was governor. In the
struggle of Texas for independence he boldly advo
cated her cause, and gave both his services and means
in her support. As member of the senate of South
Carolina he powerfully upheld the purity of the revo
lutionists' motives, and devoted himself to the inter
ests of the new republic. He secured the treaty with
Great Britain, and negotiated one with the kingdom
of the Netherlands. In recognition of his services
he was vested with the rights of Texan citizenship
by a special act of congress. While engaged, how
ever, in his service as diplomatic agent of Texas in
Europe he became involved in embarrassments which
eventually ruined him. In 1857 Hamilton sailed
from New Orleans for Galveston in the steamship
Opelonsas, in the hope of obtaining indemnification for
his losses and of retrieving his fortune in the country
for which he had done so much. The vessel was
wrecked on her passage by a collision with the
steamer Galveston, and Hamilton was one of the vic
tims of the disaster. The state congress went into
mourning out of respect to his memory.56

. Globe, 1857-8, pt i., 331-8; Tex. Aim,, 1858, 105-9; Cordwa'sTex.,
1G5-7; Thrall, 607-11; Gov Pease's message of Nov. 2, 1857, in Tex., Jour
nal Sen., 1857, 38.

, 121-2; Thrall, 549; Tex. Aim., 1SG1, 82-3.

GOVERNOR RUNNELS. 423

On December 21, 1857, Hardin R Kunnels57 — the
successful democratic candidate — was inaugurated
governor, having defeated his competitor, Sarn
Houston, by a poll of 32,552 votes against 23,628
cast in favor of the latter.

When Runnels entered office, symptoms had already
made their appearance that the time was rapidly ap
proaching of the great national disruption, which a
few years later tore asunder the United States, and
deluged the country in blood. On the admission of
Missouri into the union as a slave state, Henry Clay
introduced into the United States senate, in 1820, a
compromise measure which provided that the institu
tion of slavery should be thereafter excluded from all
territory lying north of latitude 36° 30', that line be
ing the southern boundary of Missouri. The adop
tion of this bill, known as the Missouri compromise,
gave rise in time to bitter controversies between the
free and slave states, the latter regarding it as an en
croachment on the part of the federal government on
the constitutional right of future sovereign states to
arrange their own domestic affairs.

In 1850 the same statesman submitted to the sen
ate other compromise resolutions designed for the pur
pose of arranging amicably the controversies between
the free and slave states on the subject of slavery.
These resolutions declared that congress in establish
ing territorial governments should impose no restric
tions on the people of such territories with respect to
slavery. A very memorable discussion followed,
which resulted in the passage of bills admitting Cali
fornia into the union as a free state, and in the orga
nization of the territories of Utah and New Mexico
without restriction as to slavery. The fugitive slave
law was enacted at the same time. Again in 1854,
on the establishment of Kansas and Nebraska as ter-

57 Runnels migrated to Texas in 1841 from Mississippi, and engaged in
cotton planting on Red river. He represented Bowie county in the legisla
ture for eight years. During 1853-5 he was speaker in the house. He died
at his home in Bowie county in 1873. Thrall* 607.

424 TEXAS AS A STATE.

ritories, Senator Douglas, from Illinois, introduced
into the bill brought before congress on that occasion,
an amendment which virtually repealed the Missouri
compromise. The principles of non-intervention by
congress with the institution of slavery in the states
and territories had clearly been recognized by the legis
lation of 1850. Supported by the compromise acts
of that year Senator Douglas maintained that con
gress had no right to legislate in the matter of slav
ery, and that the people of any state or territory
should be allowed to decide for themselves questions
of their domestic institutions.58 Both Kansas and
Nebraska would have been free territories under the
Missouri compromise, but the bill was passed with
the amendment, May 25, 1854.

Nevertheless it met with great opposition. Reso
lutions were passed by the legislatures of various
states denouncing it ; memorials from abolitionist
societies were addressed to congress ; and clergymen
petitioned for its repeal. Moreover, it was soon ap
parent that the introduction of slavery into Kansas
from the south would meet with violent opposition on
the part of the people of that territory. Intense
sectional agitation prevailed; and it was regarded as
a foregone conclusion that Kansas would be admitted
into the union only as a free state, unless some action
were taken by the combined south.

Governor Runnels addressed a message, January
20, 1858, to the legislature calling attention to the
aspect of affairs in Kansas, and clearly advocating
the doctrine of secession. On the 8th of the same
month a democratic state convention had been held
at Austin, at which it was resolved that there
were grounds for the serious apprehension that the
doctrine of non-intervention was in danger of being
repudiated by the United States congress ; and a re
quest was made to the state legislature to provide
for the appointment of delegates to a convention of

68 Cong. Globe, xxviii. pt i., 175, 221-2, 239-40, 275,

PRECAUTIONARY MEASURES. 425

the southern states on the occasion of one being as
sembled. But bolder resolutions than these were
offered. T. J. Chambers proposed that it should be
resolved that any action on the part of the congress
of the United States tending to embarrass, delay and
defeat the admission of Kansas as a member of the
union, under any pretext referable to the question
of slavery, would be a usurpation of power and a
violation of the compact of the union; that in case
of such an event, the representatives of Texas in the
United States congress were requested to give notice
of the intention of the state to resume her independ
ence and withdraw from the union. Sister states " at
tached to the benign domestic institution of slavery"
were to be invited to join her in that measure.59

In response to the governor's message the legisla
ture of Texas, having submitted the subject to the
committee on federal relations, passed on February
16, 1858, a joint resolution. In the preamble it was
set forth that a violent determination existed on the
part of a portion of the inhabitants of the territory
of Kansas to exclude by force the citizens of slave-
holding states from a just, equal, and peaceful partici
pation in the use and enjoyment of the common prop
erty and territory of the confederacy. Whereas this
determination, owing to the state of political feeling
in the northern states, operating upon the federal
government, might become effectual, and the exclu
sion perpetual, it was resolved that the governor
should be authorized to order the election of seven
delegates to meet delegates appointed by the other
southern states in convention, whenever the executives
of a majority of the slave-holding states should ex
press the opinion that such convention was necessary
to preserve the equal rights of such states in the
union. An appropriation of $10,000 was made to
defray the expenses of the delegates, and the governor

59 Id., cong. 35, sess. 1, 1858, app. 63-4. Governor's message in Tex.
Journal Sen., 1857-8, 373-8.

426 TEXAS AS A STATE.

was authorized, in case an exigency arose, in which
it would be necessary for Texas to act alone, to call a
special session of the legislature to provide for a state
convention.60

During Runnels' administration Texas continued to
progress. Population steadily increased by the ad
vent of new settlers, and with the exception of troub
les connected with Indians, as previously narrated,
peace reigned within her borders, and the inhabitants
pursued their avocations in security. Toward the
close of his term a Mexican named Juan N. Cortina
began to commit depredations on the lower Rio
Grande ; but as they were continued at intervals dur
ing the administration of his successor, it will be con
venient to defer for a time the relation of them.

At the election held in September, 1859, the same
two candidates competed for the executive office.
Runnels being nominated by the democratic party,
Houston ran as an independent candidate, and was
elected by a majority of 8,757 votes over his oppo
nent.61

60 Cong. Globe, 1857-1858, p. 1000; Tex. Rept Admis. Kansas, no. 2, in
Tex. Col. Doc., no. 1.

clThe number of votes cast was 64,027, of which Houston obtained
36,257, and Runnels 27,500. Thrall, 379; Tex. Aim., 1861, 215.

JEFF DAVIS MEDAL.

CHAPTER XVI.

CIVIL WAR.
1859-1862.

THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH — HOUSTON'S MESSAGE — REPORTS OF COMMITTEES
ON RESOLUTIONS OF SOUTH CAROLINA — KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE
—SPECIAL SESSION OF THE TEXAN CONGRESS CONVENED— A CONVENTION
ILLEGALLY CALLED — SURRENDER OF GENERAL TWIGGS — HOUSTON'S
SPEECH AT GALVESTON — TEXAS SECEDES FROM THE UNION—PROCEEDINGS
OF THE CONVENTION — HOUSTON DEPOSED — His PROTEST — CLARK IN
STALLED PROVISIONAL GOVERNOR — INDIAN SETTLEMENT ON TRINITY
RIVER— CORTINA'S INSURRECTION — His DEFEAT AND FLIGHT — LIST OF
SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES — COMMENCEMENT OF THE CIVIL WAR —
MILITARY OPERATIONS — INVASION OF NEW MEXICO — ITS FAILURE.

THE election of Houston to the executive chair was
a victory of the unionist party in Texas over the confed
erate party. At this time the majority of the Texans
were opposed to separation from the union; and
though the late governor had been elected by the
maneuvering of the democratic party, which won
the confidence of the people by its crusade against
the know-nothings, they presently became alarmed at
the development of the secession intentions of the
democratic leaders. In 1858 a vacancy occurred on
the supreme bench, and the democrats nominated
Buckley, who bore no enviable character, and was of
well-known disunion proclivities. He was defeated by
an overwhelming majority by Bell, an avowed unionist.
In the canvass of 1859 the democratic convention
met at the town of Houstor; confederate sentiments
were expressed in it, and the African slave-trade was
held in favor. 1 The democratic party had thrown off the

llfeivcomb, Hht. Seces. Tex., 4-5. James P. Newcomb was the editor of
the Alamo Express published in San Antonio. He opposed disunion, and
(427)

428 CIVIL WAR.

mask, and the result was the defeat of their candidate
by a large majority.

Houston took his seat at a time when intense
political excitement prevailed all over the United
States. The measures adopted by the legislation in
1850 and 1854, so far from producing harmony, only
aggravated political hostility. However conciliatory
they might have been to the southern states, they
only embittered the feelings of the free-soil party in
the north. The non-prohibition of slavery in New
Mexico and Utah was regarded by the latter as im
politic and unjust, while the fugitive slave-law, which
stringently provided for the arrest and return of es
caped slaves, was denounced as unconstitutional and
cruel. The Kansas-Nebraska bill of 1854 roused the
indignation of the free states, and the ranks of the
anti-slavery party thenceforth gained strength daily.
By the close of 1859 the opposing factions were un
compromisingly arrayed against each other, and the
fire of disruption was already being kindled. Im
mediately after the passage of the bill of 1854 Kansas
became a field of strife between the free-soil and pro-
slavery parties, and emigrants from Missouri and the
south engaged in deadly contest with settlers from
the northern states. The polls were taken possession
of by armed bands, and elections were carried by ille
gal voting. Counter-constitutions were promulgated
in turn by antagonists, and for several years the
condition of the territory was anarchical. Finally, in
July 1859, a constitution prohibiting slavery was
adopted by a convention which met at Wyandotte,
and was ratified by popular vote October 4th fol
lowing.

This defeat, aggravated by the raid of John Brown
on Harper's Ferry dur ,y the same month, exasper-

when the secession of Texas was declared, rather than be compelled to sacri
fice his principles, he determined to leave the country, and did so in July
1861, proceeding to Cal. by way of Monterey and Durango. He published
his little work, consisting of 12 and 33 octavo pages, at San Francisco in
1863.

GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. 429

ated the southern states, and in December 1859, both
branches of the legislature of South Carolina, passed
unanimously startling resolutions on the subject of
federal relations. Affirming, in the preamble, the
right of the state to secede from the confederation, and
asserting that for the last seven years assaults upon
the institution of slavery, and upon the rights and
equality of the southern states, had continued with in
creasing violence, the legislature resolved that it was
their deliberate judgment in general assembly, that
the slave-holding states should immediately meet, and
adopt measures for united action ; that the resolutions
should be communicated by the governor to all the
slave states, with the earnest request that they would
appoint deputies, and adopt measures to promote said
meeting ; and that for the purpose of preparation for
an emergency, the sum of $100,000 should be appro
priated for military contingencies.2

On the receipt of these resolutions, Governor
Houston in January, 1860, addressed a message on
the subject to both houses of the state congress.
The document is somewhat lengthy, comprising six
teen 8vo pages, and is an able exposition of arguments
against the doctrines of nullification and secession.
Houston entered his unqualified protest against the
principles enunciated in the resolutions. To nullify
constitutional laws would not allay the existing dis
cord. Separation from the union would not remove
the unjust assaults made by a class in the north upon
the institutions of the south; "they would exist from
like passions, and like feelings under any government."
"The union," he remarks, "was intended as a per
petuity. In accepting the conditions imposed prior
to becoming a part of the confederacy, the states
became part of the nation. What they conceded
comprises the power of the federal government; but
over that which they did not concede, their sover-

2 Copy of these resolutions will be found in Tex. State Gaz., iv., App. 178-
9'; Houston's Message on S. C. Resol, 1360, No. 1, in Tex. Col Doc., No. 2.

430 CIVIL WAR,.

eignty is as perfect as is that of the union in its ap
propriate sphere." With regard to the position of
Texas, he says: "In becoming a state of the union,
Texas agreed 'not to enter into any treaty, alliance, or
confederation, and not, without the consent of con
gress, to keep troops or ships of war, enter into any
agreement or compact with any other state or foreign
power/ All these rights belonged to Texas as a
nation. She ceased to possess them as a state."
After quoting the language of Washington, Jefferson,
Madison, Jackson, Clay, and Webster, with regard to
the necessity of preserving the union, he called atten
tion to the effect of secession and disunion in Mexico,
where "a disregard for a constitutional government
had involved that country in all the horrors of civil
war, with robbery, murder, rapine, unrestrained." In
the event of disruption of the United States, to all
these evils would be added the combined efforts of
the powers of tyranny to crush out liberty. In con
clusion he recommended "the adoption of resolutions,
dissenting from the assertion of the abstract right of
secession, and refusing to send deputies for any present
existing cause, and urging upon the people of all the
states, north and south, the necessity of cultivating
brotherly feeling, observing justice, and attending to
their own affairs."

This message, with which the resolutions of the
general assembly of South Carolina were transmitted,
was referred by the senate to the committee on state
affairs, and by the house of representatives to the
committee on federal relations. The former conimit-
tee was unanimous in the opinion that the union and
constitution should be preserved and defended, but it
was divided as to the form of the joint resolutions to
be submitted to the senate. Those reported by the
majority, while expressing the firm resolution to de
fend the constitution of the United States and support
the union, at the same time maintained the doctrine
of state defence against aggressions. It was further

STATE RIGHTS AND WRONGS. 431

declared that the statutes of several of the non-slave-
holding states nullifying the fugitive slave laws, and
the purpose of the dominant political party in the
northern states, called the black republican party, to
use, if it could get possession of the federal govern
ment, all the powers of that government for the ex
termination of slavery, were all in violation of the
spirit and principles of the constitution. In view of
this danger, Texas appealed to the people of the other
states to prove, in the ensuing state and federal elec
tions, their devotion to the constitution and the union,
and to the sovereignty and equality of states. In
case the appeal should be disregarded, the subject of
present and probable exigencies was commended to
the consideration of the people of Texas, to devise
ways and means of maintaining the rights and liber
ties of the states.

The joint resolutions reported by the minority of
the committee on state affairs were far more definite.
It was resolved that the state did not admit the con
stitutional right of a state to secede ; that secession
was a voluntary act, and could only be justified by
oppressive infractions of the constitution by the gen
eral government; that nothing, as yet, had been done
by that government to justify such revolutionary ac
tion, and Texas therefore held the resolutions of South
Carolina to be premature and unnecessary, and de
clined to appoint deputies; that the people of Texas,
however, solemnly warned their northern brethren
against the fanaticism of the abolitionists and black
republicans. Whenever an assault was made upon
slavery by those wielding the powers of the federal
government, Texas would resist such aggression by
every means in her power. Whenever the federal
government became powerless to protect the rights of
the states, it ceased to answer the purpose for which
it was instituted, and the union would no longer be
worth maintaining. In the event of such being the
'case, "Texas would again raise the revolutionary

432 CIVIL WAR.

standard, as in the struggle of 1835 and 1836, when
the Mexican confederation became the corrupt repre
sentative of mere forms of constitutional liberty. In
such a contest, the people would act with those who
opposed a common danger, holding an aggression on
the rights of any one of her sister states as an aggres
sion upon her own ; but rather than submit to a vio
lation of their constitutional rights, they would, if
necessary, single-handed and alone, again unfurl the
banner of the Lone Star."£

Majority and minority reports were also submitted
to the house of representatives by the committee on
federal relations. In the former, it was resolved that
whenever one section of the union presumed upon its
strength for the oppression of the other, the constitu
tion became a mockery ; that Texas would neither
violate any federal right, nor submit to any violation
of her rights by federal authorities; that she would
not submit to the degradation threatened by the
black republican party, but would sooner reassert her
independence, and again enter upon a national career;
that Texas pledged herself to any one or more of the
states to cooperate with them, should it become neces
sary, to resist federal wrong.

t/_ * O

The report of the minority was similar in spirit to
that presented by the minority of the committee on
state affairs. It was denied that any of the alleged
evils were ascribable to the legitimate operations of
the federal government, but were chargeable to the
disloyalty of those who, by obstructing the laws and
authorities, were themselves, designedly or undesign-
edly, enemies of the union. The dissolution of the
union would cure no evils, but on the contrary, would
be the source of unnumbered evils ; the minority dis
sented from the doctrines of secession and nullification ;
they deemed it inexpedient to send deputies to a con
vention of the slave-holding states, as invited by South
Carolina, and it was their opinion that there was no

3 Copy of joint resolutions proposed in Tex. State Gaz., iv., app. 177-8.

SECRET ORGANIZATION. 433

sufficient cause to justify Texas in taking the incipient
steps for a dissolution of the union/

It will be perceived that, with the exception of the
majority report of the committee on federal relations,
the sentiments expressed were in all main points in
harmony with Houston's views. But the year 1860
was one of unprecedented agitation, caused by the
excitement over the canvass for the presidential elec
tion. A great national crisis was at hand. By the
platform adopted by the republican national conven
tion, which met at Chicago on May 16th, it was
denied that the authority of congress or of a territo
rial legislature could give legal existence to slavery
in any territory of the United States. The ballots
resulted in the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, who
was elected president by a large majority of the elec
toral college's votes.5

Meantime in Texas the democratic confederate
leaders had not been idle after their defeat at the
polls. They now had recourse to a secret organiza
tion, and the same men who had denounced the know-
nothing society availed themselves of the services of
a secret organization, known as the Knights of the
Golden Circle, which had been formed some years
before with the object of establishing an empire, the
foundation of which was to rest on the institution of
slavery. The boundary of this visionary empire was
to be the circumference of a golden circle, as it was
called by the projectors, having for its centre Habana,
in Cuba, and a radius of sixteen geographical degrees.
It would extend to the isthmus of Panamd, on the
south, and the Pennsylvania line on the .north, and
include the West Indies, the islands of the Caribbean
sea, and the largest portions of Mexico and Central
America. Under the auspices of this society, all the
filibustering movements during the period from 1850
and 1857 were undertaken, but on the failure of

/Copy of reports in Id., 166-7.

5 Lincoln obtained 180 votes, Breckenridge 72, Bell 39, and Douglas 12.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 28

434 CIVIL WAIL

Walker's expedition in Nicaragua, the organization
was partially broken up. The more persistent of its
members, however, still devoted their energies to the
accomplishment of disunion, and the baffled secession
ist party in Texas turned to them for assistance. In
1860, two members of the order, George W. Bickley
and his nephew, were employed to organize "castles,"
or lodges, in Texas, receiving as remuneration for
their work the initiation fees paid by incoming mem
bers. Such castles were soon established in every
principal town and village in the state, and among
the knights of this order were many members of the
legislature and prominent politicians. It became a
power in the land. By its influence the sentiments
of the people were revolutionized ; from its fold were
drawn the first armed rebels in Texas, under the fa
mous ranger, Benjamin McCullough ; it furnished
the vigilance committees ; and to its members were
charged murders and incendiary acts committed dur
ing the war. So says Newcomb.6

No sooner was it known that the majority of elec
tors chosen on November 6th were in favor of Lin
coln than South Carolina took the initiative, and
called for a convention of the southern states, to meet
at Columbia, December 17th. Heavy pressure, too,
was brought to bear upon Houston to force him to
call a special session of the legislature, to which he
finally yielded, much against his will, appointing Jan
uary 21, 1861, as the day for its assembly. His pre
vious views were now slightly modified, though he
was still as strongly opposed to secession as ever. In
his message to congress, when it met at the appointed
time, he stated that he felt the necessity of the slave-
holding states' taking action to secure to the fullest
extent their rights, but he could not reconcile his
mind to the idea that safety demanded an immediate
separation from the federal government before having

6Utsup., 6-7; Lossings Hist, Civ. War, i. 187; Greeky's Amer. Conflict, i.
350.

CHANGE OF OPINION. 435

stated their grievances and demanded redress. While
deploring the election of Lincoln, he, nevertheless, did
riot yet see in that event any cause for the secession
of Texas. He believed, however, that the time had
arrived when the southern states should cooperate,
and take counsel together. Such a convention as
that contemplated by the joint resolution of February
16, 1858, would, he believed, soon be held, and desir
ing that the people of Texas should be represented in
it, he had ordered an election for that purpose to be
held on the first Monday in February 1861. Since
the issue of his proclamation, four of the southern
states had declared themselves no longer members of
the union.7 The interests of Texas, he said, were
identified with those of the remaining states, which,
as yet, had taken no action. If by joining her coun
sels with theirs such assurances could be obtained of
a determination on the part of the northern states to
regard the constitutional rights of the south as would
induce the states which had seceded to rescind their
action, the end attained would silence the reproaches
of the rash and inconsiderate. He also called atten
tion to the necessity of providing against Indian hos
tilities, and for the wants of an empty treasury.

Houston thus stood to his principles. He still
hoped that disunion might be avoided by temperate
representations of a convention of the southern states.
But the operations of the knights of the golden circle
had already had dire effect in Texas. The voices of
the unionists were silenced by threats, by the spec
tacle of the corpses of outspoken advocates of free-
state principles hanging from the trees,8 and by the
destroying flames of incendiary fires. The legislature,

7 These states were South Carolina, which seceded on Dec. 20, I860;
Mississippi, on Jan. 9, 1861; Florida, Jan. 10th; and Alabama, Jan. llth.

8 On Dec. 4, 18GO, Senator Clingman from North Carolina, after remark
ing that the senator from New York was reported to have said that Texas
was excited by ' free debate,' made use of these words in the senate: 'Well,
sir, a senator from Texas told me the other day that a good many of those
debaters were hanging up by the trees in that country! ' Cong. GW>e, 1860-1,
pt i., 4. The senators from Texas were John Hemphill and Louis T. WigfalL

436 CIVIL WAR.

too, was packed with members of the ordqr. Ignor
ing the governor's proclamation, the knights -proceeded
to hasten matters, and on January 8th sixty of them
issued a call for a state convention, to meet at Austin
on the 28th of that month, the chief justices of the
counties being recommended to order the opening of
the polls at the different precincts for the election of
delegates to said convention. The election was held
January 8th, polls being opened by the knights of the
golden circle wherever judges, loyal to the union, re
fused to obey the call. By the mass of the people,
the proceeding was regarded as irregular, and out of
the whole number of voters in the state not more
than 10,000 appeared at the polls.9 Barely half of
the counties were represented by the people.

But the confederate party had the upper hand, and
was determined to push matters to a crisis. The
legislature by a joint resolution recognized the infor
mally elected delegates, and declared the convention
a legally constituted assembly.13 Houston's veto was
overruled, and on the appointed day the convention
met at Austin. On February 1st the ordinance of
secession was passed by a vote of 167 to 7, subject to
ratification or rejection by a vote of the people on the
23d. Without waiting till the result was known the
convention proceeded to appoint a " committee of
public safety" to, which secret instructions were given.
It, moreover, appointed delegates11 to the confederate
convention at Montgomery, Alabama, and having
thus assumed the power to act before the will of the
people was expressed, adjourned to March 2d.

The committee of safety precipitated events in a
still more arbitrary manner. It usurped the powers

9 Thrall, page 381, does not represent the opinions of the Texaiis in their
true light with respect to this matter. He says, ' the people, by common
consent, on the 8th of January, elected delegates to a state convention. '

10 In the house the resolution passed with little opposition. In the senate
a substitute resolution was offered by one of the members, to the effect that
an election should be held for a convention to meet on March 4th following;
it was lost by a vote of 20 nays to 10 yeas.

11 Namely, John H. Reagan, Lewis T. Wigfall, John Hemphill, William
S. Oldham, John Gregg, and W. B. Ochiltree. Thrall, 408.

COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. 437

of the executive, and appointed three commissioners,
Thomas J. Devine, P. N. Luckett, and S. A. Mave
rick, to treat with General Twiggs, in command of
the United States forces in Texas, for the surrender
of his army and the national posts and property.
Twiggs was already in communication with the con
federates, and when in January Governor Houston
had inquired of him confidentially as to what disposi
tion would be made of the public property in Texas,
he evasively replied, on the 22d, that he had re
ceived no instructions from Washington in regard to
the disposition of the public property or of the troops,
in the event of the state's secedin^. " After secession,"

O

he wrote, "if the executive of the state makes a de
mand on the commander of the department he will
receive an answer." In his communications with the
commissioners, Twiggs required of them to support
their demand with some show of force, and on Feb
ruary 16th Ben McCullough,12 with a party of be
tween 300 and 400 men, took possession of the main
square of San Antonio, the Alamo having been cap
tured that morning by a body of the knights. On
the 18th, an agreement was entered into, and Twio^s

O O^

surrendered the national forces stationed in Texas, to
the number of 2,500 men/3 all the forts, arsenals, and
military posts,14 and the public stores and munitions
of war valued at $1,200,000, cost price.

12 He was a native of Tennessee, went to Texas during the time of the
revolution, and commanded a cannon in the battle of San Jacinto. After

the independence of Texas he was captain of a company of rangers. Dur
ing the war of secession he was appointed brigadier-general in the confederate
army, and was killed in the second day's fight at Pea Ridge, Arkansas,
March 24, 1862. Thrall, 589.

13 By the terms of the agreement the U. S. troops were to leave the soil
of the state by the way of the coast, being allowed to retain their arms.
While in Matagorda Bay, 450 of these soldiers under Major Sibley, on
board of two schooners for transportation, were captured, April 24, 1861,
by the confederate officer, Major Earle Van Dorn, who then proceeded with
1,500 men to San Antonio, where he made prisoners of 300 more, under Col
Reeve on May 9th following. This was an infraction of the agreement.
Newcoml), ut sup., 10-12jW,ossmr/, ut sup., i. 265-73; U. S. Sen. Misc. Doc.,
cong. 37, sess. 1, no. i. 19^0.

11 The military posts and ports in Texas occupied by the U. S. troops at
this time were as follows: Camp Cooper, Fort Chadbourne, Camp Colorado,
Fort Bliss, Fort Quitman, Fort Mason, Fort Stockton, Fort Lancaster, Fort

438 CIVIL WAR.

A few days before the popular vote was taken
Houston delivered a speech from the balcony of the
Tremont House, in Galveston, to the excited public
on the question of secession. His personal friends,
fearing that violence would be offered, entreated him
to remain quiet. But he was not to be stopped by
any apprehension of danger. He stood erect before
the people, and in prophetic language pictured to
them the dark future. "Some of you," he said,
"laugh to scorn the idea of bloodshed as a result of
secession, and jocularly propose to drink all the blood
that will ever flow in consequence of it ! But let me
tell you what is coming on the heels of secession:
The time will come when your fathers and husbands,
your sons and brothers, will be herded together like
sheep and cattle at the point of the bayonet, and
your mothers and wives, and sisters and daughters,
will ask, Where are they ? You may, after the sacri
fice of countless millions of treasure, and hundreds of
thousands of precious lives, as a bare possibility, win
southern independence, if God be not against you;
but I doubt it. I tell you that, while I believe with
you in the doctrines of state rights, the north is de
termined to preserve this union. They are not a fiery
impulsive people as you are, for they live in cooler
climates. But when they begin to move in a given
direction, where great interests are involved, such as
the present issues before the country, they move with
the steady momentum and perseverance of a mighty
avalanche, and what I fear is they will overwhelm the
south with ignoble defeat." He expressed the belief
that the existing difficulties could be solved by peace
able means. Otherwise, he would say, "Better die
freemen than live slaves." Whatever course Texas

Davis, Camp Hudson, Camp Verde, Camp Ives, Camp Wood, Fort Clark,
San Antonio Barracks, Fort Inge, Fort Duncan, Fort Mclntosh, Ringgold
Barracks, Camp Palo Alto, and Fort Brown. DisturneWs U. S. Register, 1861-
62, 62-3; Tex. Aim., 1860, 144-6. In U. S. Mess, and Doc., 1860-61, 218-21,
three other camps appear on the list, situated on the Rio Grande below Fort
Ringgold.

HOUSTON'S DEPOSAL AND PROTEST. 439

should determine to pursue, his faith in state suprem
acy and state rights would carry his sympathies with
her. As Henry Clay had said, "My country, right
or wrong," so said he "my state, right or wrong."

On February 23d the polls were opened. Houston
had been right in saying that bloodshed was not an
ticipated. By most Texans the possibility of war was
not thought of, and his warnings fell on heedless ears.
Austin, the capital, San Antonio, and other western
towns, as well as counties, gave union majorities; the
German colonists, too, were for the union; but in the
other portions of the state the vote was confederate.
Out of 70,000 legal voters,16 53,256 cast their votes.
Of this number 39,415 were in favor of secession and
13,841 against it.

This result was known March 5th, and then the
convention, which had reassembled on the 2d, forth
with assumed the powers of the government. It in
structed its delegates at Montgomery, to ask for the
admission of Texas into the southern confederacy that
had just been formed ; it sent a committee to Governor
Houston to inform him of the change in the political
position of the state ; it adopted the confederate con
stitution; and appointed representatives to the con
federate congress.17

Houston in his reply to the convention considered
that it had transcended its powers, and stated that he
would lay the whole matter before the legislature

15 North's Five Years in Texas, 88-95. The author of this little work was
present on the occasion of this speech, and supplies a portion of it. His
book contains a good description of Texas, at this time, of the social elements,
and the different political parties, some historical events, which took place
during the years 186 1-5, being interspersed.

MNewcomb, page 8, places the number of legal voters at over 80,000,
which seems too high. The yearly influx, however, of settlers was great, as
will l)e seen by a comparison of the number of votes cast at the guberna
torial elections in the years 1855, 1857, and 1859, which were respectively
46,339, 56,180; and 64,027.

17 During the confederacy, Lewis T. Wigfall and William S. Oldham,
represented Texas in the senate; and John A. Wilcox, C. C. Herbert, Peter
W. Gray, B. F. Sexton, M. D. Graham, William B. Wright, A. M. Branch,
/ohn R. Baylor, S. H. Morgan, Stephen H. Darden, and A. P. Wiley in the
house. Thrall, 408.

440 CIVIL WAR.

which was to assemble on the 18th; whereupon the
convention defied his authority, and passed an ordi
nance requiring all state officers to take the oath of
allegiance to the new government. Houston and E.
W. Cave, secretary of state, refused to take the oath;
they were both deposed by a decree of the convention,
and Edward Clark, the lieutenant-governor, was in
stalled as the executive. Houston then appealed to
the people, and, when the legislature met, sent in a
message protesting against his removal, at the same
time stating that he could but await their action and
that of the people. If driven at last into retirement,
in spite of the constitution of the state, he would not
desert his country, but his prayers for its peace and
prosperity would be offered up with the same sin
cerity and devotion with which his services had been
rendered while occupying public station.

In his address to the public two days previously,
he denounced the usurpations of the convention. It
had elected delegates, he said, to the provisional
council of the confederate states before Texas had
withdrawn from the union ; it had created a com
mittee of safety, a portion of which had assumed exe
cutive powers, by having entered into negotiations
with federal officers, and caused the removal of the
United States troops from posts in the country ex
posed to Indian depredations; it had deprived the
people of the right to know their doings, by holding
its sessions in secret; it had appointed military offi
cers and agents under its assumed authority ; it had
declared that the people of Texas ratified the consti
tution of the provisional government of the confederate
states, had changed the state constitution, and estab-
tablished a test oath of allegiance ; and it had over
thrown the theory of free government by combining
in itself all the departments of government and exer
cising the powers belonging to each. Nevertheless
Houston was far from wishing that his deposal should
be the cause of bloodshed. " I love Texas," he de-

FRONTIER TROUBLES. 441

clared, "too well to bring civil strife and bloodshed
upon her. To avert this calamity, I shall make no
endeavor to maintain my authority as chief executive
of the state, except by the peaceful exercise of my
functions. When I can no longer do this I shall
calmly withdraw from the scene, leaving the govern
ment in the hands of those who have usurped its
authority, but still claiming that I am its chief execu
tive." He then entered his formula: "I protest in
the name of the people of Texas against all the acts
and doings of this convention, and declare them null
and void. I solemnly protest against the act of its
members, who are bound by no oath themselves in
declaring my office vacant, because I refuse to appear
before it and take the oath prescribed."

The legislature, however, in face of appeal, protest,
and message, sanctioned the proceedings of the con
vention; and Clark, who had already been sworn in
on the 16th, assumed the functions of provisional
governor on the 21st.18 Houston soon after left the
capital and retired to private life.

During the last two years Texas had been unusu
ally harassed by depredations committed on her fron
tiers. After the removal of the Indians from the
reservations in Young county, the hostility of the
native races was intensified, and the northern and
western borders were subject to all the horrors of
savage warfare. The United States' troops and
Texan rangers engaged in frequent conflicts with
these subtle enemies, and many wearisome expe
ditions were undertaken in pursuit of bands which had
accomplished successful raids, leaving behind them
devastation and death. For hundreds of miles along
the frontier, numerous small parties of from six to
fiftebn warriors simultaneously attacked settlements,
and generally escaped without punishment.19 Some

. ^Newcoml, utsnp., 8-9; Lossing, ut sup., i. 188-90; Thrall, 885-9, 566-7.
19Gov. Houston reported, March, 12, 1860, that during the last four

442 CIVIL WAR.

savages were occasionally killed in these encounters,
but many of the troops employed in this tedious and
desultory service — so aggravating to the soldier — -
also fell.20

At this epoch the native tribes, with one exception,
no longer occupied the lands within the settlements.
The more savage had been driven to the distant, and
as yet unsettled, borders of the state, while those
of peaceable habits and industrious disposition had
been expelled. The exception alluded to was a band
of emigrants from the Creek nation, which, early in
the century, considering the contest with the white
race as hopeless, sought a home in Texas, and settled
near Alabama creek on land lying between that stream
and Trinity river. These Indians were principally
Alabamas and Coashattas, a few Muscogees only be
ing united with them. From the time of their arrival
they persistently pursued a peaceful policy, content
to cultivate their clearings, tend their flocks and
herds, and when their crops were garnered, indulge
in their passion for the chase. When Texas began
to be settled by Anglo-Americans, they still remained
steadfast to their peace policy, and ever showed them
selves faithful to the new-comers. Though abstain
ing from giving offence, their loyalty was often sorely

months, 51 persons had been murdered, and probably as many wounded and
made prisoners. U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 36, sess. 1, No. 52, 139-42.

20 Consult U. S. Mess, and Doc., 1800-61, 18-51, 193-205. By an act
of congress, April 7, 1858, the president was authorized to receive into the
service of the U. S. a regiment of mounted volunteers for the protection of
the Texan frontier. U. S. H. Jour., cong. 36, sess. 1, 238. On June 21, I860
an act was approved, providing for the repayment, to Texas, of moneys
advanced in payment of volunteers called out by competent authority
since Feb. 28, 1855, for the defense of the frontiers, provided that the
amount did not exceed $123,544. Cong. Globe, 1859-60, App. 489. Claims
for indemnity for spoliations by Indians were made by Texas against
the U. S. government. Id., 1859-60, 2046, 2167, 2186, 3139. U. S. H.
Com. Rept, cong. 36, sess. 1, iv., no. 535. In an expedition in 1859
for a topographical reconnoissance between the Pecos river and the
Rio Grande, conducted by Lieut. Edward L. Hartz, 24 camels were em
ployed to test their usefulness as a means of military transportation. Lieut.
Hartz sent in to the government an interesting report in the form of a diary,
extending from May 18 to Aug. 7, 1859. Mess, and Doc., cong. 36, sess. 1,
pt ii. 422-41. Though the report was not unfavorable as to the usefulness
of these animals, the employment of them was soon discontinued,

MEXICAN OUTRAGES. 443

tried by outrages committed by unprincipled men,
who from time to time would rob them of their crops
and cattle. Their patience under these wrongs was
exemplary ; they abstained from reprisal when no re
dress could be obtained, and were gratefully thankful
when justice was meted out to them. These Indians
thus won many friends ; public opinion sustained them,
and the legislature of Texas took them under its pro
tection, and purchased a tract of land for them. They
were a docile, hospitable, warm-hearted people, easily
restrained from over-indulgence in spirituous liquors,
cheerful and humorous, generous and unselfish; and
what is a special mark of their kindly nature, their
women were treated with a degree of consideration
not to be observed among other savage tribes.21

While the northern and western frontiers were
depredated by the stealthily conducted forays of sav
ages, the southern borders on the Rio Grande were
subjected to more open hostilities, carried on by out
laws and banditti under the leadership of Cortina.22
This border ruffian and his gang, in pursuit of their
business as dealers in stock, had long been notorious
for their frequent robbery of cattle, and depredations
committed on Texan territory. Connected with this
organization was a number of Mexican citizens, who,
crossing the river, took part in marauding expeditions,
and with their companions removed their booty to
Mexican soil, evading all attempts to punish them.
As for Cortina, he made either country his asylum in

21 The above account of this settlement is obtained from an article in the
Tex. Aim., 1861, 12(3-31, the writer of which states that his estimate of the
character of these Indians was based on 20 years' observation. See also Id.,
1869, 157, where his views are indorsed. The number of the Indians in 1869
was considered to be less than 500.

22 Juan IX'epomuceno Cortina was a native of Camargo, but spent his early
life on a rancho owned by his mother on the Texan side of the Rio Grande,
about nine miles above Brownsville. In 1847, he was employed by a Mr
Bomerville to buy mules, and having purchased a band, started with Somer-
ville for the interior. When nine miles distant from the river, he murdered
his employer, and sold the animals to the U. S. govt at Brazos Santiago.
Though indicted for this crime, he escaped arrest. Henceforth he led a

•vicious life, associated himself with robbers, and engaged in horse and cattle
stealing. U, S. Sen. Doc., cong. 36, sess. 1, vol. ix., no, 21, 9, 13.

444 CIVIL WAR.

turn, claiming American and Mexican citizenship
alternately, according to the vigor with which efforts
were made from time to time to arrest him. Sur
rounded, however, by a band of about seventy despe
radoes, he was generally able to defy the authorities.
In 1859, this leader's proceedings began to assume a
political character. The reader is already aware of
the deep feelings of hostility which existed between
the Anglo-Texans and the Mexican-Texans. Of the
latter race, Cortina suddenly stood forth as the cham
pion, not so much from philanthropy as from a re
vengeful desire to prosecute a private feud in which
he had involved himself with certain individuals resid
ing in Cameron county.

On July 13, 1859, he entered Brownsville with some
of his companions, and as it happened, a Mexican, who
had formerly been his servant, was arrested by the
city marshal, Adolph Glaevecke, for disturbing the
peace. Cortina interfered, fired upon the marshal,
wounding him in the shoulder, rescued the prisoner,
and escaped with him on horseback to Matamoroff
defying the authorities to arrest him. This flagrant
act aroused the indignation of the people of Browns
ville, and an attempt was made to raise a sufficient
force to capture him, but failed. Several of those
most active on the occasion were known to Cortina,
who marked them as his enemies, and determined to
take revenge.

At the head of a mounted body of men, variously
estimated at from forty to eighty in number, early in
the morning of September 28th, he entered Browns
ville, and took possession of the unprotected city.
Constable Morris and a young man named Neal were
killed,23 as also Johnson, the jailer — who refused to
deliver up his keys — and two Mexicans, in whose
house he had taken refuge. Johnson defended him-

23 Both these men were murderers, being known to have killed several
Mexicans in cold blood, and had deadly enemies in Cortina's hand. U. S. H.
Ex. Doc., cong. 36, sess. 1, viii., no. 52, 65; Id., xii., no. 81, 4.

CABRERA AND CORTIXA. 445

self obstinately, killing one of Cortina's men, and
severely wounding another before he was slain.
Cortina now liberated the prisoners, paraded the
town, and demanded that Glaevecke and other per
sons whom he named should be delivered up to him.
No attempt, however, was made to plunder the city,
and he was finally induced by the representations of
the Mexican consul, Manuel Tresino, General Cara-
vajal, and influential citizens of Matamoras to abandon
it. He retired with his followers to his mother's
hacienda, the rancho del Carmen, which he converted
into a military camp.

On the 30th of the same month, he issued his first
proclamation, in which he declared that his object
was to protect those who had been persecuted and
robbed on account of their Mexican origin, and that
an organization had been formed for the purpose of
chastising their enemies, and delivering them from
the machinations of a multitude of lawyers and others,
who were bent upon despoiling Mexican-Texans of
their lands.

It was claimed that Cortina was aided by Mexican
money and arms. That he found favor in the eyes of
the public and some officials is more than probable;
but this was not the case with the Mexican authori
ties. In response to an appeal for protection made
by the inhabitants of Brownsville, the commander at
Matamoros sent over a detachment of his troops on
September 30th, and they were not withdrawn till all
danger of a renewal of hostilities seemed over. But
about the 12th of October, Cortina having by that
time retreated across the Rio Grande, his second in
command, Cabrera, was captured at the rancho del
Carmen by the sheriff. Cortina threatened to lay
Brownsville in ashes unless he was released ; a prom
inent merchant of Matamoros passed over at the re
quest of the most influential men in that city, and
tried, though ineffectually, to persuade the people to
comply with the demand ; Captain Tobin's company

446 CIVIL WAR.

of rangers arrived a few days afterward, and on the
night of their arrival Cabrera was found hanged.

Cortina now proceeded to act. He returned to the
ranclio del Carmen, where the number of his followers
rapidly increased. His movement was very popular
with the Mexican-Texans, whose cause met with much
sympathy south of the Rio Grande. The people of
Brownsville again asked the authorities at Matamoros
to aid them in repelling the threatened attack, and a
company under Colonel Loranco was sent over.

On October 24th a combined force of Mexicans and
Americans with two pieces of artillery 2* attacked
Cortina and compelled him to retreat into the chapar
ral. An attempt to dislodge him failed; one gun
became bogged and was dismounted on being dis
charged. The advance fell back; the other gun was
abandoned, and an ignominious flight followed, the
Mexicans, however, bringing up the rear. The guns
remained in the possession of Cortina.

About November 18th Lieutenant Littleton with
thirty men fell into an ambuscade and sustained a
loss of three men killed and one wounded, and one
taken prisoner. On the 23d of that month Cortina
issued a second proclamation in which, after recount
ing to the Mexicans in Texas the grievances suffered

O o

by them, he calls on them to join him in his enter
prise. He informed them that a society was orga
nized in the state for the extermination of their
tyrants ; that the veil of impenetrable secrecy covered
"the great book" in which the articles of the society's
constitution were written, but that no honorable man
need have cause for alarm ; and that the Mexicans of
Texas reposed their lot in the governor elect, General
Houston, trusting that he would give them legal pro
tection within the limits of his power. In conclusion

24 Major Heintzelman, 1st regt U. S. infantry, says in his report, 'The
Mexican troops had but from 8 to 12 rounds of ammunition, and they did
not retreat until it gave out. They are accused, but I think unjustly, of
having fired blank cartridges, and that the cap squares were loosened to dis
mount the gun.' Id., xii., no. 81, 5.

DESPERATE DOINGS. 447

this reprobate cattle-stealer appealed to the good in
habitants of Texas to look upon Mexicans as broth
ers, "and keep in mind that which the holy spirit
saith : Thou shalt not be the friend of the passionate
man; nor join thy self to the mad man, lest thou
learn his mode of work arid scandalize thy soul."

Meantime more volunteers arrived, and Captain
Tobin collected about 250 men at Santa Rita, seven
miles from Brownsville. On November 24th he ad
vanced against Cortina who was now well intrenched

O

and protected by the captured cannon. Tobin's force
was a disorganized crowd, and after receiving and re
turning the fire of the enemy, he gave the order to
fall back and wait for a 24-pounder howitzer, which
he had left with sixty men at Santa Rita. The whole
force, however, retreated to that place; a misunder
standing occurred and some of the men returned to
Brownsville. On the following day he again ad
vanced, but again fell back, deeming it imprudent to
attack.

Cortina's force kept rapidly increasing, and he soon
had between 400 and 500 followers, a number of whom
were criminals who escaped from the prison at Vic
toria, and had joined him in spite of the efforts of
the Mexican authorities to prevent them.25

On December 5th Major Heintzelman, 1st regi
ment U. S. infantry, arrived at Brownsville with 122
officers and men, where he was joined by Captain
Rickett's company, 1st artillery, of 48 men, and Major
Tobin with 150 rangers. On the 14th he attacked
the enemy with 165 officers and men of the regular

25 Copy of proclamation in U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 36, sess. 1, viii., no.
52, 79-82.

26 The Texans charge the Mexican authorities with wilfully making no
endeavor to prevent Cortina receiving such recruits. This was not the case.
Considering the nature of the country and the willingness on the part of the
Mexican people to aid fugitives, the authorities did all that was possible.
A force was sent from Matamoros to guard the fords of the Rio Grande,
and other measures were taken to arrest the criminals. The report of the
Mexican investigating committee of May 15, 1873, contains a very fair ac
count of Cortina's insurrection, and the position of Mexico in regard to it.
'Mcx. Informe Comis, Pesg., 1873, 71-85.

448 CIVIL WAR.

army and 120 rangers, and captured one of Cortina's
principal camps without difficulty. The insurrection
ary leader now concentrated his forces and retired up
the river, devastating the country on his march, as
far as Rio Grande City, which place he took posses
sion of as well as of Fort Ringold. Heintzelman
started in pursuit of him on the 21st and on the 27th
attacked his camp, which was situated about half a
mile outside of Rio Grande. Cortina sustained a
complete defeat, losing his guns, ammunition and
baggage. His force was between 500 and 600 men
of whom 60 were killed, or drowned in the river.
The Americans had sixteen wounded, most of them
only slightly. The routed leader with his followers
took refuge in Tamaulipas. The devastation which
he had caused was serious. Major Heintzelman in
his report already quoted says : "The whole country
from Brownsville to Rio Grande City, 120 miles, and
back to the arroyo Colorado, has been laid waste.
There is not an American, or any property that could
be destroyed, in this large tract of country. Busi
ness as far as Laredo, 240 miles, has been interrupted
or suspended for five months. The amount of claims
for damages is $336,826. There have been fifteen
Americans and eighty Friendly Mexicans killed. Cor
tina has lost 151 men killed; of the wounded I have
no account."2

In June 1860 Cortina was put to flight by Mexican
troops, which were kept for six months in the field to
operate against him, and succeeded in capturing many
of his lawless followers. Having found a refuge in the
mountains of Burgos, in May, 1861, he thence again
invaded Texas and burned Roma, but was again de
feated. This was the closing event of his insurrec
tionary movements against Texas.28

27 Detailed particulars of this insurrection will be found in 1I>.; U. S, S.
Ex. Doc., cong. 36, sess. 1, ix., no. 21 and 24; H. Misc. Doc., cong. 36, sess.
1, v., no. 38; H. Ex. Doc., cong. 42, sess. 3, vii., no. 39, where on pp. 43-4,
the claims for damages will be seen to amount to $1,906,619: Id., cong. 36,
sess. 1, viii., no. 52, xii., no. 81.

28 He afterward revolutionized Tamaulipas, became gov., and intrigued

EFFECT ON TEXAS. 449

By proclamation of April 15, 1861, President Lin
coln declared the states of South Carolina, Georgia,
Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas
in rebellion, called out 75,000 of the militia, and
summoned congress to assemble on the 4th of July
following. On the llth of that month, senators
Hemphill and Wigfall, having failed to take their
seats, were declared expelled from the senate of the
United States.29 together with certain members from
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee,
and Arkansas, by a vote of 10 nays against 32 yeas.30

The great civil war began, and fortunate it was for
Texas that her geographical position placed her out
side the cyclone of that Titantic strife. While the
whirlwind of destruction and death swept for years
over the unhappy south, she was only disturbed by
the commotion raised on the edge of the dreadful

both with the confederates and the U. S. officials. In 1871 he was a general
under Juarez, and in 1875 mayor of Matamoros and gen. in the Mexican
army. For refusing to obey orders he was arrested and sent pri.soner to
Mexico. Max. Informe Com. Pesq., 1873, 83-5; Thrall, 528-9.
Ihe following is a list of the senators from Texas previous to the secession.

Thomas F. Rusk from 1845 to 1857

Samuel Houston from 1846 to 1859

Pickney J. Henderson from 1857 to 1859

Matthias Ward from 1858 to 1859

John Hemphill from 1859 to 18G1

Lewis T. Wigfall from 1859 to 1801

Henderson and Ward in succession completed the unexpired term of Rusk.
Texas up to 18G1 was entitled to two representatives in the lower house, cor
responding to the eastern and western districts. From the eastern district
they were :

David S. Kaufman from 1846 to 1851

Richardson Scurry from 1851 to 1853

0. W. Smyth from 1854 to 1855

Lemuel Dale Evans from 1856 to 1857

John H. Reagan from 1858 to 1861

The western district was represented by

Timothy Pillsbury from 1846 to 1849

Volncy E. Howard from 1850 to 1853

P. H. Bell from 1854 to 1857

Guy M. Bryan from 1858 to 1859

Andrew J. Hamilton from 1860 to 1861

Population in Texas had increased so rapidly that in the apportionment
of representation of the states in the house, of July 1861, Texas was
allowed four representatives. U. S. H. Ex. Doc. , cong. 37, sess. 1 , no. 2.
. SOU.S. Sen. Jour., cong. 37, sess. 1, 25, 29-30; Cong. Globe and App. ,

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 29

450 CIVIL WAR.

storm. Her territory, in all its length and breadth,
did not become a battle-field, and agriculture met not
with the same destruction, as in some other sections.
It is true that many places were abandoned and
became desolate, and thousands of acres under culti
vation were left to weeds and thistles; but the flail
of famine did not fall upon the land. Her commerce
naturally suffered much, but even in this respect the
detriment to Texas was less than that felt by any other
of the southern states. She had the advantage of being
the solitary portion of the territory of the confederacy
bordering on a foreign nation, and found in Mexico a
market for her cotton, and a source from which she
could procure supplies of the most necessary commo
dities. Her numerous posts on the gulf, too, afforded
her better facilities for running the blockade which
was established than those possessed elsewhere by
the south. Thus, comparatively speaking, Texas,
locally considered, suffered less than any other con
federate state. Nevertheless a stop was put to her
progress; internal improvement and immigration
ceased, and thousands of her sons perished in the war.
For she did not flinch from taking her full share in

O

the struggle, and in many a hard fought battle her
flag was borne in the thickest of the fight.

Within one month after the installation of Clark,
hostilities broke out. On April 14, 1861, Fort Sum-
ter was evacuated by Major Anderson, and on the
following day Lincoln's proclamation was issued.
Enlistment for service was at once commenced in
Texas, and early in May, Colonel W. C. Young,
crossing Red river, captured Fort Arbuckle and
other military posts of the United States in the
Indian Territory, the federal soldiers retreating to
Kansas. Colonel Ford, also, assisted by an expedi
tion which sailed from Galveston, took possession of
Fort Brown, opposite Matamoros, without meeting
with resistance. Captain Hill, in command, had re
fused to obey the order of Twiggs to evacuate it, but

GOVERNOR LUBBOCK. 451

found that he could not possibly hold it with his small
force.

On June 8th Governor Clark issued a proclamation,
announcing that a state of war existed, and shortly
after the ports of Texas were blockaded by a squadron
of the gulf fleet. The Texans had never been lag
gards in hastening to the field of action, and now,
after an interval of nearly twenty-five years of almost
uninterrupted peace, their warlike spirit was again
aroused. Military districts were formed, a system of
instruction in evolutionary movements and the use of
arms was established, and great numbers enlisted in
the cause to which Texas had pledged herself. By
November 15,000 men were enrolled in the service of
the confederate army.

The election of 1861 showed a majority in favor of
Francis R. Lubbock,31 for governor, who defeated
Clark by only 124 votes.32 He was inaugurated
November 7, 1861.

In July of this year Lieutenant-colonel John R.
Baylor had occupied Fort Bliss, on the Rio Grande,
and crossing the river took possession of Mesilla on
the 25th. Major Lynde, 17th U. S. Infantry, in
command at Fort Fillmore near by, having failed to
dislodge Baylor, surrendered his whole command of
about 700 men. Lieutenant-colonel Canby was at
this time in command of the department of New
Mexico, and made preparations to meet the invasion.
Meantime Major Sibley of the United States' Army,

31 He was born in Beaufort, S. C., Oct. 16, 1815, and migrated to Texas
Dec. 1836, settling in the town of Houston, where he opened a mercantile
business house. In 1838 he was comptroller of the treasury, and from 1841
to 1857 held the office of clerk of the district court for Harris county. In
the last named year he was elected lieut-gov., and in 1860 was appointed
delegate to the Charleston convention. At the close of his term as gov., he
entered the confederate army as an adjutant-general on the staff of President
Davis, was captured with him in 1865, and imprisoned in Fort Delaware. In
1866 he resumed business in Houston, and two years later removed to Gal-
veston. Lubbock, in 1876 was elected to the office of state treasurer, and re-
elected in 1880. Burkes Tex. Aim., 1882, 154; Cordova's Tex., 102, 168-70.

3;"The total number of votes cast was 57,343, of which Lubbock obtained
21, 854; Clark, 21,730; and T. J. Chambers, 13,759. John M. Crockett was
elected lieut-gov. Thrall, 391.

452 CIVIL WAR.

had joined the confederates, and with the rank of
brigadier-general was ordered in July to proceed to
Texas, and organize an expedition for the purpose of
driving the federal troops out of New Mexico. Sibley
reached El Paso with his force about the middle of
December, and issued a proclamation, inviting his old
comrades-in-arms to take service in the confederate
army, an appeal which met with no response.

Colonel Canby, early in 1862 made Fort Craig,
on the Rio Grande north of Mesilla, his headquarters,
and on February 21st, after some maneuvering, and
a skirmish on the day before, crossed the river and
engaged the Texans. Canby's force aggregated 3,810
men, but of these only 900 were regulars, the re
mainder, consisting of volunteers and New Mexican
militia, were of little service. Sibley reported the
number of his force to have been 1,750. The en
gagement, called the battle of Valverde, took place in
the afternoon, and resulted in the discomfiture of the
federals, who retreated to the fort, leaving six pieces
of artillery in the hands of the enemy.

Sibley now marched to Alburquerque, and from
that place sent a detachment to occupy Santa Fe,
which having been evacuated by the federal officer in
command, Major Donaldson, was entered by the
Texans March 23d. Fort Union, on the Santa Fe
route, was the next point to which Sibley directed his
march, but on the 28th of the same month his ad
vance, under Colonel W. K. Scurry, became engaged
at the eastern mouth of Apache Canon, with a federal
force over 1,300 strong, with eight pieces of artillery,
under Colonel Slough, who had advanced against the
invaders from Fort Union. Slough detached about
500 of his men, under Major Chivington, by a difficult
and dangerous mountain trail, to assail the enemy's
camp in the rear, while he engaged the main body.
The maneuvre was successful; the camp with all the
supplies of every kind was taken by the enemy, and
though Slough's column was repulsed after a fierce

HEAVY LOSSES. 453

fight of five hours, Scurry sent in a flag of truce, and
after burying his dead retreated to Santa Fe.

Slough's loss was one officer and 28 men killed ; two
officers and 40 men wounded, and 15 men taken pris
oners; that of Scurry, four officers and 32 men killed,
and 60 wounded.

This check stopped further advance. Early in
April Santa Fe was evacuated, and the Texans re
treated down the Rio Grande. On the 15th they
were attacked at Peralta by Colonel Canby, and an
indecisive engagement took place. In the night the
Texans resumed their retreat, and on May 18th,
Canby reported them as scattered along the Rio
Grande between Dona Anna and El Paso. On July
6, 1862, the last of the confederates crossed into Texas.
It was a bootless campaign, in which the devoted sons
of Texas lost by sickness and in killed, wounded, and
prisoners, over 500 men. New Mexico, with its
rugged mountain ranges, desolate regions, and water
less deserts, was not a desirable country in which to
undertake military expeditions. General Sibley, writ
ing to Richmond from Fort Bliss expressed the con
viction that the territory was not worth a quarter of
the blood and treasure expended in its conquest, and
that his men had manifested an irreconcilable detes
tation of the country and the people.33

33 The above particulars are mainly derived from the account of this in
vasion by A. A. Hayes, in Mag. Amer. HIM., Feb. 1886, 171-84. The writer
had access to valuable official documents, visited New Mexico in 1879, and
' devoted much time to inquiries from those who took part in the campaign. '

CHAPTEK XVII.

PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.
1862-1865.

OPERATIONS or THE UNITED STATES' NAVY— RECAPTURE OF GALVESTON BY
THE TEXANS — MILITARY DESPOTISM — DEFEAT OF THE FEDERALS AT
SABINE PASS — DEATH OF GENERAL HOUSTON — His CHARACTER AND
POLICY— MURRAH ELECTED GOVERNOR — OPERATIONS OF THE FEDERALS
ON THE GULF COAST — ATTEMPT AGAINST TEXAS BY RED RIVER-
BROWNSVILLE TAKEN BY CORTINA — ADMINISTRATION OF HURRAH-
FINANCIAL MATTERS — THE CONSCRIPTION LAWS — LAMENTABLE SOCIAL
CONDITION OF TEXAS — INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS — COTTON PLANTERS-
REVERSES OF THE CONFEDERATE ARMS — THE LAST ENGAGEMENT.

IN May 1862, the surrender of the city of Gal-
veston was demanded by Commodore Eagle in com
mand of the blockading squadron. No attention was
paid to the summons, and as the commodore had no
troops at the time to enforce his demand, no attempt
was made to occupy the place till October 4th, when
Commander Renshaw, of the United States' steamer
Westfield, with the Harriet Lane, Owasco, and Clifton,
captured the defences of the harbor and city after a
mere show of resistance on the part of General He-
bert, who withdrew his troops to Virginia Point, on
the mainland.

Meantime, about the middle of September, Lieu
tenant J. W. Kittredge, with his vessel, the Arthur,
and the steamer Sachem, took possession of Corpus
Christi, captured several vessels, and necessitated the
burning of others by the confederates. Subsequently
Kittredge, while on shore, was captured with his
boat's crew. Somewhat later Francis Crocker, com
manding the steamer Kensington, with the schooners

(454)

GENERAL MAGRUDER. 455

Rachel Seaman and Henry Janes, captured the
defences of Sabine city. He then proceeded to Cal-
casieu river, and took or destroyed several blockade-

runners. l

So incensed were the people at the abandonment
of Galveston by General Hebert, that they petitioned
for his removal, and he was superseded iii November
1862 by General Magruder, who forthwith made
preparations to recapture the island. On Buffalo
Bayou, a few miles below the city of Houston, he
transformed four river steamers into gun-boats, pro
tecting their sides with compressed cotton-bales. The
return of Sibley's brigade from New Mexico, gave him
an efficient force of men already experienced in war,
and he had also at his disposal 5,000 Texans, who had
been called into service for the protection of the coast.
Galveston was occupied by the 42d Massachusetts
volunteers; the Harriet Lane was lying at the wharf,
and five other United States' vessels were stationed
off the shore toward the pass.2

Magruder's plan was to assault the enemy simul
taneously by land and water. His preparations were
conducted with the greatest secrecy, his intention be
ing known only to himself and staff. On December
29th, he proceeded to Virginia point with the land
forces, sending the gun-boats Neptune, Bayou City,
Lucy Gwinn, and John F. Carr to the head of the
bay, with instructions to commence their attack when
the moon went down, on the night of the 31st. At
the appointed time, about 4 A. M., on January 1st, the
land forces, which had silently and un perceived crossed
over to the island, assaulted the position of the fed
erals. The gun-boats, delayed by a low tide, could
not reach the scene of action in time to cooperate in
the opening of the attack, and victory began to seem
doubtful. At this crisis they fortunately arrived, and

1 Ton 17. Globe, 1862-63, app. 14.

2 Namely, the WeMfidd, Clifton, Oioasco, SncJiew, and Cnrj/phfits, the last
two having joined the squadron two days before the attack. U. S. H. Ex.
Z>oc., cong. 38, sess. 1, iv., doc. 1, app. 312.

456 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

attacked the Harriet Lane. The Neptune was soon
struck by a shell below the water-line, and sunk, but
the Bayou City, steaming up, ran into the enemy's
vessel, and became entangled in her rigging. The
Texans leaped on board, and a hand-to-hand conflict
ensued, in which Commander Wainwright, of the
Harriet Lane, and Lieutenant-commander Lea were
slain. On their fall the ship surrendered. The West-
field, in trying to leave the harbor, ran aground, and
in order to prevent her falling into the hands of the
Texans, it was determined to blow her up. The ex
plosion took place prematurely, and Commander Ren-
shaw with fifteen men perished. All the other vessels
escaped. Meantime, the efforts of the confederate
land forces were crowned with success ; the federals
surrendered, and Galveston island was again in pos
session of the Texans,3 who retained their hold of it
till the termination of the war, though the port con
tinued to be blockaded.

At the outbreak of the war, and during the earlier
part of Lubbock's administration, it was confidently
believed by the mass of the people in Texas that the
establishment of the confecleracy would be accom
plished. It is true that after the passage of the se
cession ordinance the unionists began to organize
secret leagues, with the object of controlling the gen
eral election to be held in August following; but'the
attack on Fort Sumtcr, and the destruction of any
lingering hope that the question could be settled oth
erwise than by an appeal to arms, paralyzed the effort.
A feeling of helplessness and consequent apathy took
possession of the unionist leaders, while a general en
thusiasm pervaded the people at large, and the ranks
of the confederates proportionately gained strength.
Stringent laws and orders that were issued, being re
garded as measures necessary to success, were at first
submitted to with promptness and cheerfulness, and

2 Id., 309-18; Thrall, 395-6; North's Five Years in Tex., 106-11.

LUBBOCK'S ADMINISTRATION. 457

calls for volunteers were liberally responded to by the
Texans. But presently they began to perceive that
they had placed their necks under the yoke of a mili
tary despotism. On April 28, 1862, martial law was
proclaimed by General Bee, in command at San An
tonio, over the western military district, and on May
30th following, General Hebert proclaimed that it was
extended over the whole state. Every white male
person above the age of sixteen years was required,
when summoned, to present himself before the provost
marshal, and have his name, residence, and occupa
tion registered ; aliens were made to take an oath to
maintain the laws of the state and the confederacy;
persons disobeying orders and summonses issued by
the provost marshal would be summarily punished;
and any attempt to depreciate the currency of the
confederate states was declared to constitute an act of
hostility.4

On November 21st, an order was issued forbidding
the exportation of cotton, except by the agents of the
government, and in February 1863 further restrictions
were made on the exportation of the same article
across the Rio Grande. These and similar measures
were condemned as interfering writh trade, and de
priving the people of the means of procuring many
necessary supplies.

Moreover, after the first excited rush of volunteers
into the service had subsided, the stern law of con
scription was passed, and in Texas was enforced to
the utmost. All males from eighteen years of age to
forty-five were made liable to service in the confeder
ate army, with the exception of ministers of religion,
state and county officers, and slave-holders, the pos
session of fifteen slaves beino* the minimum number

<^

entitling an owner to exemption. Governor Lubbock
was an extremist in regard to this system. In his
message to the legislature in November 1863, he
suggested that every male person from sixteen years

i Copy of proclamation in Thrall, 398.

458 PROGRESS AND END OF TPTE WAR.

old and upward should be declared in the military
service of the state; that no one should be permitted
to furnish a substitute, and that the right to do so
should be abolished, both by the state and confederate
governments. In the same message he informed the
legislature that 90,000 Texans were already in the
confederate service. When it is borne in mind that
the greatest number of votes ever polled in the state
was little over 64,000, it will be seen what a tremen
dous drain had been made on the strength of the
country.

Again, the confiscation act,5 and the law authoriz
ing the banishment of persons still adhering to the
union,6 were scrupulously enforced. Many persons
who had spent their lives in Texas thus lost their
property, and even temporary absentees in the north,
who would have found it difficult, if not impossible,
to return, were likewise deprived of their possessions.
But still more unfortunate were persons of union
proclivities who yet remained in the country. Under
authority of the banishment act, the settlers in the
western counties, and the German colonists, who still
held to their anti-slavery propensities, were severely
punished. After the proclamation of martial law in
Texas, no household of anti-confederate ideas in those
districts was permitted to dwell in peace, just as was
the case in regard to confederates in the northern
states, the feeling of loyalty to country being in Texas
somewhat intensified. Many unionists attempted to
escape to Mexico. The earlier fugitives were mostly
successful, but of those who followed in their wake
the greater portion was captured and put to death.7

5 Passed by the confederate congress Aug. 31, 1861. It provided that all
property within the limits of the confederacy belonging to union men who
did not proclaim their allegiance to the confederacy, or had left it, should be
confiscated.

6 This law was passed Aug. 8, 1861. By it every male over 14 years of
age who adhered to the U. S. govt was made subject to banishment from the
limits of the confederate states, and the courts of justice were ordered to
arrest and treat as alien enemies all union men who did not tender their al
legiance or leave the confederacy within 40 days.

7 Lossing quotes from the San Antonio Herald, an organ loyal to the con
federacy, as follows: 'Their boues are bleaching on the soil of every county

FEDERAL REVERSES. 459

By the close of Lubbock's administration the tide
of opinion was changing. The confederate arms had
met with serious reverses, and the dark shadow of
the impossibility of an independent south had already
cast a gloom around over the country. After the capt
ure of Galveston island no other operation of importance
occurred in 1863 until September, when an attempt,
with the object of invading Texas, was made to effect
a lodgment at Sabine City, where was the terminus
of a railroad leading into the interior. It was be
lieved by General Banks, to whom the conduct of the
expedition was entrusted, and to whom discretionary
power was given, that, by gaining possession of this
point, he could concentrate an army of 15,000 men at
Houston, and thereby gain control of all the railroad
communications in Texas.

It appears that in January, 1863, the blockade of
Sabine pass 8 was not considered effective by General
Mao-ruder, and on the 2 1 st of that month he issued a

&

proclamation inviting neutral nations to resume a
commercial intercourse with that port.9 The fact is
that on the morning of that day the United States
squadron sustained a reverse, and the blockade of
Sabine Pass was temporarily destroyed by the cap
ture of the Morning Light and the Velocity by two
confederate cotton-clad steamboats, the Josiah Bell
and the Uncle Ben. The engagement was fought out
side the bar, and after a hot conflict of two hours the
federal vessels surrendered.10 The blockade, how
ever, was soon resumed, and on April 18th of the

from Red river to the Rio Grande, and in the counties of Wise and Denton
their bodies are suspended by scores from the Black Jacks.' Hint. Civ. War,
ii. 536. See his account, page 537, of the massacre of about 40 Clerman colo
nists, Aug. 10, 1SG2, on the Nueces river, out of a party of sixty who were
endeavoring to make their way to Mexico.

8 J. J. Jarvis, banker and stock raiser, residing at Fort Worth, Texas,
says: ' Sabine Pass, perhaps, has superior natural advantages for a seaport
city to any other point on the gulf coast of this state; deep water might be
obtained there perhaps with smaller appropriations than any other point on
the coast of Texas.' Obscrv. Ayrk., MS., 8.

9 U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 28, sess. 1, iv., no. 1, 331-3.

10 Reports of Surgeon Sherfy and Acting Master Dillingham, in Id., cong.
38, sess. 2, vi., no. 1, 493-8.

460 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

same year, a skirmish took place in which Lieuten
ant-Commander McDermot of the federal gun-boat
Cayuga, who was reconnoitring the enemy's "position,
was killed and several men severely wounded. Since
this time the confederates in Sabine city had been
unmolested, and they erected a fort defended by a
formidable battery of eight heavy guns, three of
which were rifled.

General Banks, in pursuance of his plan for the
conquest of Texas, placed 4,000 men under the com
mand of Major General Franklin, with instructions
to effect a landing at Sabine Pass, with the coopera
tion of the navy. The necessary transports were
provided, and the steamers, Clifton, Sachem,, Arizona,
and Granite City, under Lieutenant Frederick Crocker,
were assigned to support the movement. On Sep
tember 8th these gun-boats with the transports crossed
the bar. It had been intended to effect a surprise,
and to make the attack at early dawn on the morning
of the 7th; but this plan seems to have been discon
certed by want of unity of action, and the expedition
appeared for twenty-eight hours off the pass before
it moved against the enemy, who thereby became
aware of the threatened danger.
^ Franklin, moreover, failed to follow his instruc
tions, by which he was ordered to land his troops be
low the pass. Instead of doing so he arranged with
Crocker that the gun-boats should first bombard the
fort, expel the garrison, and drive off, or capture two
cotton -clads of the enemy stationed in the river.
This accomplished, the troops were to land and take
possession. Accordingly the federal vessels steamed
up and opened fire, which was not returned till they
were abreast of the fort. There a heavy cannonade
was directed against them, and the Clifton and Sachem
were soon disabled, being struck in their boilers or
steam-pipes. The Clifton ran aground, and in a short
time both vessels hauled down their colors. This
disaster decided the affair, which resulted in ignomin-

DEATH OF HOUSTON. 461

ious defeat on the part of the federals. The Arizona
and Granite City backed out of the contest, and the
transports being left unsupported, Franklin made no
attempt to land. On trying to cross the bar the
Arizona grounded, but succeeded in getting afloat at
flood-tide. The transports also passed safely outside,
and the expedition then returned to New Orleans,
having lost two gun-boats, mounting fifteen rifled
guns, and over 100 men in killed and wounded, besides
at least 250 prisoners.11 The garrison of the fort
consisted of only 200 Texans, of whom no more than
42 took part in the action. These were presented by
]>•• 'dent Davis with a silver medal, the only honor
of the kind known to have been bestowed by the
confederate government.1*

On the 26th of July 1863, General Houston, the
soldier and statesman, the architect of Texan inde
pendence, breathed his last at his home in Huntsville,
Walker county. His health had been declining for
some time, and with a broken spirit he had watched
for the last two years from his place of retirement,
the current of the events which he had predicted.
The spirit of the loyal south had pervaded even his
own family, and his son Sam, who had enlisted early
in the confederate ranks, had been wounded, and was
a prisoner. This embittered the last days of the
steadfast old patriot.

Though the ex-governor offered no active opposi
tion to the victorious party after his cleposal, his views
as to the revolution and the possibility of its success
underwent no change. Nor was he merely a silent
and uninterested spectator; his voice was raised, from
time to time, against the arbitrary proceedings of mili-

11 The confederates reported having buried 28 of the federals. Id., 365-8,
390-5; Lossiny, ut sup., iii. 221-2. According to the report of the secretary
of the navy, the killed, wounded, and missing amounted to 107. U. S. H.
Ex. Doc., cong. 28, sess. 2, no. 1, 491-3, 495-6.

12 It was made of a thin plate of silver, with the words ' Davis Guards '
and a Maltese cross stamped on one side, and the place and date of the
achievement on, the other.

UFJT

462 PROGRESS AND EXD OF THE WAR.

tary despotism. When martial law was proclaimed
by General Hebert, he addressed a strong protest to
Governor Lubbock, denouncing the proclamation.
The general, he said, abrogated thereby all the powers
of the executive, ignored the bill of rights, the consti
tution and the laws of the state, and arrogated to
himself undefined and unlimited powers. The docu
ment was not published till many months after ; but
when it did appear, it produced a profound impression.
At a later date when confederate paper was made
the currency, Houston, in a public speech at Bren-
ham, disapproved of the resolutions passed to force
those who had lent their gold to receive in payment
depreciated treasury notes; yet this is exactly what
the men of the north were doing.

General Houston was endowed with great natural
abilities, and gifted with no ordinary physical strength.
His intuitive quickness of perception; his foresight
and far-reaching mental grasp; his penetration and
ready comprehension of the drift of parties, and his
sagacity and tact in devising means wherewith to ac
complish ends, were indeed exceptional. In self-
possession and confidence in his own resources, he was
unrivalled ; his influence among the masses was ex
traordinary ; and as a speaker, his power over a Texan
audience was magical. Yet, as a public man, whether in
a military or civil capacity, no leader had more bitter
enemies, but at the same time none had warmer friends.

As president of the republic his administration was
marked by economy, by a pacific policy in relation to
the border Indian tribes, and by a defensive and not
an aggressive attitude toward Mexico. He would
rather feed Indians than kill them ; was ever ready to
ward off threatened invasion, and adopt protective
measures against predatory incursions on the frontier,
but not to organize such undertakings as the Santa
Fe expedition. The enterprise attempted by Colonel
Fisher and his followers in their attack on Mier was
never contemplated by Houston.

A GREAT MAN. 463

In the senate of the United States, where lie rep
resented Texas for well nigh fourteen years, he was
persistently conservative, attaching himself to the old
democratic party. But when his associates began to
drift toward secession, he could not follow them. His
leniency toward the north first displayed itself in
1848-9. He voted against the extension of the Mis
souri compromise line to the Pacific coast, the non-
passage of which bill virtually excluded slavery from
the territories newly acquired south of 36° 30'.
Moreover, he voted for the Oregon territorial bill with
the slavery exclusion clause. For this he was as
sailed ; but his constituents sustained him, as Texas,
by \irtue of the articles of annexation, was in no way
affected by the measure. When, however, he voted
against Douglas' Kansas and Nebraska bill, intro
duced into the senate in 1854, in which the doctrine
of squatter sovereignty was upheld, giving territorial
legislatures the right to decide on the question of
s^very within their respective territories, Houston
was abandoned by his southern adherents. Yet his
support of the Missouri compromise on this occasion
proved his unerring foresight. He contended that if
the bill were passed, those territories would in any case
exclude slavery. The north, with its large population,
would pour into them a tide of emigrants which would
inevitably make them free-soil states. And such was
the result.

About this time, also, Houston became affiliated
with the know-nothing party. He did not believe in
his country being flooded with paupers and felons,
with the scum and refuse of Europe. He was indig
nant that such an outcast class of aliens, after a few
months' residence in the United States, should be ad
mitted to all the rights and privileges of native-born
Americans, crowding to the wall the true patriots,—
the men of wealth and intelligence, and those who
had shed their blood for their country. In a speech
delivered at Nacogdoches, in December 1855, he

464 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

vehemently inveighed against the bill for the naturali
zation of foreigners, which allowed every alien the
right to vote after six months' residence in the country.
Was it, he asked, by such means as these that slavery
was to be ingrafted upon Kansas? The south had
given way to the evil, but his voice should never be
raised in favor of allowing the vote of the foreigner,
who had been but six months on United States'
soil, to weigh against the vote of a native or natural
ized citizen, in moulding the institutions of a sover
eign state of the union.

Houston's know-nothing tendencies, and his oppo
sition to the repeal of the Missouri compromise,
naturally alienated many of his old democratic friends,
and his popularity waned. At the election in 1857
he was defeated by Runnels, a propagandist of dis
union sentiments, and an advocate of the re-opening
of the African slave-trade; and though in 1859 he
gained the victory at the polls, the majority of the
legislature was opposed to him. His steadfast oppo
sition to the confederacy worked his downfall.

The victor of San Jacinto was a truly great man.
If Austin laid the foundation stone, Houston erected
the edifice. Apart from his high intellectual capa
bilities, he possessed many of the noblest qualities
that adorn the human character. His courage, his
kindness, his scrupulous honesty in every official
station which he occupied, and the open expression of
his sentiments regardless of personal consequences can
never be questioned. His enemies accused him of
cowardice, because he had the firmness not to yield to
hot-headed individuals, who would have driven him,
if they could, to engage Santa Anna prematurely,
and thereby have placed in jeopardy the indepen
dence of Texas; and because he scorned to resent
with brute force the abuse that was heaped upon him
by political and personal enemies, seeking his blood.
His career is before the reader, who will be able to
decide for himself this question of bravery. In both

GOVERNOR HURRAH. 465

of the battles in which he was engaged he was
wounded while leading on his men ; moreover, it
cannot be said that Andrew Jackson was a person
likely to bestow his regard upon a poltroon. But
Houston was not blood-thirsty ; and he possessed
that higher kind of courage which enabled him to
brave the contempt of a community which still held
to the savagism that insults should be wiped out
with blood.

In private life he was affable and courteous, kind,
and generous. When thwarted, Kowever, he became
harsh, and not unfrequcntly vindictive. He never
failed to repay with compound interest, sooner or later,
any insinuation or coarse attack, and those who
crossed his political pathway were chastised with a
scathing invective which they never forgot. Acts of
friendship and of enmity were equally retained in his
memory, and met with corresponding return. Majes
tic in person, of commanding presence, and noble
countenance, he was a striking figure in public and in
private. Sorrow for the miseries of his country,
poverty in his household, and a broken down consti
tution, saddened the days, as, shattered and worn — to
use his own words 13- —he approached the narrow isth
mus which divides time's ocean from the sea of eter
nity beyond. So straightened were his means that his
family were often stinted for the necessaries of life.
Some years after settling in Texas Houston ao-ain

J & • O

married, and at his death left a widow and seven
children, the eldest of whom had not yet attained the
age of majority.14

On November 5, 18G3, Pendleton Murrah,15 the ,

13 In his last public speech, delivered March 18, 1863, in the city of Hous
ton, in Thrall, 507.

11 Lester's Houston and his Rep., passim; Thrall, 400, 555-68; Balers Tex.,
'255-7; Linns Reminis., 258, 272-7; Greens Reply, passim; Kennedy, ii. 159-60;
Harper's May., xxxii. 630-5; The Century, Aug. 1884; 8. F. Bulletin, Apr. 11,
1866, sup.; Tex. Aim., 1859, 119-25; Cordovrts Tex., 178-9.

15 Murrah was a native of South Carolina, a lawyer by profession. In
early life he went to Alabama, whence he migrated to lexas, settling in
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 30

466 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

governor elect, was inaugurated, Fletcher S. Stock-
dale being lieutenant-governor.16

After the failure of the expedition against Sabine
city, General Banks determined upon another to get
possession of the Texan ports, break up the trade
that was being carried on with Mexico through
Brownsville and Matamoros, and put a stop to the
evasion of the blockade by vessels sailing to and from
the Rio Grande. Being the boundary between the
United States and Mexico, this river was open to the
navigation of both countries and could not be block-

O

aded. Numerous schemes were projected to take ad
vantage of the facilities thus offered, and under the
disguise of neutral trade, Matamoros had become a
great commercial mart for the Texans and European
speculators.17

Late in October, 1863, Banks, supported by a
naval squadron under Commander Strong, sailed with
6,000 troops from New Orleans for the Rio Grande,
the immediate command, however, being given to
General Napoleon Dana. On November 2d the
soldiers were landed at Brazos Santiago, and Browns-*
ville was taken possession of on the 6th. The occu
pation of Corpus Christi, of the confederate works
at Aransas pass, and of Cavallo pass, and Fort Esper-
anza, at the entrance of Matagorda bay, speedily fol
lowed. By the end of December, Indianola and the
Matagorda peninsula were in possession of the federals,
only a faint show of resistance being made by the
Texans, who withdrew from the coast defences west
of the Colorado. At the beginning of 1864 the only
places on the gulf coast of importance that remained
in their possession wero at the mouth of the Brazos

Harrison County. In 1857 he represented that county in the state legisla
ture. On the surrender of the confederate armies in 1865, Murrah left the
country and sought refuge in Mexico. He died in Monterey in July of the
same year. Thrall, 408, 596.

16 The votes polled for governor were: for Murrah, 17,511; T. J. Cham
bers 12,455; scattering 1,070— making a total of 31,036.

17 Report of the secretary of the navy, Dec. 7, 1863. U. S. H. Doc.,
cong. 38, sess. 1, no. 1, p. viii.

f ACTION OF TEXANS. 467

and Galveston island, both of which were too strongly
defended to admit of the enemy making any attempt
against them. The occupation of Brownsville effect
ually stopped the extensive trade carried on by the
Texans through Matamoras, and on February 18th,
President Lincoln, by proclamation, relaxed, condi
tionally, the blockade of that port. This possession
of the forts of Texas was of short duration. After a
few months' occupation the military forces were with
drawn, with the exception of a detachment left at
Brazos Santiago, and the duty of guarding that coast
henceforth devolved upon the navy, which succeeded
in capturing several confederate vessels.18

Banks' expedition having failed, so far as its ulti
mate object, the repossession of Texas, was concerned,
another plan was formed for the recovery of that
state by an invasion on the north-east by the line of
the Red river. The first object of this enterprise,
which was conducted by generals Banks and Steele,
was the capture of Shreveport, and the dispersion of
the confederates in that region, which, being once
accomplished, would open the road into Texas. This
undertaking also failed. After occupying Alexandria,
on March 23d, Banks directed his march toward
Shreveport. A number of battles were fought, and
at Sabine Cross Roads the federals sustained a serious
defeat, which their subsequent victories at Pleasant
Grove and Pleasant Hill could not repair. The ad
vance of the national army was effectually checked.
Banks retreated to Alexandria, and Steele to Little
Rock. In these engagements the Texans played a
prominent part. At the disastrous battle of Pleas
ant Hill, Sweitzer's regiment of Texas cavalry, about
400 strong, in making a desperate charge upon the
enemy's line, was almost annihilated.19

18 Report of sec. of the navy, Dec. 5. 1364, in Id., cong. 38, sess. 2, vi.,
no. 1, pp. vi.-vii. 480-7, 489-90, 498-9, 508-9; Lnssinfj, iii. 223-4.

19 ' He was met by one of the most destructive fires known in the annals of
war. Of his regiment, not more than ten escaped death or wounds. ' An eye
witness said that the federal infantry retained their fire till the cavalry were

403 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

In September. Brownsville was captured by her old
enemy, Cortina, under somewhat peculiar circum
stances. A French force about 5,000 strong took
possession of Bagdad, at the mouth of the Bio Grande,
with the object of capturing Matamoros, where Cor
tina was then in command. Brownsville was occupied
by Colonel Ford with a considerable force of Texan
cavalry, and Brazos Santiago was still held by the
federals. On the 6th, the French force began to
move up the right bank of the river, and their ad
vance became engaged with Cortina, who had marched
with 3,000 Mexicans and 16 pieces of artillery from
Matamoros to meet them. There seems to have been
some understanding between Ford and the French
commander; for during the engagement, the former
appeared on the other side of the Rio Grande with a
large herd of cattle for the use of the invading army,
and immediately crossing the river took part in the
conflict by attacking Cortina's rear. The Mexican
commander, however, succeeded in both repulsing
Ford and driving back the French, who retreated to
Bagdad. Cortina now turned his attention to Ford.
On the 9th, he passed over his whole force, with the
artillery, drove the Texans from Brownsville, and
took possession of the town for the United States.
The federal flag was hoisted, the commander at Brazos
Santiago was informed of the event, and the town
placed at his disposal.20

Governor Murrah did not find 1m position a sine
cure. It was fraught with anxiety and care, trouble
and annoyances, while the salary attached to it was
paid in a currency which was only worth from three
to four cents on the dollar. The functions of the

within forty yards, and then the 14th Iowa emptied nearly every saddle as
quickly as though the order had been given to dismount. Lossintj, iii. 201.

20 Vvzde Mej., Sept. 22, 1864. The accounts of this affair are somewhat
confusing, but agree in the above main particulars. It does not appear that
the officer in command at Brazos Santiago sent troops to the mainland to
occupy Brownsville. Nor is it likely that he could do so with his small force.

HURRAH'S ADMINISTRATION. 469

three branches of government were usurped. Mili
tary orders and congressional acts set aside state laws,
and denuded him of his authority as the executive.
As he was a firm believer in state rights and state
sovereignty, he was soon involved in a labyrinth of
difficulties. In the hope that some means might be
devised to mitigate financial perplexities, harmonize
conflicting interests, and promote cooperation between
the state and the confederacy in the protection of in
dustrial enterprises, the success of which would be of
equal benefit to both, he convened the legislature to
meet in extra session on May 11, 1864.

From his message of that date, a clear perception
of the condition of Texas can be gained. In the pre
ceding regular session, the legislature, for the purpose
of sustaining the confederate currency, had made all
appropriations in it, and authorized all taxes as well
as state obligations to be paid therewith. The state
government had discontinued the issue of treasury
warrants to prevent them from being paid out in con
nection with confederate notes, and at the same de
preciated rates. But the congress of the southern
states had recognized the fact that the confederate
currency was almost worthless, and had provided for
its withdrawal from circulation. As a large accumu
lation of the worthless paper already existed in the
state treasury, the future financial policy of Texas was
a question of the gravest importance. The state could
not afford to hold such currency and fund it in bonds,
and the possibility of its being exchanged for the new
issue was a matter that demanded immediate inquiry.
Moreover, a revolution had taken place in the views
of the general government and of the people. Specie
was being recognized as the standard by which to de
termine the value of confederate paper money. From
Richmond to San Antonio, the currency was treated
as depreciated in every-day transactions, and the
question arose whether Texas alone should continue
to receive it at par with specie. While sustaining as

470 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

far as possible the confederate currency by making all
reasonable sacrifices, nevertheless it was an object of
the deepest importance to maintain the credit of the
state. The resources and isolated position of Texas
would enable her to carry a very large debt, arid the
preservation of her credit was important to the whole
trans-Mississippi department. The regular payment
of the interest on outstanding bonds ought to be made,
and this could be done, provided that the state was
unembarrassed, by the judicious purchase and sale of
cotton.

The governor suggested that the collection of taxes
under the existing regulation should be arrested.
They might be collected, he said, in state treasury
warrants, coupons of state bonds at par, specie, and
confederate currency at the market value. Treasury
warrants could be substituted for the coupons as they
were paid into the treasury, and provision made for
funding the warrants in six per cent bonds. The fact
that the coupons were received in payment of taxes
would probably increase their value, and at the same
time diminish the cost of their redemption in specie.
The legislature, however, either through inability, or
through unwillingness to recognize the depreciation of
confederate currency, devised no plan of relief, and all
it did was to provide for exchanging its bundles of old
confederate notes for the new issue.

The next matter which Governor Murrah brouo-ht

O

under consideration was the complication which had
arisen with regard to conscription. At the last ses
sion provision had been made for the organization of
a state military force embracing all capable of bearing
arms between the ages of eighteen and forty-five
years not liable to confederate service, and also those
between the ages of forty-five and fifty. This organi
zation was never completed, and became a subject of
disagreement between the executive and General
Magruder, the military chief in command of Texas.
The time for which those already in the service had

STATE TROOPS. 471

been drafted had not yet expired, and February 20,
18G4, was mutually agreed upon between Murrah and
Magruder as the day for the reorganization ; the gov
ernor issued, January 23d, an order continuing those
troops in service, and announcing to them that Feb
ruary 20th had been appointed as the day for their
reorganization. This caused great discontent, and
many of them left their posts; Magruder began to
act independently, in face of the governor's orders,
and an effort was made to enroll into the confederate
army state soldiers between eighteen and forty-five
years of age whose terms of service had not yet ex
pired. The men enrolled in the state service had not
been given to understand that, when their term
expired, they were liable to conscription into the con
federate army, and were consequently refractory.
However, the governor and general came to an ar
rangement by which it was agreed that all state troops
should be permitted at their option to form new or
ganizations to serve for the war in the confederate
army, and elect their own officers, or join existing
organizations in that service; and that all who did
not join either should be reorganized on February 20th
as state troops, under the late state law. An order
to this effect was issued February 4th, with the noti
fication that all men liable to conscription would be
allowed to remain in the state troops for the period
of six months, at the expiration of which they would
be transferred to the confederate service.

This difficulty was thus satisfactorily overcome;
the state troops and conscripts rendezvoused at the
headquarters of the respective military districts, and
the reorganization of the companies was effected. But
in the mean time, another and far more serious matter
of dispute arose. The confederate congress had re
cently passed a new and sweeping act of conscription,
and on its publication in Houston, about the middle
of March, General Magruder refused to receive the
' newly organized state troops as state troops, although

472 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

tendered to him, expressing his determination to rely
solely upon the congressional law for troops. It will
be observed that the position assumed by Magruder
involved the assumption that the laws of congress
annulled state laws, and that confederate military
officers had authority to break up an organization
formed under an enactment of the legislature. Gov
ernor Murrah opposed any such views, and insisted
that the Texans should go to the field as state troops
until the legislature should meet and dispose of the
embarrassing question. Magruder, however, was
unyielding, and the governor considered himself under
the necessity of disbanding the state troops, and by
proclamation of April 1 2th called upon all those liable
to conscription under the recent act of congress to
volunteer, and organize in conformity with the con
federate law, but as to ordering them to do so, he had,
as he said, no authority. Thus, the state was without
any military force, and this at a time when the enemy
was threatening Texas on the north and northeastern

O

frontier; the coast defenders had been mostly with
drawn to meet the foe in Louisiana ; in no county was
there a sufficient police force that could efficiently con
trol the slave population, and prevent them from be
ing tampered with, while in many portions of the
country murders, robberies, and outrages were being
daily committed. Under these circumstances, the
governor was of opinion that minute companies should
be thoroughly organized in the counties of all men
between the ages of fifty and sixty years, and those
exempt from service under the laws of the confederate
congress. This system would supply an efficient po
lice force, strengthen the local organization for the
defence of the state, and retain a reserve of laborers
that could give time and attention to domestic in
terests.

The governor then calls attention to the " fearful
demoralization and crimes prevailing throughout the
state." The picture which he draws of the social con-

SOCIAL CONDITION. 473

dition of Texas during this period is truly frightful.
Let his own words speak: "In some sections, society
is almost disorganized ; the voice of the law is hushed,
and its authority seldom asserted. It is a dead letter
—an unhonored thing upon the unread pages of the
statutes. Murder, robbery, theft, outrages of every
kind against property, against human life, against
everything sacred to a civilized people, are frequent
and general. Whole communities are under a reign
of terror, and they utter their dreadful apprehensions
and their agonizing cries of distress in vain. The rule
of the mob, the bandit, of unbridled passions, rides
over the solemn ordinances of the government. Foul
crime is committed, and the criminal, steeped in guilt,
and branded by his own dark deeds with eternal in
famy, goes unwhipped of justice. Not even a warrant
is issued for him — no effort made by the sworn offi
cers of the law, or by the community, to bring him
to punishment Too often the deed is excused; the
community is divided in opinion as to the guilt, and
the criminal is screened from justice, unless his offend
ing chances to touch some particular influence or pre
vailing notions, and then, without trial, and without
the forms of law, he is hung by a mob."1 This really
worthy governor then remarks that the law was not
at fault, and that if the officers and people would
earnestly cooperate to root out these evils, the law
would again become the "harmony of society, and se
cure it against this fearful confusion, and these fearful
dangers.'' He exhorts the judiciary and all other
officers to faithfully discharge their duties, and boldly
declares that the severest penalties should be provided
for the civil officer who neglected his sworn obligations.
In spite of this lamentable condition of Texas in a
social point of view, her industrial prospects were far
from unfavorable. Numbers of refugees from Louisi
ana, Arkansas, and Missouri, after the abolition of

21 Message of Gov. P. Murrah to the extra session, May 11, 1864, no. 2,
p. 14, in Tex. Col Doc., no, 2.

474 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

slavery, sought an asylum in Texas, which that law
failed to reach, bringing with them their slaves. The
consequence was that the year 1863 was marked by
an unprecedented production of cotton and corn.
Looms were supplied in ample abundance, great
quantities of cloth were manufactured, and industrial
enterprises undertaken on an extensive scale. Capital
was employed by associations and chartered companies
for the manufacture of iron and other articles for home
consumption and the use of the army, and machinery
for manufacturing purposes were introduced. But the
producers were called upon to make sacrifices so great
that their patience became exhausted. The demand
for cotton, both by confederate officers and the state
military board, was imperative, and the planter was
called upon to sell one half of his staple for state
bonds bearing seven per centum interest. Means of
transportation to the Rio Grande were scarce and ex
pensive, and it was generally conceded that the cost
of transferring cotton thither from any distance in the
interior was equal to one half of its value, losses and
wastage being considered.22 Moreover, serious embar
rassments occurred between the confederate and state
authorities, and cotton transported under the state
regulations was interfered with on the Rio Grande.
Horses and mules were impressed for the use of the
army, and all surplus corn was appropriated. A
gloomy sentiment began to prevail. Many terrible
battles had been fought, and it was felt that the end
was drawing near.

O

The latter part of 1864 was disastrous to the con
federate arms, and during the first six months of the
following year the catastrophe came. After the sur
render of generals Lee, Johnston, and Taylor, in

22 The system adopted by Gov. Murrali was as follows: The vendor trans
ported his cotton to the Rio Grande at his own expense and risk. One half
of it he retained for his own use, and for the other half he received state
bonds at its specie value. He had, moreorer, to pay the tithe imposed by
the confederate congress, and the export duty. Gov. Murralis Hes., 16, no.
2, in Tex. Col. Doc., no. 2.

THE LAST SHOT. 475

April and early in May, a battle was fought in Texas,
where the struggle was still prolonged. General
Kirby Smith addressed, April 21, a proclamation to
his soldiers. "You possess the means," he said, " of
long resistance. Protract the struggle, and you will
surely receive the aid of nations who already deeply
sympathize with you." In Texas public meetings were
held and resolutions adopted to continue the war. A
laro-e federal force was set in motion against Texas under

O

Sheridan; but on May 26th Kirby Smith surrendered
his command to General Canby, before the unionists
had reached their destination.23

Meantime on May 13th, the engagement above
alluded to, the last in the war, was fought near the
old battle-field of Palo Alto, the scene of Taylor's vic
tory over Arista. The confederates were stationed at
Palmetto, and Colonel Theodore H. Barrett who was
in command at Brazos Santiago, sent on the llth
300 men under Lieutenant-Colonel Bronson to attack
them. Early in the morning of the 12th Bronson
assaulted the enemy's camp, drove him from it, and
captured a number of horses and cattle. He then
fell back, and on the 13th was joined by Lieu
tenant-colonel Morrison with 200 men. The confed
erates had again assembled at Palmetto rancho in
force, and were commanded by General J. E. Slaugh
ter. Colonel Barrett now took command of the fed
eral force in person, and advanced against the foe,
who was again driven from his position. About four
o'clock in the afternoon, however, the federals were
assailed in front by a strong body of infantry with
six 12-pounders, while a squadron of cavalry suc
ceeded, under cover of the chaparral, in flanking
them. Barrett's position was critical, and retreat was
his only alternative. For three hours a running fight
was maintained without the confederates being able
to break the federal line, and at sunset they retired.24

'•^Report of the sec. of war, in J/es.s. and Doc., Abridy., cong. 39, sess. 1,
702-3. Generals Magruder and Smith surrendered formally the Trans-
Mississippi department on May Gth. Thrall, 407.

476 PROGRESS AND END OF THE WAR.

The last shot in the great civil war had been fired.

21 Col Barrett reported his loss in this expedition to be four officers and
111 men in killed, wounded, and missing. Lossing, iii. »79-SO.

The reader will find in the following a more extended list of authorities
consulted. Those having an official character are: U. S. Lawn; U. S. Stat
utes; Cong. Glohe.; Sen. Ex. Docs.; Sen. Jour.; Sen. Miscel. Docs.; H. Jour.;
H. Ex. Docs.; II. M'iscel. Docs.; H. Com. Hep.; Census Reps.; Mess, and, Docs.;
Acts ami Res.; Ind. Affair Rep.; Sec. Int. Reps.; Charters an/I Constitutions;
Sec. War Reps.; to the indices of which reference is made for Texan affairs
during the period. Texas state documents are State Gaz.; Legisl. Jours.;
Houston's Mess, on S. C. Resolutions; Id., on Secession; Mess. Govs.; Tax Laws,
Constitution; Comptroller's Reps.; Penal Code; Land Office Reps; Adjt-Gen.

PP-

Act to Incorp., 1876, 44 pp. The following are works of a non-official char
acter. Cordovas Tex., passim; Jenlin's Mex. War; Id., Life, of Polk, 263-3SG;

Tex. Al./ianac, 1857-01, 18G8, see indices; Kennedys Tex.; Lossing's Civ. Wa:>,
i. 62-273; iii. 221-4, 251-69, 579-80; Houston s Tex., i. 255-314; ii. 88-258;
Id., Life of, 17-402; Holley's Tex., 125-50; U. S. Repuh, 62-209; Peterson's
Mil. Heroes, ii. 29-80; Henry s Campaijn Sketches, 75-115; Murray's Hist. U.
S., 468-99; Mont joinery's Life of Taylor, 60-373; Ol.i.stc'.id's Journey, 42,
463-516; Patton's Hist. U. S., 691-704, Porter s Rev. of Mex. War, 52-79;
Ramsey's Other Side, 24-57; Morji's Hist. Tex., passim; ThralVs Tex., passim;
Rlplcy's War Mex., 16-29, 100-2; Taylor and his Stiff, 23-36; Purlers Volun
teers, 120-87, 241-6; Jones' Bcpub. of Mex., 23-648; Wilson's Amer. Hist.,
619-68, Miallard's Tex., passim; Harrisons Battle Fields, 339-46; Livermorcs

WarunthMex., 187-200; Prairiedom, 19-166; Thorpe's Amy on Rio Grande,
73-111; Mayers Mex. Azt., i. 330-9; Id., Mex. War, 87-149; Niks' Reg., see
indices during the period; Harper's Monthly Ma;/., xxvi., 557; xxxii., 630-5;
Jay's Mex. War, 121^3; Linn's Reminis., 348-54; M' Call's Letters, 429-53;
M 'ini+field's Mex. War, 19^3; Hunt's Address to the People of Tex., 1-83; Id.,
M'rch. Mag., vob. xix. toxl., see indices; Putna :n's May., iii. 170-80, 252-CO,
365-78; Bmtamante, Mern. Hist. Mex., MS., iv. 200-51;' v. 64-5; Loud. Geoj.
Sic. Jour., xiii. 199-226; Moore's Descrip. Tex., 8-14, 38-41; Youn /'s Hist.
Mex., 289-91, 341-58, 380, 436; Taylor's Ron ;h and Ready Aim., 7-20; Cuha,
Bittles of, 17-30; Domenech's Miss. Advent., 8-243; Id., Hl<t. du Mex., 207-10;
DUurndTs U. S. Reg., 1861-2, 61-4, 83; De Bow's Rev., xiii. 53-6; xvi.
473-6; xvii. 168-9; xix. 157-8, 201-5, 578-87; North's Five Years in Tex.,
92-154; Cremony's Life among Apaches, 13-34; Kendall's Narr. of Tex. and
SMtaF6 Exped., i. 13-173; Dewees' Letters from Tex., 148-52, 247-51, 298-
303; Edward's Tex,, 41-53; Fournel, Comp. D'Ocil, 23-57; Dodges Plains Ot

West, 48-52, 131, 152, 391^t, 403-4; Howard's Speech U. S. H. Rep., June
11, 1850; Fry's Life of Taylor, 97-195; McCaJ>e's Comp. View, 158-9, 703;
jyOrli/ny, Hist. Gen. des Voy., iii. 358-62; Mason's Speech U. S. Sen., May
27, 1850; Fisher and Col'-y's Amer. State Annual, 1854, 394-9; Lester's Hous
ton and his Rrpiib., 155-85; Gouge's Fiscal Hist. Tex., passim: Frost's Mex.

War, 10-24, 51-4; Id., Pict. Hist. Mex., 194-253, 4G7; Gusrra entre M<x. y
Estad. Unid., 31-46; Tcjas Diet, de la Corns.; Cutt's Cow/uest Cal. an IN. Mex.;
Democratic Rev., xvi. 419-28; Gratton's Civ. A.i.er., ii. 26D-78; Parker's Notes;
Scmmcs' Service Afloat, 62-74; Ross Tex. Brijade, Louisville, 18S1, 185 pp.;
Roderinu'jh's 2d Dragoons, 102-13, 514-16; Graham's Mag., xlvii., 369-'- 0;
xlviii. 174; Gcdlatin's Peace with Mex., 15-23; Barl>y, Tex., 10-13; Fret'.ini-''n
Speech in Cong., Aug. 13, 1850; Robertson's Reminis. Camp in Mex., 49-55;
Pap. Far., 99, no. 2, 20; 103, no. 7; 107, no. 2, 10; 167, no. 10; 173, no. 19;
Fil'isola, Rep. al Sup. Go')., no. iii., 16-21; /,-/., Hist. Guerra Tex., ii. 232-9;
Thompson's Recol. Mex., 70-3; Froel>d's Cent. Amer., 424-7, 442-50; J/.w/v/to
Kuste und Tex., 39-65; Monette's Val. of the Miss., ii. 579-95; Tex. Bus.

AUTHORITIES. 477

Direc., 1878-9, 279-89; Tex. Ult. Comunic.,B-22; BonnelVs Top. Descrip. Tex.,
7-122; Rusk's Speech, 1-14; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 515-16; Burkes Tex.
Aim., 1878, 1882, 154; Smith, Notice sur la Geog. du Tex., Paris, 24 pp.;
Peeler and Maxey Hi*t. Mercer Colony, 104-6; Pena y Pena, Comunic. Oust.
Tex., 44 pp.; Hex. War; Complete Hist., 19-27; Mission. Life in the 19th Cen-
twy, 208-16 ; Corbett's Leg. Manual, 282; Gleasons H'ist. Cath. Church, ii.
158; Bcntons Deb. in Cong., xvi. 590; Marcy's Army Life, 170; McCleans
Speech in Cong., June 5, 1850; Molhausen, Tagelmch, 104-71; Hanford's Tex.,
State Reg., 1876-9, see indices; Rocks' S. W. Tex., 21-37, 242, 249, 260-1;
Sleeper and Hutcliins* Waco, Waco, 1876, 171, pp.; Merrick and Dur ant's Mem.,
Austin, 1879, 57 pp. ; ^Mercantile Agency An., 1871, 136-7; Tex. and her Capa
bilities, 15-16; Maxey s Speech Ind. Affair*, Wash. 1876, 15 pp. Numerous
Mexican and American newspapers have been examined.

CHAPTEE XVIII.

THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.
1865-1870.

GOVERNOR HAMILTON — THE QUESTION OF FREEDMEN s RIGHTS— LAWLESSNESS
IN TEXAS — EMANCIPATION OF SLAVERY DECLARED IN TEXAS — ITS EFFECT
— THE STATE CONVENTION — THROCK MORTON ELECTED GOVERNOR — A
BOLD MESSAGE — LAWS PASSED BY THE LEGISLATURE — DISCORD BETWEEN
PRESIDENT JOHNSON AND CONGRESS — A RIGOROUS ACT — TEXAS UNDER
MILITARY RULE — JUDICIAL DISTRICTS — THROCKMORTON'S DIFFICULTIES
AND REMOVAL — His VIEWS ON THE POSITION — PEASE APPOINTED GOV
ERNOR — CHANGES OF MILITARY COMMANDERS — REGISTRATION QUESTIONS
— THE RECONSTRUCTION CONVENTION — DISAGREEMENTS — THE GENERAL
ELECTION — AMENDED CONSTITUTION RATIFIED — DOINGS OF THE LEGIS
LATURE.

AFTER the formal surrender of Smith and Magruder,
Governor Murrah retired to Mexico, and on June 19
1865, General Granger, of the United States army,
assumed temporary command. On the 17th of that
month President Johnson, in pursuance of his plan of
reconstruction, appointed Andrew J. Hamilton l pro
visional governor of Texas. As a preliminary step to
the reorganization of the subdued states, the president
had removed, on April 29th, certain commercial re
strictions, and on May 29th issued a proclamation
granting an amnesty, with certain exceptions, to
persons who had been engaged in the rebellion, on
condition of their taking* an oath of allegiance.

O O

The provisional governor arrived at Galveston at
the end of July. He was clothed with the power to

1 Hamilton was a native of Alabama, and came to Texas in 1846. Was
attorney -general in 1849, and later a member of the state legislature. In
1859 he was elected to congress, where he opposed secession. During the
war he left Texas. He died at Austin in April 1875. Thrall, 549-50.
(478)

PROVISIONAL GOVERNOR. 479

reorganize the state government, assemble a conven
tion of citizens who had taken the amnesty oath, and
provide for the election of representatives to the na
tional congress. Accordingly boards of registration
were established in the different counties, with au
thority to administer the oath, and register all
persons who, from their loyalty to the United States,
would be allowed to vote. State, district, and county
officers were appointed, and under the circumstances,
Governor Hamilton gave general satisfaction. But
confederate principles and hopes were as yet far from
dead in Texas, and the anti-union portion of the com
munity began to grow anxious as they watched the
action of the president. It was soon feared that
Hamilton was more an agent of Johnson than the
real governor of Texas, and that the easy manner in
which confederates, known to be still hostile to the
union, were registered as voters, would enable such to
control the state.

The all-absorbing question was the future condition
of the freedmen. Were they to enjoy the rights of
citizenship, and the elective franchise, or to be re
garded merely as aliens? On January 31, 1865, the
house of representatives had adopted the thirteenth
amendment of the national constitution,2 which had
already passed the senate during the preceding ses
sion, and there was no doubt that future legislation
would be directed toward securing to the freedmen
all the rights of citizenship.

President Johnson displayed a leniency toward the
subdued confederates, and an attitude that could only
be regarded as friendly to them by the clear-sighted
observer. Profuse with his pardons,3 many promi-

2 The following is a copy of the amendment:

Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a pun
ishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall
exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro
priate legislation.

3 During the years 1865 and 1866 pardons were extended to over 600
Texans included in the classes of exemption under the amnesty proclama
tion. H, Com. Rcpt, cong. 40, sess. 1, no. 7, 1029-43.

480 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

nent and influential secessionists were placed in the
same rank with, unionists ; and he showed an inclina
tion hastily to secure the return of the revolted
states into the union, before any further provision
in favor of the freedmen's franchise could be made, in
order that their pressure might be felt in congress.

With regard to the unionists in Texas they were
placed in a peculiar position. After the confederate
troops were disbanded, the men with union sympa
thies were looked upon as traitors to their country, and
many outrages were committed by disbanded soldiers
and banditti. Toward the union troops quartered in
the towns an intense hatred was felt by most of the
citizens. The military force which occupied Texas
was not adequate to suppress the lawlessness which
prevailed in many parts of the country, and it was
only in the vicinity of the garrisoned towns and posts
that security of person and property was sustained.
In the courts justice was warped to favor those
who had fought for home and country in the south.4

At the beginning of the war there were about
275,000 slaves in Texas, and during its progress
about 125,000 were sent thither from the southern
states in order to secure them from the federal forces.
Thus at the close of the war there was a slave popu
lation of 400,000 in the country, distributed for the
most part on the plantations situated on the Sabine,
Neches, Trinity, Brazos, and Colorado rivers. As
soon as General Granger took military possession of
Texas he proclaimed the emancipation of the slaves,
and at once a great surging movement of the hitherto
servile population took place. The negroes could not
fully realize that they possessed their freedom with
out practical proof that such was the case. They

4 Gen. Custer testified, March 10, 18G6, before the 'Reconstruction Com
mittee, ' thus: ' Since the establishment of the provisional government in Texas
the grand juries throughout the state have found upwards of 500 indict
ments for murder against disloyal men, and yet not in a single case has
there been a conviction.' Report Joint Com. Recons., cong. 39, sess. 1, pt iv.
75.

FREEDMEN. 481

left the plantations on which they had toiled so long
and roamed in crowds from place to place in asser
tion of their new right ; they nocked to the freed-
nien's bureau5 for registration; and a tide of black
men who had been brought into Texas during the
war, set in toward Louisiana in search of their old
homes to which they were anxious to return. Dur
ing their journey they met with much suffering. A
deep bitterness was entertained toward them by their
former masters, who tried to constrain them to remain
on the plantations, and numbers of them were killed.6

Nevertheless, when the excitement subsided, they
returned to work, and by the beginning of 1866 it be
gan to be seen that free labor would soon prove a
success in Texas. The plantation owners were com
pelled to yield to necessity, and offered them terms
which promised to ensure steady labor.7

As regards the disposition of Texas toward the
union, it is safe to say that the feeling was less bitter
here than in any other part of the confederacy. A
large portion of the population, whose voices had
been hushed during the long struggle,were still union
ists at heart; the German inhabitants, estimated at
40,000, had ever been for the union, and no small
proportion of the secessionists themselves, having
fought the fight and lost, were ready to accept their
defeat and the new order of things. The refractory

5 An act establishing a bureau, in the war department, for the relief of
freedmen a::^ refugees was approved March 3, 1865. Con<j. Globe, 1864—5,
ap. 141. Brai. -es of this department were established in Austin and other
places in Texas, as elsewhere in the other southern states. On the same
day an act to incorporate the Freedmen's Savings and Trust Company was
approved.

6Gov. Hamilton stated that he had information of the dead bodies of
freedmen being found here and there throughout the state — some in the creeks,
others floating down streams, others by the roads — amounting in all to about
260 up to the middle of Jan. 1866. Testimony of John T. Allen, in Report,
utsup., ptiv., 88.

7 Wages $20 a month, or § the cotton or -£ the corn crops. G. W. Little-
field, a resident of Austin, and a cotton grower under both the slave and
free systems of labor, says: 'After the war closed we used the same labor
on the plantations by paying a percentage of the crop raised. Under good
management at that time we calculated to make from ^ to ^ bale of cotton
per acre. Remarks, Cattle and Ayric. , MS., 1-2.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 31

482 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

spirit manifested during the days which succeeded
the occupation of Texas by the victors was due, in a
great measure, to the fact that her territory had never
been made the seat of war. The people could not
brook the restraint which was now imposed upon
them ; while it must be admitted that the conduct of
the federal officers in the discharge of their duties,
especially in the treasury department, afforded just
grounds for irritation and complaint.8

On January 8, 1866, an election was held for dele
gates to a state convention to form a new constitution.
There was no excitement, and little interest was
shown. Governor Hamilton in his message to the

O

convention, which met on February 10th, declared
that the apathy of the people filled him with deep
concern, and stated that there was reason to believe
that less than half the voters had participated in the
recent election.

Having elected J. W. Throckmorton president, and
W. L. Chalmers secretary, the convention proceeded
with its labors, and the new constitution was com
pleted by April. In it every measure that was de
manded as a prerequisite for readmission into the
union was adopted. The abolition of slavery was
recognized,9 and freedmen were allowed the right to
make contracts ; to sue in the courts ; to acquire and

8 It was a common practice of the agents of the treasury department to
seize cotton on the pretext that it belonged to the late confed_ate states;
to refuse to give the party who owned the cotton a paper ^signating the
weights of the bales, an I subsequently return the claimant the same num
ber of bales taken from him after abstracting a portion of the cotton. In
other cases permits to ship cotton were not respected, and bribes exacted
before it was allowed to be shipped. Again, permits were often refused,
and persons employed to purchase the cotton at reduced prices. Such con
duct afforded a pretext for sedition and turbulence. Testimony of T. J.
Mackay, May 18, 1866, in Id., 157.

9 'Art. VIII. African slavery, as it heretofore existed, having been ter
minated within this state by the gov. of the U. S. by force of arms, and its
reestablishment being prohibited by the amendment to the constitution of
the U. S., it is declared that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex
cept as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly con
victed shall exist in this state.' Copy of the amended constitution will be
found in U. S. charters and constitutions ii., 1784-1801.

GOVERNOR THROCKMORTON. 483

transmit property; and to testify as witnesses in civil
and criminal cases. The convention, moreover, passed
ordinances declaring the act of secession null; repu
diating the war debt of the rebellion; proclaiming
the permanency of the union, and the supremacy of
the laws of the United States; and assuming the
direct tax levied upon the state by the United States. 10
The amended constitution was submitted to the people
and ratified June 25th.11 On the same day the
general election was held, and J. W. Throckmorton 12
was chosen governor and G. W. Jones, lieutenant-
governor. 13

On August 18th, Governor Throckmorton, having
been duly inaugurated, sent in his first regular mes
sage. After alludino" to the outrages perpetrated by

O O O J. 1. */

lawless characters following the disbandment of the
confederate army, and congratulating the country
upon their end, he supplies the legislature with a
financial statement of the condition of the treasury,
the available funds in which amounted to $90,028, of
which $31,399 were in specie, and the balance in
United States currency. He then calls attention to

13 During Hamilton's administration a tax of 12| cts on the $100 was col
lected. Thrall, 411.

11 For the amendments 28,119 votes were cast, and 23,400 against them.
Tex. Aim,, 1867, 262.

12 Throckmorton was born in Tenn. in 1825, and migrated to Texas in
1841 with his father's family; was in the legislature from 1851 to 1856 when
he was elected to the senate where he remained till 1861. He was a mem
ber of the secession convention, and was one of the seven who voted against
secession. He was true to Texas, however, when the die was cast, and rais
ing a company joined the confederate army. He took part in the battle of
Elk Horn, and afterward served under General Dick Taylor. In 1864 Gov.
Hurrah assigned to him, with the rank of brig. -gen., the command of the
northern frontier. In 1865, Gen. Kirby Smith appointed him general Indian
agent, and he made a treaty with numerous tribes very favorable to Texas.
In 1866 he was elected a member of the first reconstruction convention, and
chosen president of that body. Thrall, 625-6.

13Forgov., Throckmorton obtained 48,631 votes against 12,051 cast for
5. M. Pease. S. Crosby was elected commissioner of the general land office;
W. L. Robards, comptroller; and M. H. Royston, treasurer. The votes
cast for amendments to state constitution were 28,119 and against them
20,400. Tex. Aim., 1867, 278. The white population of Texas at this time
was probably about the same in number as in 1860, which according to the
census was 420,890. Estimating the number of voters at one-fifth of the
population it will be noticed how many absented themselves from the polls.

484 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

the alarming loss of life, which had occurred within

O

the last three months, along the entire frontier line,
owing to inroads made by the Indians, and to the fact
that a considerable number of children had been car
ried into captivity. The legislature, he urges, should
appropriate a sum of money for the redemption of
these captives, and devise some means for the pro
tection of the frontier, in the event of a failure to
get the necessary assistance from the United States
government.

In order to ensure a future supply of labor on
which the prosperity of the country depended, he
recommended that laws should be passed, carrying
out the objects of the ordinance " authorizing the ap
pointment of a commissioner of statistics, for the
promotion of immigration." With regard to the
freed blacks, he remarked that every effort should be
made to impress upon them that their labor was de
sirable ; and that laws should be passed carrying out
the intention of the eighth article of the constitu
tion, in securing to them protection of person and
property. He adds : " It is desirable that all military
force, and the agents of the freedmen's bureau should
be withdrawn from the interior of the state. The
most certain way to effect this object will be the en
actment of just laws for the protection of the blacks,
and their rigid enforcement."

But considering the position of affairs, no part of
the message is more striking and pregnant with future
trouble than that which touches upon the amend
ments to the constitution of the United States. Sub
mitting a copy of the joint resolution of congress,
proposing to the several states a thirteenth article to
the federal constitution,14 the governor remarked that
the article, having been already ratified by the requi
site number — three fourths — of states, had become a
law of the land, and being no longer an open ques
tion, he did not consider it necessary that the legisla-

14 Abolishing slavery. See note 2 this chapter.

THE THIRD SECTION. 485

ture should take any action upon the matter. He
also enclosed an attested copy of a resolution of
congress, proposing to the legislatures of the several
states a fourteenth article to the constitution, deeply
affecting the status of the late seceders. With re
gard to this amendment he does not hesitate to ex
press his unqualified disapproval, it being, in his
opinion, unwise and unjust. " To say nothing of its
harshness," he continues, "the effect of the adoption
of the third section10 of the article will be to deprive
the state, for nearly a quarter of a century, of the
services of her ablest and best men; at a time and
amidst circumstances which render these services
more important than at any period of her history. I
recommend the unqualified rejection of the proposed
fourteenth article."1

The legislature acted on Throckmorton's suggestion,
having submitted the separate questions to special
committees, which endorsed his opinions. The first
named amendment was respectfully returned to the
secretary of state, without any action being taken
upon it, and the fourteenth amendment was rejected
by a vote of 67 nays against five yeas.

Numerous laws for the internal improvement of the
state were passed at this session, which continued dur
ing the months of August, September, October, and
November. For the protection of the frontier, an act
was passed providing for three battalions of Texan
Rangers, each consisting of five companies, each 100
strong. County courts were organized, and the sala
ries of the judges and officials connected with them
assigned. A general apprentice law provided that

15 It is as follows: ' Sec. 3. No person shall be a senator or representative
in congress, or elector of president or vice-president, or hold any office, civil
or military, under the U. S., or under any state, who, having previously
taken an oath as a member of congress, or as an officer of the U. S., or as a
member of any state legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any
state, to support the constitution of the U. S., shall have engaged in insur
rection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies
thereof. But congress may, by a vote of two thirds of each house, remove
such disability.

16 Copy of Gov. Throckmorton's message in no, 3 of Tex, Col. Doc,, no. 2.

486 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

minors could be bound as apprentices with the con
sent of the parents or guardians, or without their
consent if the minor agreed in open court to be so
bound. Another enactment granted a lien on crops
and stock for advances made to assist in producing the
crop. Other laws provided regulations with regard
to labor contracts, and for the punishment of persons
tampering with laborers or apprentices, or enticing
them away from work. Income, salary, and license
taxes were established, and the rates defined. Va
grancy was defined,17 and punishment proscribed. An
act, called the Stay Law, was passed, regulating the
collection of debts,18 and another regulating the duties
of assessors and collectors. The judicial districts were
changed, and the number of them, which had previ
ously been twenty, was reduced to fifteen. 19 Provision
was made for the education of indigent white children ;
fines were imposed upon any person laboring or hiring
others to work on the sabbath, engaging in horse-
racing or games, selling spirituous liquors, gambling,
hunting game, or carrying on trade on that day.

Nor did the legislature fail to adopt such measures
as were deemed conducive to the progress of the
country. Skilled labor and capital were invited into
the country ; acts were passed for the benefit of exist-

17 Under this head the act ranked fortune-tellers, exhibitors of tricks in
public without license, prostitutes, professional gamblers, beggars not afflicted
by physical malady, drunkards who did not support their families, and per
sons strolling about without employment. The laws of the llth legislature,
in a condensed form, will be found in Tex. Aim., 1867, 244-71.

18 This act provided that on all judgments rendered prior to Jan. 1, 1867,
the debtor should have 12 months thereafter within which to pay the plaintiff
one fourth part of the judgment and costs. If within that time the debtor
paid the amount specified, then he should have 24 months from Jan. 1, 1867,
within which to pay one third of the remainder; and so on, by similar instal
ments and extensions of time, till the whole debt was paid.

19 The judicial districts were reorganized for the express purpose of legis
lating out of office judges who were stanch unionists. Ashbel Smith of
Houston, one of the leading men of the house, as well as other speakers,
stated that the districts had been so reorganized as to legislate out of office
Stribling and Bacon, whom he denounced as radicals, and regret was expressed
that the districts could not be so arranged as to exclude Judge Noonan. All
three were union men. U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 4, sess. ], no. 20, 90-2,
where will be found a list of the judges, and the judicial districts as they
stood before the passage of this act.

ATTITUDE OF THE PRESIDENT. 487

ing railroad companies, granting extensions of time to
complete their contracts, and sections of land to assist
them in their undertakings; and other companies,
engaged in a variety of enterprises, were incorporated.20
In relation to the United States troops stationed
in Texas, a joint resolution set forth that their pres
ence was not only unnecessary, but the source of much
evil,21 and as the people of Texas had returned to their
allegiance, the governor was requested to use all
proper means to obtain the removal of said troops
from the towns to the frontier, for the protection of
which they were greatly needed.

Under the plan pursued by President Johnson,
state governments had now been established in all the
confederate states. But congress was not in accord
with the president. The former considered that as
those governments had been set up without its au
thority, they had no constitutional validity; they
were under the control, it was maintained, of unre
pentant leaders of the secession, and afforded no ade
quate protection for life or property. On March 2,
1867, an "act to provide for the more efficient gov
ernment of the rebel states," was passed by congress
over the veto of the president. By this act the ten

20 Among which may be mentioned the Houston and Harrisburg Turnpike
co., capital stock $500,000; the Eureka T 7 inufacturing co., for the manufac
ture of v. on ..id wool, capital -tick, ^250,000; ihc Houston Direct Navi
gation co., capital .''450,000, with t ho- L,y to increase the stock to ;, 1,000,000;
ami the Texas Land, L"7>or, and Immigration co., capital stock ol,0<X),000.
Id., £64-7. No less than ] I (:ts of im --^r^tion i ...o passed, of which 30
wer' of manufacturing c^npanies, ]/ t ra.voad companies, J6 of cities, 16
of academies, coll ;s, t c., ] of club:;, literary bocieties, etc., and 70 of
companies for insurance, buildh:^ canals, bridges, and wharves, navigation,
deepening channels, gas, cotton-presses, telegraphs, and including about 20
petroleum companies. Tex. Aim., 1C 7, 271.

11 111 feeling continued between tho U. S. troops and the inhabitants, the
former on many occasions conducting themselves in an overbearing manner.
On the evening of Sept. 7, 1866, owing to trouble caused by some drunken
soldiers, a scrimmage took place between them and the citizens of Brenham,
in which two of the former were wounded by pistol-shots. At a later hour,
a number of soldiers entered the town, and set fire to the store of one of the
merchants. The conflagration spread, and a portion of the town was reduced
to ashes. The losses incurred amounted to $131,026. U. S. H. Ex. Doc.,
coug. 41, sess. 3, xii. uo, 145.

488 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

states were divided into five military districts,22 and
made subject to the military authority of the United
States. The power with which the commander of each
district was vested was extremely ample — so much
so that the president in his veto, classified it as that
of an absolute monarch.23 He could organize military
tribunals to try offenders, and all interference of state
authority was pronounced null and void. In all re
spects the act was severely stringent. It was declared
that no state under the ban would be entitled to rep
resentation in congress, until it had formed a consti
tution of government in conformity with the consti
tution of the United States, framed by a convention
of delegates elected by citizens of whatever race, color,
or previous condition, except such as were disfranchised
for participation in the late rebellion. Such constitu
tion was to provide that the elective franchise should
be enjoyed by all persons, irrespective of race or color.
It was made compulsory for a state, by a vote of its
legislature elected under that constitution, to adopt
the amendment to the constitution of the United
States, known as article fourteen; and until the
people of the rebellious states were admitted to repre
sentation in congress, any civil government would be
deemed provisional only, and subject to the paramount
authority of the United States at any time to abolish,
modify, control, or supersede it.

General Sheridan was appointed to the command
of the fifth district, and before long over 4,000 soldiers
were distributed in the towns and military posts of
Texas,24 under General Griffin, with headquarters at
Galveston, to whom the reorganization of the state
was entrusted.

22 Virginia constituted the first district; N. Carolina and S. Carolina the
second; Georgia, Alabama, and Florida, the third; Mississippi and Arkansas,
tho fourth; and Louisiana and Texas the fifth district. Copy of the act in
U, S. Acts and ResnL, ]l">o-1867, 60-2.

23 A copy of the veto will be found in Cong. Globe, 1866-67, pt 3, 1969-72.

24 The different places and number of troops stationed at each will be
found in U. S. fieportSec. War, i. 470-2; cong. 40, sess. 1.

GOVERNOR AND GENERAL. 489

In view of Governor Throckmorton's expectations,
as indicated in his message, and the action taken by
the legislature, this change in affairs was bitterly un
palatable, more humiliating in some respects than the
war itself. Nevertheless, lie hastened to assure
General Sheridan, by date of March 30, 1867, that
though the people, with very little division of senti
ment, regarded the terms imposed upon them as
onerous and oppressive, they were yet determined to
abide by the laws and comply with them. At the
same time he expressed his intention to lend a prompt
assistance, when in his power, to carry into effect the
prerequisites for representation, and advise the people
to participate in the reorganization with good feeling. aa
But Throckinorton was a marked man. As early as
March 28th Griffin advised his removal. "I cannot,"
he said, "find an officer holding position under the
state laws, whose antecedents will justify me in re
posing trust in him in assisting in the registration. "

x O O O

He states that he had again and again called the
notice of the governor to outrages perpetrated on
union men, but knew of no instance in which the of
fender had been punished. At a later date he explains
that efforts were made to exclude union men from the
jury boxes, to prevent which he issued a circular
order, prescribing a form of oath, which virtually ex
cluded every person that had been connected with the
confederacy, from serving as a juror.26

Much dissatisfaction and injustice being caused by
the late act of the legislature, reducing the judicial
districts from twenty in number to fifteen, whereby
justice could not be properly and promptly adminis
tered, an order was issued reestablishing them as

25 See his letter to Gen. Sheridan in his Final Report, no. 11, p. 71-2, in
Tex. Col Doc., no. 2.

26 Copy of the order in U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong 40, sess. 1, no. 20, 73-4.
This circular order, no. 13, was seized upon by some state officials, who at
tempted to make it appear that the courts were closed by the enforcement of
it. The form of oath prescribed was that of 1862 copy of which is given
elsewhere.

490 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

they existed before the passage of the objectionable
ordinance. 2T

Governor Throckmorton complains to General
Griffin, April 5th, that certain papers were " filled
with columns of abuse of himself and other officers,"
and states that, though he did not feel called upon to
reply to those slanderous attacks, he would be grati
fied to exhibit all his official acts to the authorities of
the general government. But differences arose be
tween the governor and the military commander at
every move. Nevertheless it is evident that the
former was really desirous of adjusting himself and
the state to the new system of reconstruction adopted
by congress in opposition to President Johnson's
views. 28

The important question of registration, the appoint
ment of registrars/9 the election of judges and high

27 The districts were as follow: District No. 1, Fayette, Colorado, Whar-
ton, Fort Bend, Brazoria, Matagorda, and Austin; No. 2, Travis, Hays,
Guadalupe, Caldwell, and Bastrop; No. 3, Washington, Brazos, Burleson,
and Milam; No. 4, Coma], Kendall, Kerr, Blanco, Gillespie, and Bexar; No.
5, Newton, Jasper, Sabiiie, Shelby, San Augustine, and Nacogdoches; No. 6,
Wood, Upsher, Harrison, Panola, and Rusk: No. 7, Walker, Grimes, Harris,
Montgomery, and Galveston; No. 8, Red River, Bowie, Davis, Titus, Hop
kins, Marion, and Lamar; No. 9, Houston, Cherokee, Anderson, Smith; No.
10, Victoria, Jackson, La Vaca, Dewitt, Gonzales, Calhoun; No. 11, Presidio,
El Paso, and Worth; No. 12, Cameron, Hidalgo, Starr, Zapata, Webb,
Kenney; No. 13, Madison, Robertson, Falls, Limestone, Hill, Freestone,
Leon, and Navarro; No. 14, San Patricio, Lve Oak, Karnes, Goliad, Bee,
Refugio, Nueces; No. 15, Chambers, Liberty, Polk, Trinity, Tyler, Hardin,
Jefferson, Orange; No. 16, Ellis, Johnson, Parker, Dallas, Tarrant, Kauf
man, and Van Zandt; No. 17, Burnet, Llano, Mason, Menard, McCulloch,
San Saba, Browne, Lampasas, and Williamson; No. 18, Atascosa, Bandera
Uvalde, Medina, Wilson, Maverick, and Kenney; No. 19, Bell, Coryell,
Hamilton, Comanche, Palo Pinto, Erath, Bosoue and McLeman; No. 20,
Collins, Denton, Hunt, Wise, Jack, Fannin, Young, Ihrockmorton, Archer,
Clay, Montague, Cooke, Grayson.

28Consitlt his address to the people of the state no. 11, 70-103 in Tex. Col.
Doc., no. 2.

29 Throckmorton sxibmitted a list of persons who, he considered, were
eligible to the appointments of assessors and collectors. The applications
were returned endorsed with the remark that the governor had recommended
so many as qualified to take the oath and act as registrars, that Gen. Griffin
decided not to appoint any to vacancies who could not take the oath of 1862.
The oath reads thus: 'I, A. B., do solemnly swear (or affirm), that I have
never voluntarily borne arms against the U. S. since I have been a citizen
thereof; that I have voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel, or en
couragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have
neither sought nor accepted nor attempted to exercise the functions of any
office whatever, under any authority or pretended authority in hostility to the

GOVERNOR PEASE 491

officials, and the dismissal of prosecutions against
certain persons by order of the military chief, be-
' came matters of misunderstanding, and the governor
on more than one occasion deemed it necessary to
communicate with the president in reference to the
matters in dispute.30 The breach widened day by
day, and on July 30th, General Sheridan issued a
special order of which the following is an extract:
"A careful consideration of the reports of Major-
General Charles Griffin, United States Army, shows
that J. W. Throckmorton, governor of Texas, is an
impediment to the reconstruction of that state, under
the law; he is, therefore, removed from that office.
E. M. Pease is hereby appointed governor of Texas,
in place of J. W. Throckmorton, removed. He will
be obeyed and respected accordingly."

Early in August the deposed governor sent in his
final report of his administration. It contains the
treasurer's report, showing the receipts to have been
$626.518, and the expenses $625,192; a statement of
Indian depredations from 1865 to 1867,31 and his ad
dress to the people containing copies of official cor
respondence explanatory of his conduct. In review
ing this correspondence Throckmorton remarks that
every fair minded person will be satisfied that the
reports of General Griffin were made without any
foundation in fact, and were not supported by any
public or private act of his; and that the imputation
that Throckmorton wTas an impediment to the recon-

U. S. ; that I have not yielded a voluntary support to any pretended govern
ment, authority, power, or condition within the U. S. , hostile and inimical
thereto. And I do further swear (or affirm) that, to the Lest of my knowl
edge and ability, I will support and defend the constitution of the U. S.
against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and
allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental
reservation or purpose of evasion, and that I will well and faithfully dis
charge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter, so help me
God.' Copied from Cony. Globe, 1861-62, ap. 385.

30 Circular order, no. 13, and the reinstallation of judges Stribbling and
Bacon was among the matters reported to the president. No. 11, 81-2, 84-7,
in Tex. Col Doc., no. 2.

31 From which it appears that during two years 1 62 persons were killed;
43 carried into captivity; and 24 wounded. Id., 39, 41, 95.

492 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

struction of the state, showed the sinister influences
which surrounded Griffin and his proclivity to error.
In examining the facts Throckmorton proceeds to call
attention to the fact that he tendered the cordial
cooperation of the state authorities to aid in the exe
cution of the laws of congress ; that he called upon
the civil authorities for such information as would
conduce to that end; and that he advised the people
to a cheerful and prompt compliance with the terms.
But extraordinary impediments to the proper, exe
cution of the acts of congress, had been thrown in
the way. First the circular order, no. 13, relative
to jurymen's qualifications, filled the country with
consternation, and impressed the minds of the people
that they were not to have the benefit of the laws;31
second, by refusing to fill vacancies in state offices
except by such persons as could take the test oath;
third, by delay in appointing boards of registration
in many counties. Again, no persons except those of
one political party were selected as registrars, while-
negroes notoriously incompetent were appointed to act
on such boards ; such persons as sextons of cemeteries,
auctioneers, members of police, under-wardens of
workhouses, school-directors, jurymen, overseers of
the roads, and many other classes had been excluded
from registration ; 33 and finally a manifest disinclina
tion had been shown on the part of the military au
thorities to believe in the sincerity of the state officials,
and the people when declaring their desire to comply
witli the acts of congress. Such were some of the
impediments.

But apart from impediments, many acts, he said,
had been committed which were violations of the law.
The property of citizens had been used without com
pensation, not in a few, but in many cases; the freed-
man's bureau had exercised powers not conferred upon

32 The oath prescribed would in fact exclude the majority of the people,
except the freedmen, from serving as jurors.

33 See copy of instructions secretly given by Griffin to the boards of regis
tration, Id., 88-90,

GENERAL HANCOCK. 493

/

it, its agents having made arrests and imposed penal-
, ties not justified by law; the town of Brenham had
| been set on fire by United States' soldiers, and a large
amount of property destroyed; this deed was perpe
trated almost in his presence, yet no effort was made
to prevent it, or to punish the offenders; judgments
and decrees of the courts had been ordered to be set
aside, and judges required to dismiss suits in a number
of cases. Freedmen indicted for crimes had been pro
tected from arrest, and laws of the state had been set
aside ; the frontier was a scene of Indian devastation,
and yet the troops were scattered in the interior where
the civil authorities were able to maintain order, and
no sufficient number of them had been sent to the
frontier. Such were the views expressed by Throck-
rnorton as to the position of Texas under military
government.

In the early days of August, Elisha M. Pease for
the third time became governor ; J4 but affairs were
sadly changed since the prosperous and happy period
of his first administration. The partisan feeling in
Texas, not without cause, continued bitter, and in no
other of the confederated states did the work of recon
struction prove more difficult, evidence of which is
the fact that she was the last of the ten to be read
mitted into the union. On August 26, 1867, Sheri
dan, whose administration of the fifth military district
gave great dissatisfaction to President Johnson,30 was
removed, and the command assigned to General Han
cock. The latter's views differed considerably from
those of Sheridan, and he was even unwilling to sub
mit civil offenders to trial by the military tribunals.
With regard to the unreasonably rigid rules issued to
the boards of registration by Griffin, by which num
bers of men entitled to become voters were excluded,36

34 For his biography see note 27 of chap. xv.

35 See the president's letter of Aug. 19, 1867, to Gen. Grant. H. Ex. Doc.,
<Joiig. 40, sess. 2, vii., no. 57, 4-6.

36 For the satisfaction of the reader, I give a synopsis of these secret in-

494 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

Hancock, on January 11, 1868, declared them to be
null and of no effect, and ordered the boards of regis
tration "to look to the laws, and to the laws alone,
for the rules which were to govern them in the dis
charge of the delicate and important duties imposed
upon them."

But Hancock gave as little satisfaction to congress
as his predecessor had given to the president ; and the
want of harmony between the executive and legislative
powers at Washington was the cause of frequent
changes of military commanders in the south. Not
long after the order setting aside General Griffin's in
structions to the registrars, General Hancock was re
moved from the command of the fifth district, and
was succeeded by General Reynolds.

The business of registration having at last been
completed, the election for the convention was held
in February. Each voter was required to register,
and present his certificate of registration at the polls.
The election occupied four days, and resulted in
44,689 votes being cast in favor of the convention
being held, and 11,440 against it.37

On June 1, 1868, the convention, consisting of 63

strnctions, described as ' Memoranda of disqualifications for the guidance of
the boards of registration under the military bill passed March 2, 1867. 1,
every person who has acted as senator or representative in congress; 2, all
who have acted as electors of president and vice-president; 3, every person
who held any position in the army or navy of the U. S. ; 4, all persons who
held any position under the U. S. in which they were required to take an
oath before they entered upon the duties of the office; such as officers in the
custom-house, clerks, judges, and others; 5, all who have held any office in
any state under the constitution and laws of such state in force prior to Feb.
1, 1861.' Then follows a long list of disqualified persons, among whom are
included ' tax collectors, coroners, police jurors, auctioneers, county record
ers, notaries public, municipal officers, including members of the board of
health, wardens and underwardens of prisons and work-houses, school direc
tors, city surveyors and deputies, inspectors of tobacco, flour, beef, etc.,
weighers and measurers, directors of the asylum for deaf and dumb, blind,
and lunatic, and sextons of cemeteries.' ' 6, all who, in 1862 and 1864, regis
tered themselves as aliens, or obtained protection papers from the represen
tatives of foreign powers. Any person who at any time held any of the
above offices, and who afterward engaged in the rebellion against the U. S.'
No. 11, 88-9, in Tex. Col Doc., no. 2.

37 According to Thrall, 420, 56,678 white voters registered, and 47,581
black ones. From these figures it appears that little over half the number of
voters appeared at the polls.

AB INITIO. 495

delegates, met at Austin, and organized by electing
Edmund J. Davis president and W. V. Tunstall, sec
retary. Though composed of loyal republicans, it
soon became manifest that it was divided into two
parties, entertaining widely different views, and such
as were not to be readily reconciled. Shortly before
Governor Pease entered office, General Griffin had
been petitioned by a number of persons to declare by
military order all acts of legislation since February 1,
1861 — the date of the secession ordinance — to be null,
ab initio. This expression supplied a name for one of
the political parties in the convention. Griffin died
of yellow fever a few weeks after receiving the peti
tion, which thereby was not acted upon, and Pease,
in a proclamation, recognized the constitution and laws
of 1866, under certain exceptions, as rules for the
government of the people of Texas and the officers of
the civil government. Those members of the conven
tion who believed that all enactments since the passage
of the secession ordinance should be null were called
Ab Initios. Another point of disagreement was the
question of suffrage, a portion of the convention dis
playing much intolerance towards those who had sus
tained the confederate cause, while the more liberal
were in favor of enfranchising all good citizens of the
state.

For three months the opposing factions argued and
wrangled on their respective views, and but little
progress was made toward the framing of the consti
tution. On August 31st, the convention adjourned
io reassemble on December 7th. When it again met,
the differences appeared to be more irreconcilable
than ever, and much bitterness of feeling was shown.
Finally, the more liberal party prevailed, the late
governor, Hamilton, having submitted a generous
substitute on the right of suffrage for the report of
the committee, which was marked by rigorous dis-
franchisement.38 The substitute having been put to

38 Hamilton's substitute constituted art. vi. of the constitution, and reads

496 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD

the vote, it was carried, February 3, 1869, by 37 yeas
against 26 nays.

The constitution was now all but completed; but
on the 4th, the ab initio members entered a protest
against it, signed by 22 members, among whom was
the president, Davis. The objection raised against it
was that it was based upon the assumption that the
constitution of the United States and the accepted
constitution of Texas of 1845 had not been continu
ously the supreme law of the land. With regard to
the article on the right of suffrage, the disapproving
members solemnly protested against it as extending
the franchise to all those who voluntarily became the
public enemy of the United States. "The majority
of the convention," they said, "has deliberately re
moved from the constitution every safeguard for the
protection of the loyal voter, white or black. They
have stricken from that instrument the whole system
of registry ; they have repudiated the oath of loyalty
contained in the reconstruction laws; they have
spurned the test of equal civil and political rights,
and we do most solemnly call upon the registered
voters of Texas to vindicate the national honor, and
the cause of right and justice by their votes."

This session of the convention did not terminate in
a very dignified manner. Without waiting for a

i/ O &

formal and orderly adjournment, many members forth
with returned to their homes, and at the meeting on

thus: 'Every male citizen of the U. S., of the age of 21 years and upward,
not laboring under the disabilities named in this constitution, without dis
tinction of race, color, or former condition, who shall be a resident of this
state at the time of the adoption of this constitution, or who shall thereafter
reside in this state one year, and in the county in which he offers to vote 60
days next preceding any election, shall be entitled to vote for all officers
that are now, or hereafter may be, elected by the people; and upon all ques
tions submitted to the electors at any election; provided, that no person
shall be allowed to vote or hold office who is now, or hereafter may be, dis
qualified therefor by the constitution of the U. S., until such disqualification
shall be removed by the congress of the U. S. ; provided further, that no per
son, while kept in any asylum or confined in prison, or who has been con
victed of a felony, or is of unsound mind, shall be allowed to vote or hold
office. U. S. Sen. Mwc., cong. 41, sess. 2., doc. 77, 20; U. S. Charters and
Comtit., ii., 1814, in both of which authorities a copy of the amended consti
tution will be found.

GENERAL CANBY. 497

the 6th, no quorum was present. On February llth
General Canby, who had succeeded Reynolds in the
preceding December, addressed a letter to the chief
of the staff at Washington, in which he says that a
committee had been appointed by the members that
were left to consult him. On finding that a large
portion of the records of the convention was in an
unfinished condition, the journal not being made up,
and other work of the secretary and clerks incom
plete, he advised that the members present should
faish the ministerial work, and then adjourn in a
formal and orderly manner. He describes the feel
ings of the two parties as growing more intense, each
distrusting the other, and apprehending that the
records would be lost or destroyed. He urged upon
the president, Davis, the importance of his party
uniting with the other ; at least let them adjourn in
a decorous manner, if they could do nothing else.
Davis, accordingly called a meeting, at which less
than half a dozen members were present, and Canby
finally agreed to take charge of the records. He ex
perienced, however, no little difficulty in collecting
them, as the secretaries and clerks of the convention
had become imbued with the spirit of the members,
and had taken away a part of the records in their
keeping. Having finally succeeded, he set a large
clerical force to work to complete them from the
rough copies and minutes.39 From the above account
the reader will be able to form a tolerably correct
idea of the disorder which prevailed in the reconstruc
tion convention, and the ill-feeling which was mani
fested between the conflicting parties.

By the election declaration of the convention, the
first Monday in July 1869 was appointed as the day
on which the amended constitution should be sub
mitted to the voters for ratification, and a gene/al
election held for state officers and members of the

• 39 Consult Gen. Canby 's correspondence in U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 40,
sess. 3, xiii., no. 97.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 32

498 THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

legislature. But President Grant did not see fit to
approve so early a date, and deferred it till November
30th, following. Accordingly on that, and the three
following days, the election w^as held under the direc
tion of Reynolds, who had been reappointed to the
command in Texas, 72,366 votes being cast for the
constitution, and 4,928 against it, showing a majority
of 67,438 in favor of it. At the same time Edmund
J. Davis was elected governor; J. W. Flanagan,
lieutenant governor; A. Bledsoe, comptroller; G. W.
Honey, treasurer; and Jacob Knechler, land office
commissioner; and G. W. Whitmore, J. C. Conner,
W. T. Clark, and Edward Degener were chosen rep
resentatives to the United States congress. Mem
bers of the legislature were also appointed, and on
January 11, 1870, an order was issued by the military
commander, summoning the legislature to assemble
at Austin on February 8th following/0

Governor Pease by no means enjoyed the position
in which he found himself. The mixture of civil and
military rule was most distastful to him, especially as
he did not meet with that cooperation and assistance
on the part of the commander of the fifth district,41
which he was entitled to expect. On September 30th
he resigned, and during the interval between his resig
nation and the accession of Governor Davis, a period
of more than three months, the executive department
of Texas was administered by an adjutant in charge
of civil affairs.

Governor Davis entered office January 18, 1870,
and on the appointed day the legislature assembled at
the capital. It promptly ratified by joint resolutions
the amendments to the constitution of the United
States,42 appointed senators to congress, and having

40 Sen. Misc. Doc., cong. 41, sess. 2, no. 77, 30-6; Rept. Sec. War., cong.
41, sess. 3, i., pt. ii., 41.

41 Confined at this time to Texas, as Louisiana had already been reorgan
ized, and her representatives admitted to congress.

4i Namely Articles xiii, xiv, and xv, the first abolishing slavery; the

A REIGN OF TERROR. 499

transacted the business imposed upon it by the recon
struction laws as a provisional body, it adjourned on
February 24th.

Texas had now drained the bitter cup to the dregs,
and forgiveness was at last vouchsafed to her. On
March 30, 1870, the U. S. president approved the con
gressional act readmitting her into the union, and on
the following day, senators M. C. Hamilton and J.
W. Flanagan,43 the oath prescribed by law having
been administered to them by the vice-president, took
their seats in congress. On the same day the four repre-
sontatives to which the state was entitled were sworn
in, the members being those elected at the general
election held November 30th to December 3, 1869."

The reconstruction period extended over five years,
during which time Texas was a prey to lawlessness
and violence almost in a degree inconceivable. The

O

breath of the demon of homicide seemed to have
passed over the land, and the efforts of the military
commanders to arrest its deadly influence were at
tended with little success. It is impossible to ascer
tain how many persons were the victims of fierce
passion and malevolence during these five years, nor
is it a pleasant subject to dwell upon. But that the
reader may arrive at some idea of the excessive crime
and the loss of life, let him listen to what General
Reynolds says on the subject in a letter to the war-
office, dated October 21, 1869. "The number of
murders in the state during the nine months from
January 1, 1869, to September 30, 1869, according to
the official records, necessarily imperfect, is 384, be
ing an average of about one and a half per day.

second declaring all persons born or naturalized in the U. S. to l>e citizens
thereof; and the third declaring that the right of citizens to vote should not
be denied or abridged on account of race, color, or previous condition of
slavery. A military board was appointed to inquire into the eligibility of the
members of the legislature with the power to administer oaths.

43 J. W. Flanagan had been elected lieut-gov., but the legisl ture ap
pointed him to the U. S. Senate.

44 H. Jour., cong. 41, sess. 2, 548, 1387; Mesa, and Doc., 1870-1, War
I)ept., pt. i., 41; S. Jour., cong. 41, sess. 2, 434, 1517; H. Jour., cong. 41,
sess. 3, 6; S. Mite.., cong. 41, sess. 2, doc. 77, p. 35; Cong. Globe, cong. 41,
sess. 2, pt. 3, 2328.

oOO THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.

From this statement it appears that with the partial
breaking up of bands of desperadoes by military aid
the number of murders is diminishing from month to
month." J

45 Rept of sec. of war, cong. 41, sess. 2, i. 145. Gov. Pease in his message
to the convention, June 1, 18G9, says that during the six preceding months
206 homicides had been committed in G7 of the 127 organized counties of the
state, while but a small number of the perpetrators had been arrested and
punished by the process of law. Thrall, 428.

CHAPTER XIX.

TEXAS RESTORED.

1871-1888.

ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR DAVIS — MESSAGE TO THE LEGISLATURE —
REPUBLICAN MEASURES — PARTY RIVALRY — AUSTIN THE PERMANENT
CAPITAL — REPEAL OF OBNOXIOUS LAWS — CONDITION OF THE TREASURY
• — REPUBLICANS VERSUS DEMOCRATS — A DANGEROUS CRISIS — VICTORY
OF THE DEMOCRATS — COKE ELECTED GOVERNOR — CONDITION OF AFFAIRS
• — THE NEW CONSTITUTION — COKE'S CRITICISMS — GOVERNOR HUBBARD
—THE SALT WAR — FINANCE — GOVERNOR ROBERTS' POLICY — INDIAN
AFFAIRS — THE BOUNDARY QUESTION.

IT was the irony of liberty, equality, and the re
publican form of government — the thrusting at this
juncture into legislative halls and offices of honor and
trust, the thick-lipped, curly-haired, stolid-brained
black man, sometime from the jungles of Africa, late
the slave, now the ruler of the pale-faced intellectual
European! What a sensible, statesmanlike, wise,
and politic thing was it for our Yankee demagogues,
carpet-baggers, political hacks, hucksters, and trick
sters, after the extinguishment of the savagism slav
ery, to take this black African beast and set him up
as a god to rule over us, to make laws for us, to set
an example for us in the ways of intellectual culture
and refinement ! It is the greatest and most lasting
disgrace the people of the United States ever have
or ever can bring upon themselves. No wonder it
was a galling sore to the south, ever open, ever fresh.
It was wholly unworthy of the American people, an
insult to their own intelligence, to their own institu
tions, a prostitution of what they should hold most

(501)

502 TEXAS RESTORED.

high and holy — the privilege of suffrage, of self-
government from an intelligent and progressive
stand-point. There is one consolation in it all, how
ever, and that is that this black republicanism, which
foisted upon the nation this monstrous iniquity,
gained nothing by it — nothing but ignominy and
retribution. It was a cowardly thing to do, a base
ignoble revenge; an act retroactive in its effect,
bringing also its curse upon its perpetrators.

Though Governor Davis assumed the executive
office in January, he was only acting in a provisional
capacity. When, however, the president signed the
bill restoring Texas to her rights as a sovereign state
of the union, Davis issued a proclamation, April 2d,
announcing the fact, and signing himself governor of
Texas. On the 16th of the same month, General
Reynolds remitted to the civil authorities the powers
that had been conferred upon the military commander
by the reconstruction laws, and the troops were with
drawn from the various posts in the interior and sent
to the frontier. Small detachments, however, were
retained at Jefferson, Austin, and San Antonio, the
latter point being the principal distributing depot and
the future headquarters of the department. The
legislature assembled again on the 26th, and on the
28th the governor was duly inaugurated.

In his inaugural address Governor Davis remarked
that what might be termed the second annexation of
Texas had been consummated; but the Texas of 1845
was very different from that of 1870. The former
brought into the union with her single star also
thousands of slaves ; the latter knew no bondman on
her soil. Alluding to the late war he considered
that few on either side at the beginning of the
struggle had either calculated or desired the full result
attained at its close. While the one side sought to
sustain a structure of which the very corner-stone was
a denial of the truth of the declaration, "that all men
are created equal," the other grasped the sword mainly

GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. 503

to preserve a glorious nationality. It required years
of misfortune to point out the foundation of the
trouble. "Let us," he said, " accept the result as an
indication and lesson that there is no safe neutral
ground for human judgment between right and wrong.
Let us be wholly right."

On April 29th, the governor sent in his message.
He first called attention to the necessity of providing
measures for tho suppression of crime, and recom
mended the passage of a law for the efficient organi
zation of the militia, and the establishment of a police
system which would embrace the whole state under
one head, so that the police, sheriffs, and constables
of the different cities should be made a part of the
general police, act in concert with it, and be subject
to the orders of the chief. He next made mention of
a class of criminals which consisted of mobs of lawless
men, who assembled and operated in disguise in carry
ing out some unlawful purpose, generally directed
against the freedmen. The immunity from arrest of
such offenders gave reason to suppose that they were
protected or encouraged by the majority of the peo
ple. In suggesting measures to suppress this evil,
Governor Davis advocated conferring upon the exec
utive the power of temporarily establishing martial
law under certain contingencies. He, moreover, con
sidered that the frequency of homicides was attribu
table to the habit of carrying arms, and recommended
the legislature to restrict that privilege, w^hich it would
be able to do under the amended constitution.2

On the subject of education, the governor remarked
that the establishment of a good system of schools
would in time operate in diminishing crime, and re
minded the legislature that the provisions of the con
stitution made it "the imperative duty" of that body
to provide for the education of all children of scholas-

1^\o. 4 in Tex. Col. Doc., no. 2, is a copy of the inaugural address.
2 Section xiii. of the bill of rights reads thus: ' Every person shall have
. the right to keep and bear arms in the lawful defence of himself or the state,
under such regulations as the legislature may prescribe.'

504 TEXAS RESTORED.

tic age. A perpetual school fund was provided for by
the constitution, and he produced a summary of the
means then disposable for the purposes of education.3

Other matters brought before the notice of the
legislature were the questions of internal improvement,
subsidizing private enterprises, the public works, and
immigration. With respect to the first, Davis cau
tioned the legislature against affording aid to specula
tors who, proposing schemes for private advantage
under the name of internal improvements, were in the
habit of calling upon the state for aid; he was of
opinion that, beyond a liberal charter, there was no
necessity for state aid to insure the success of any
honest and feasible enterprise. With regard to immi
gration, he hoped that when such respect for law and
order had been established as would relieve new-comers
of all apprehensions for their personal safety, the cheap
and fertile lands of Texas would attract immigrants.
It was necessary that the immigration bureau author
ized by the constitution should be organized at once
on a liberal basis, and a complete geological survey
undertaken in order to ascertain the capacity of the
state, both in an agricultural and mineral point of
view.

He next calls attention to the condition of the asy
lums for the deaf and dumb, the blind, and insane,
and the penitentiary at Huntsville. The lunatic asy
lum was far too small to admit even all such patients
as came within the limited requirements of the law,
and many had to be denied admittance ; a liberal pro
vision should be made for the increased wants of the
state in this respect. As to the penitentiary, owing
to bad management it had been, until quite lately, a
heavy expense, the excess of expenditures over receipts
up to November 16, 1869, being $107,645. The num
ber of convicts, according to the last report of Febru-

3 Namely, cash in specie $58,979, currency $543; in 5 per cent bonds un
der act of Nov. 12, 1866, $82,168; principal and interest due to the school
fund from railroad companies $2,742,198. Governor's message, no. 5, 5-7, in
Id.

INDIANS AND FINANCES. 505

ary 10, 1870, was 489 confined within the walls, and
in April following 181 were laboring on the railroad.
The governor deprecated the system of employing the
convicts on the railroads, both as demoralizing and
affording facilities of escape. He recommends that
the penitentiary be enlarged, and the outside convicts
returned to it.

In speaking of the depredations committed by Ind
ians, he remarked that from time immemorial the
hostile tribes had afflicted the country with their
murderous visits ; that no treaty or concession could
appease them, or stay their hands ; and that the only
result that could be permanently effectual was exter
mination, or total conquest and submission. The
measures adopted by the military commander were
all that could be done with his limited resources.4

The legislature would, it was hoped, encourage in
every reasonable w?y the growth of every kind of
manufacture and industry. One of the moFt impor
tant interests of Texas was cattle-breeding, but unfor
tunately the laws for the protection of the stock-raiser's
property were defective, especially in regard to herd
ing, branding, and selling cattle. Practices had be
come common in these respects which almost destroyed
the safety of that kind of property.

Financial matters were the last topic discussed in
the message. The governor was of opinion that ex
penditures would amount to about $1,500,000. The
amount of cash on hand September 3, 1867, was
$20,232; receipts from that date to April 16, 1870,
were $1,384,191, and the expenditures during the
same period $1,024,851. The amount of cash in the
treasury, exclusive of school and special funds, was
$2,953 in specie and $413,747 in currency. Deduct
ing appropriations made by military orders since
March 1st, there remained $2,953 in specie and

4 Reynolds urged the establishment of a military telegraph line along the
frontier, and recommended that the department commander should be ati'
thorized to equip and employ frontiersmen in co-operation with the U. S
troops. Rept. Sec. War, cong. 41, sess. 3, i. 41.

506 TEXAS' RESTORED.

$368,426 in currency. The debt of the state was
small. Under act of November 12, 1866, five per
centum state bonds, to the amount of $82,168, were
issued to the school fund, and $134,472 of similar
bonds to the university fund. If the act was to be
respected, the state was so much indebted to the
above-named funds. The only other indebtedness
was that of ten per cent warrants issued before the
late war, but the amount could not be considerable.
The governor remarked that the whole system of col
lection of revenue would have to be revised and made
more effective.

This message represented very fairly the condition
and requirements of Texas, on her people resuming
self-government. The legislature,5 with a large ma
jority of them republicans, accepted the governor's
views in all important points. The militia was or
ganized,6 and divided into two classes, namely the
state guard, composed of volunteers and the reserve
military, which included all persons liable to service,
not enrolled in the state guard. All the troops were
placed under the control of the governor, who was
also empowered to declare martial law in any county
or counties, and call out, in cases of emergency, such
portion of the militia as he might deem necessary for
the maintenance of the law. Other bills authorized
him to organize twenty companies for the protection of
the frontier, and establish a state police, under the
system suggested by him in his message. An elec
tion law was passed requiring voters to register, and
laying down stringent rules for conducting elections;
the judicial districts were re-organized and their
number was raised to thirty-five, and a bill was
passed establishing a system of public free schools

6 According to Thrall, page 429, the legislature politically considered
stood thus: in the senate 17 republicans, two of them Africans, 7 conserva
tives, and 6 democrats; in the house, 50 republicans, 8 being Africans, 19
conservatives, and 21 democrats.

6 The act of congres prohibiting the organization of the militia, was re«
pealed July 15, 1870, Cong. Globe, 1869-70, Ap. 738,

PARTY ISSUES. 507

throughout the state. The session was a long one,
and numerous enactments were passed ; nor was it till
August 15th that the legislature adjourned.

Though the great civil war had ended years
ago, contention had not ceased. In the political
arena republicans and democrats — respectively repre
senting the old unionists and secessionists — carried on
the strife, and displayed toward each other feelings as
bitter and hostile as had ever been entertained by
federals and confederates in their conflicts on the
battlefield. Governor Davis had been a general in
the federal army, while the larger portion of the
people of Texas had been confederates. His election
to office, as well as that of the members of the legisla
ture, had not been an expression of the will of the
majority, but was due to the pressure of the recon
struction laws. Party spirit, therefore, was violent,
and the action of the republican party in power was
watched with critical scrutiny, by the democrats
whose rivalry was intensified by the humiliation of
defeat. The provisions of the militia and police bills,
and especially that authorizing the governor to pro
claim martial law, gave dissatisfaction to both con
servatives and democrats. A large portion of the
police force was drawn from the black race ; and the
reader will doubtless correctly estimate the passion
ate indignation of the white man, on being interfered
with in his conduct by a low, impudent negro.7

7 Collisions consequently occurred. In Jan. 1871, there was a serious
affair in Himtsville. A negro, an important witness in a criminal case, was
killed, and persons implicated in the murder were arrested. Friends aided
them to escape, and the captain of police who held them in charge, was
wounded in the scrimmage. Martial law was proclaimed by the gov., Jan.
20, and a military company sent from an adjoining county to enforce the
law. The supremacy of the civil law, however, was soon restored. An
other difficulty occurred at Groesbeck, in September, one Applewhite being
killed in the streets by three colored policemen. A serious disturbance took
place, the whites and negroes being arrayed against each other. On Oct.
10, Gov. Davis proclaimed martial law in Limestone and Freestone counties.
The order was revoked Nov. llth, but the people were assessed for a consid
erable sum to defray expenses. In Hill county also martial law was en
forced for a short time, Thrall. 431.

508 TEXAS RESTORED.

The growing strength of the democratic party,
however, — or rather its natural strength when re
leased from coercion — showed itself in time. In
November, 1872, from the 5th to the 8th inclusive,8
a general election was held for electors of president
and vice-president of the United States, for members
to congress, to fill vacancies in the state senate, for
representatives to the 13th legislature, for district at
torneys, and for county officers. The late constitution
having provided that the governor should hold office
for the term of four years, the election for the execu
tive did not take place till December 1873. The
result of the election of 1872 was that the democrats
returned to congress the six representatives to which
Texas was now entitled, and a majority in the state
legislature.

At the same election, according to a provision of
the constitution, the vote of the people was taken for
the permanent location of the seat of government, the
city of Austin bein^ chosen by a lar^e majority as

j-i • i i a ^ ° J

the capital.

Moreover, an amendment to the 6th section, Ar
ticle X/, of the constitution 10 was proposed, and ac
cepted by a vote of 57,611 for, and 35,076 against it.

The thirteenth legislature met January 14, 1873,
and the democrats at once exercised their controlling
majority, by causing obnoxious laws to be repealed.
The militia bill passed by the last legislature, was so
changed as to deprive the governor of his. power to
declare martial war; the objectionable state police
force was disbanded, and material changes were ef
fected in the election laws. Measures also were
adopted to reduce the expenses of government.

8 According to the provision of the constitution, the polls at elections
were to be opened for four days.

9 Votes cast for Austin, 64,277; for Houston, 35, 147; for Waco, 12,777;
Tex. Of. Returns, Gen. Elec. 1872, 18.

10 Reading thus: 'The legislature shall not hereafter grant lands to any
person or persons, nor shall any certificate for land be sold at the land ofTice,
except to actual settlers upon the same, and in lots not exceeding luO acres.'

FINANCIAL AFFAIRS. 509

Governor Davis in his annual message called atten-
* tion to the unsatisfactory condition in which he found
| the state treasury. It appears that the treasurer had
vacated his office under circumstances that led to the
suspicion that transactions of a doubtful nature had
taken place in the department during his management.
Public comments reaching the governor's ears com
pelled him to investigate the matter, and he came to
the conclusion that profits had been made by the late
treasurer to the amount of §30,000; accordingly he
directed the attorney-general to sue him and his
securities for that amount.11 On his suggestion, too,
a select joint committee was appointed by the two
branches of the legislature to examine into the con
dition of the offices of the comptroller and the treas
urer and report upon it. From the report of this
committee, sent in June 2, 1873, it appears that there
had been much irregularity; that the books in the
comptroller's office were kept in an inaccurate and
confused manner, and with such a reckless disregard of
system as to render any attempt to obtain from them
a correct statement of the state's finances extremely
difficult ; and that a deficit in the treasury actually ex
isted.

The legislature having thus effected many desirable
reforms the democrats next determined to reform the
government. The governor was a stanch republican,
and there was a republican majority in the senate ;
but the democrats readily perceivad that the thumb
screw of obstruction would compel their opponents to
yield to a measure which would overthrow them, and
the house refused to vote money to carry on the gov
ernment until it had succeed in the scheme planned
by it. It was a well-conceived political stratagem.
Confident that at the polls the democratic majority
would be overwhelming, the house decided to procure
a new election, though it would thus be legislating
itself out. An act was accordingly passed April 24,

11 Davis' testimony in Tex. Kept Com. Invest. Compt., June 2, 1873, 17.

510 TEXAS RESTORED.

1873, making a new apportionment of the state and
chanonnor the senatorial districts, which change neces-

O O ' O

sitated a new general election. On May 26th, fol
lowing, another act was forced through the legislature,
prescribing that the election should be held on the
first Tuesday in December/2 the day on which the
election for the new governor would take place.

On the appointed day the election was held, and
in all three branches the democrats were triumphant.
But the republicans were not disposed to yield with
out a struggle. The constitutionality of the law
under which the election had been held was brought
before the supreme court which decided that it was
unconstitutional, and Davis, on January 12th, issued
a proclamation prohibiting the new legislature from
assembling. In defiance of this interdict, however,
it met on the following day and organized. Much
alarm was entertained that a collision would take
place between the two parties. And not without
some cause. The two branches of the legislature
occupied the upper story of the capitol with a com
pany of the militia as guard ; at the same time Davis
and the other executive officers held possession of the
lower story with a company of colored soldiers under
the adjutant-general.13 President Grant was appealed
to but refused to sustain Davis. Fortunately moder
ation prevailed and no conflict took place. J. P.
Newcomb, the secretary of state, permitted, under
protest, the election returns to be delivered to a com
mittee of the legislature. The votes having been

O O

counted, Richard Coke" was declared elected gov-

12 See Tex. Gen. Laws, 13 leg., 43, et seq.

13 Gov. Coke in his annual message of Jan. 1876, page 4, makes this as
sertion: 'The floors of the halls in which you now sit had been examined
"by the conspirators, and it had been ascertained that the armed forces en
trenched in the basement beneath, could piece them with their missiles if
necessary to attack you. '

"Coke was born at Williamsburg, Va., March 13, 1829; was educated at
William and Mary college, and having studied law was admitted to the bar
when 21 years of age. In 1850 he removed to Waco, McLennan county,
Texas. He served in the confederate army, first as private and afterward as
captain; was district judge in June 1856, and in 1866 was elected by the

LEGISLATIVE MEASURES. 511

ernor by a majority of 50,000, and Richard B. Hub-
bard, lieutenant-governor. For some days the public
was agitated by doubt and apprehension as to the
probability of a peaceful solution of the dispute, but
on the 19th Governor Davis vacated the executive
office without making a formal surrender.15 Governor
Coke took undisputed possession, and the excitement
was allayed. Thus terminated this contest for suprem
acy between the republican and democratic parties,
happily without bloodshed. But it was a critical
point in the progress of affairs. The least spark of
fire would have exploded the magazine of animosity
harbored on both sides. Thus the city which had so
lately been declared the permanent capital of the state
narrowly escaped being baptized in blood.

During the first session of the 14th legislature, no
extraordinary measures worthy of especial mention
were adopted,16 with the exception of granting pen-
democratic party judge of the state supreme court, but was removed in 1867
by Sheridan as an 'impediment to reconstruction.' U. S. Sen. MisceL, cong.
42, sess. 2, no. 8, pt i., 71.

15 Davis in a speech made to the citizens of Travis county, Oct. 4, 1 880,
alludes to this affair, and speaks of the democrats as having ' seized the state
government, in January, 1874.' Davis, Speech, 3, with Gray, Hist. Austin.
Uov. Coke's view of the situation was different. In his message mentioned
in note he says: 'Forebodings of danger to popular liberty and representa
tive government caused the stoutest and most patriotic among us to tremble
for the result. A conspiracy, bolder and more wicked than that of Cataline
against the liberties of Rome, had planned the overthrow of free govern
ment in Texas. The capitol and its purlieus were held by armed men under
command of the conspirators; and the treasury and department offices,
with all the archives of the govt, were in their possession. Your right to
assemble in the capitol, as the chosen representatives of the people was de
nied, and the will of the people of Texas scoffed at and defied . . . The presi
dent of the United States was being implored to send troops to aid in over
throwing the government of Texas, chosen by her people by a majority of
50,000. The local and municipal offir-irs throughout the state in sympathy
with the infamous designs of these desperate and unscrupulous revolutionists,
taking courage from the boldness of the leaders at the capitol, were refusing
to deliver over to their lawfully elected successors, the offices in their pos
session. A universal conflict of jurisdiction and authority, extending
through all the departments of government, embracing in its sweep all
the territory and inhabitants of the state, and every question upon which
legitimate government is called to act, was imminent and impending. '

16 It should be mentioned that an act was passed April 10, 1874, author
izing the gov. to organize a battalion of six companies, each 75 strong, for
defence of the frontier against Indians. The companies were organized June
4th following, and placed under the command of Maj, John B. Jones.

512 TEXAS RESTORED.

sions to revolutionary veterans, and the reorganization
of the supreme court, the number of judges being
increased to five by an amendment to the constitution,
which had provided that the court should consist of
only three members. But there was manifested a
growing discontent in regard to the constitution,
which had been, as it were, thrust upon the people of
Texas, and when the legislature met, in January 1875,
on the occasion of its second session, Governor Coke
recommended it to make provision by appropriate
enactment for assembling a convention to frame a
constitution of government for Texas. The existing
constitution, he said, was by general consent admitted
to be a defective instrument ; many of its provisions
were incongruous and repugnant ; its restrictions were
so many, and descended so much into legislative de
tail, as to present incessant embarrassments; and
while some provisions were oppressive or inconvenient,
others were positively obstructive to legislation. Ne
cessity, he added, forced it on the people of Texas,
and prudence and policy prompted submission to it.
But no reason existed for submitting to it any longer.
The causes which a year before had rendered it im
prudent to call together a constitutional convention
had ceased to exist ; federal interference was no longer
feared, and the popular mind was free from passion
and excitement. "For twelve months past," he said,
"the thinking men of the state have been studying
and investigating the subjects to be dealt with in
framing a constitution, and are now prepared to act." ]
The governor's message is a lengthy document
comprising 92 octavo pages, and he enters fully into
every subject to which he calls the attention of the
legislature. All internal matters are considered, and
some space is devoted to statements touching the con
dition of the frontier in connection with inroads made
by Indians, and Mexican border troubles. He re
marked that, in nine cases out of ten, the Indians

"Tex. Mess. Gov., 14th legis., 2d sess., 1875, 8-9.

GOVERNOR COKE. 513

that devastated the frontier of Texas came from the
reservations on the northern borders. Governor Coke
was in favor of applying severe measures, and holding
the Indians to a rigorous accountability. "Lenity,"
he said, "to their murderous and thieving propensities
is atrocious cruelty to the whites." With regard to
depredations committed by Mexican marauders, he
informed the legislature that during the spring and
early summer of the past year they had greatly ex
ceeded in magnitude and atrocity transactions of that
character for a number of years past. The complaint
of the people of the districts exposed to these preda
tory inroads was universal. The expense to which
the state was put, owing to the inadequacy of the
United States' military establishment, was very oner
ous, and the governor recommended the legislature to
memorialize congress, setting forth the losses of life
and property on the Mexican border, and asking that
the obligation of the general government to protect
Texas against foreign enemies be redeemed, and that
the money expended by the state in defence of her
people be refunded.18

According to the report of Governor Coke of Jan
uary 1874, and that of the comptroller of February
10th, following, the public debt was $1,668,131. In
the present message, the governor states that the en
tire public debt of Texas, up to January 1, 1875, ac
cording to the comptroller's report, was $4, 012, 421. of
which $976,988 represented the floating debt, leaving
a bonded debt of $3,035,433. He then explains how
so large an increase in figures appears in the report.
He says; " The increase in the public debt since the
report in January 1874, is represented by the bonds
and certificates granted to the revolutionary veterans
of Texas, by act of April 1874, amounting to $899,-
389, and a few thousand dollars of miscellaneous in-

18 Memorials to this effect were laid before congress by the 14th legislature,
and also by the constitutional convention held in the autumn of 1875. Tex.
&ss. Gov., legis. 15, sess. 1, ap. 1876, 58-9.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 33

514 TEXAS RESTORED.

debtedness. The remainder was incurred before
January 1874, and is due to school teachers and
others for services in 1873, and in the confusion of
the records when the last report was made, was not
noted, and in fact much of it was not reported until
subsequent to that time."

With regard to the pensions granted to veterans, it
is necessary to explain that by an act of August 13,
1870, it was briefly provided that the surviving
veterans "of the revolution which separated Texas
from Mexico, including the Mier prisoners," and no
others should have certain pensions. Comptroller
Bledsoe, however, misapprehended the law, and ex
tended its provisions to persons not properly entitled
to the benefit of it. At least such was the reason
given by Governor Davis, May 19, 1871, on the occa
sion of his vetoing two items of appropriations to pay
claims of veterans; by which act he exposed himself
to the attack of his democratic enemies, who charged
him with entertaining hostile feelings toward the
veterans. By act of April 21, 1874, the legislature,
however, extended the list of classes entitled to pen
sions,19 and by the end of the year, the governor
became reasonably alarmed at the rapidly increasing
number of claims;20 in his message, he urged the
immediate repeal of the act, which, if left on the
statute book, afforded an opening for the perpetration
of frauds on the state. The act was repealed March
13, 1875.

In March, also, provision was made for submitting
the all absorbing question of a constitutional conven
tion to the people, and an election was ordered to be

19 Under the act of 1 870, a person entitled to the pension would receive
$250 if not wounded, and $500 if woiinded, commencing from Jan. 1, 1871.
Gov. Davis considered that there were not at that time 100 persons in the
state jusily entitled to the pension, yet Comptroller Bledsoe, under his con
struction of the act, soon found 283 claimants. Speech of Ex-gao. Davis, Oct.
4, 1880, p. 13, in Gray's Hist. Austin.

20 Davis says that Darden and Coke, in the course of a year or so, issued
$1,115,000 worth of bonds in pension. ' Some 1,100 persons had turned up
as veterans of the struggle between Texas and Mexico. '

NEW CONSTITUTION. 515

held for that purpose, and for delegates on August
2d. On the appointed day 69,583 votes were cast for
the convention, and 30,549 against it. The delegates21
having been duly elected, the convention assembled at
Austin, September 6, 1875, and completed its labors
November 24th, on which day it adjourned. The
constitution which it framed was submitted to the
people for ratification February 17, 1876, when 136,
606 votes were cast in favor of it, and 56,652 against
it. A general election was held on the same day, and
the regular democratic state ticket elected. Coke was
reflected governor, by a majority of over 102,000
votes, having polled 150,418 against 47,719 cast for
William Chambers.22

Some very striking changes are noticeable in the
constitution of 1876. In the bill of rights, the pro
visions of the constitution of 1869 that declared seces
sion a heresy, and that the constitution and laws of
United States are the supreme law of the land, are
stricken out.23 With respect to the legislative de-

21 The names of the delegates, with their places of residence and nativity,
as also their occupations, will be found in Walsh and Pilgrim's Direct. Constit.
Convert., 1-3. The 30 districts sent up eighty-nine delegates, of whom 75 were
democrats and 14 republicans, four of whom were negroes. The greater
portion of the delegates were natives of the southern states, there being only
four native Texans.

22 U. S. Sen. Misc., cong. 47, sess. 2, i., doc. 8, 71; Thrall, 437.

23 For the purpose of comparison, I copy the preambles and corresponding
provisions in the two constitutions.

Constitution of Texas, 1869: We, the people of Texas, acknowledging
with gratitude the grace of God in permitting us to make a choice of our
form of government, do hereby ordain and establish this constitution. Art.
I. Bill of Rights. That the heresies of nullification and secession, which
brought the country to grief, may be eliminated from future political dis
cussion; that public order may be restored, private property and human
life protected, and the great principles of liberty and equality secured to us,
we declare that: Sec. I. The constitution of the United States, and the laws
and treaties made and to be made in pursuance thereof, are acknowledged
to be the supreme law; that this constitution is framed in harmony with, and
in subordination thereto, and that the fundamental principles embodied
herein can only be changed subject to the national authority.

Constitution of Texas, 1876: Preamble. Humbly invoking the blessing
of Almighty, the people of the state of Texas do ordain and establish this
constitution. Art. I. Bill of Rights. That the general, great, and essential
principles of liberty and free government may be recognized and established,
we declare: Sec. I. Texas is a free and independent state, subject only to
ihe constitution of the United States; and the maintenance of our free insti
tutions, and the perpetuity of the union depend upon the preservation of the

516 TEXAS RESTORED.

partment, provision was made to increase the number
of members of the house of representatives to 150, at
the rate of one additional member for each 15,000 in
habitants at each fresh apportionment. The number
of senators was permanently fixed at thirty-one. The
legislature was to meet every two years, arid when
ever especially convened by the governor. The
governor's term of office was reduced to two years,
and his salary from $5,000 to $4,000. All vacancies
in state or district offices were to be filled by ap
pointments of the governor, with the consent of two-
thirds of the senate. The judicial power was vested
in one supreme court, consisting of a chief justice and
two associate justices, a court of appeals composed of
three j udges, and district, county, and other courts. The
state was divided into twenty-six judicial districts, and
the office of district attorney was abolished. Article
VI. of the constitution of 1869, respecting the right of
suffrage, was stricken out, and another substituted, in
which no mention is made of "race, color, or former
condition." Provision was made that separate schools
should be provided for the white and colored children;
and foreign immigration was discountenanced.24

The 15th legislature met in April 1876, and the
formality of the reinauguration of the governor and
lieutenant-governor was observed. In his message to
the legislature, Governor Coke criticised the new con
stitution, and pointing out defects, recommended that
the legislature propose the necessary amendments
which it was empowered to do.25 The judiciary arti-

right of local self-government unimpaired to all the states. Sec. II. All
political power is inherent in the people, and all free governments are
founded on their authority, and instituted for their benefit. The faith of
the people of Texas stands pledged to the preservation of a republican form
of government, and subject to this limitation only, they have at all times
the inalienable right to alter, reform, or abolish their government in such a
manner as they may think expedient. Copies of both constitution will be
found in U. S. Chart, and Comtit., ii., 1801-56.

24 Sec. 56 of Art. XVI., reads thus: ' The legislature shall have no power
to appropriate any of the public money for the establishment and main
tenance of a bureau of immigration, or for any purpose of bringing immi
grants to this state.'

25 Art. XVII. provided that by a vote of two-thirds of all the members

DEFECTS IN CONSTITUTION. 517

cle occupied his special attention. He considered the
system framed in it so faulty, inefficient, and expen
sive, that in his judgment it would be better not to
attempt to amend it, but to substitute an entirely
new article. He describes its prominent faults in the
following words : "It provides for two high courts of
last resort, giving supremacy to neither, and leaves
the country to be vexed with uncertainty as to what
is the law when conflicting opinions are announced by
these tribunals. It established county courts, con
ferring on them extensive general and statutory juris
diction, and prescribes no qualification for the judges,
thus submitting at least half of the litigation of the
country, and the administration of the laws to judges,
many of whom are utterly uninformed of the laws
they must administer, leaving suitors no remedy for
inevitable injustice, except an expensive appeal to a
distant court. It abolishes the office of district at
torney, heretofore filled by men of learning, ability,
and experience, and substitutes that of county at
torney, most frequently to be filled by inexperienced
men, leaving many counties without prosecutors at
all, where they are most needed, thereby paralyzing
the efficiency of the laws, exempting criminals from
punishment, and inviting an increase of lawlessness
and crime, so difficult to repress under the most rigid
enforcement of the laws." Moreover, it extended the
jurisdiction of justices of the peace over matters and
rights too important to be submitted to the judgment
of men usually unlearned in the law ; it failed in some
instances to provide for appeals ; it provided insufficient
salaries for district judges; and surrendered the peo
ple, in a considerable portion of the state, "to the
domination of uneducated and ignorant suffrage," in
three-fourths of their litigation.

On the subject of taxation he calls attention to the

elected to each house, the legislature might propose amendments to the con
stitution, which were to be published and submitted to the people for ratifi
cation.

518 TEXAS RESTORED.

glaring inconsistency in the rates assigned to cities
and towns of 10,000 inhabitants and less, and those
containing more than 10,000 inhabitants. Sections
4 and 5, article XL, provided that the maximum rate
of taxation for the support of the municipal govern
ment of the former should never exceed one-fourth
of one per centum, and for the latter two and one
half per centum. The enormous difference between
these rates, he remarks, the utter inefficiency of the
one, and the excessiveness of the other, are suggestive
of inadvertence or mistake. His views with respect to
the constitutional prohibition upon the encouragement
of immigration were condemnatory. He regarded it as
unwise and contrary to the plainest dictates of a proper
policy. No amendments of the constitution in con
formity with his suggestions have hitherto been made.

While the governor was able to report a greatly
improved condition of affairs on the Indian frontier,
and that the predatory incursions of the savages were
becoming rare, he could not make a similar favorable
statement with regard to the Mexican border troubles.
Unfortunately the depredations of Mexican robbers
on the east side of the Rio Grande had continued
almost without interruption, and with increasing bold
ness and audacity. Murder, robbery, and conflagra
tion had marked the track of their raids ; the energies
of that portion of the country were paralized, its
wealth was destroyed, and the terror under which
people lived threatened depopulation.

On May 5th Coke was elected senator to the United
States' congress, but continued to exercise the func
tions of executive till December 1st when he re
signed/6 and Lieutenant-governor Hubbard succeeded
to the office.27

26 The executive officers during Coke's administration were the following:
S. H. Darden, comptroller; A. J. Born, treasurer; J. J. Groos, land com
missioner; A. W. DeBerry, secretary of state; O. N. Hollhigsworth, supt
pub. instruction; William Steele, adjutant-general; Geo. Clark, attorney-
general, also H. H. Boone; Jerome B. Robertson, supt. bureau of immigra
tion. Walxh and Piljrims Direct, Comfit. Conven., 4; Thrall, 437.

'21 Richard B. Hubbard was born in Georgia in 1834; graduated at Mercer

SALT LAKES RIOT. 519

During Governor Hubbard's administration a seri
ous trouble arose between the Texan and Mexican
citizens of El Paso county. The particulars are as
follow: In December, 1877, a riot occurred at San
Elizario, arising from interference with the right of
Mexican citizens of Texas to the free use of the
Guadalupe salt lakes, lying 90 miles east of that
town. The anger of the people was aggravated by a
personal feud existing between two leading inhabi
tants, Charles H. Howard, and Louis Cardis, who
was extremely popular with the Mexicans. Howard,
having located certain salt deposits, endeavored to
establish a private occupation of them, and the right
to exact pay for salt taken therefrom. Cardis insti
gated the Mexican citizens of El Paso county to re
sist this encroachment upon their rights,28 and when
Howard with the county judge and a justice of the
peace, endeavored to force matters by attempting to
arrest certain parties engaged in the business at San
Elizario, they themselves were seized by a mob of
Mexicans who threatened to take Howard's life.
Through the efforts of Cardis and Pierre Bourgade,
the priest of the parish, they were released, Howard
being compelled to sign a bond for $12,000 with sure
ties, engaging to leave the county and not return.
This occurred at the end of September, 1877, and
Howard retired to New Mexico.

But at the beginning of October, notwithstanding

O O ' O

his pledge, he returned to El Paso where, on the 10th
of the same month, he shot and instantly killed Cardis
without a word of warning. Cardis, though an

university in 1851, and at Harvard law school in 1852. In the following
year he migrated to Texas and settled at Tyler, Smith county. He was ap
pointed U. S. district attorney in 1856, and was representative for his dis
trict in the legislature in 1858. When the civil war broke out he com
manded the 22d regiment Texas infantry, and was promoted later to the
command of a brigade. In 1872 he was elector on the Greeley ticket.

28 Both under the Spanish and Mexican govts the free use of these salt
deposits had been granted to the citizens of towns on both sides of the Rio
Grande. The Texan citizens of Mexican descent maintained that the treaty,
by which the territory wherein the salt lakes lie was transferred to the U. S.,
did not extinguish the right of the public to them. /

520 TEXAS RESTORED.

Italian by birth, possessed the entire confidence of
the Mexican population, being regarded as a friend
and champion; indeed he had been elected to repre
sent their interests in the legislature. His death ex
cited the most angry feelings, and a determination to
take vengeance on the murderer whenever an oppor
tunity might present itself. Howard, after the perpe
tration of the deed, went back to New Mexico.

The exasperation of the Mexican inhabitants of
San Elizario displayed itself in the beginning of
November, when about 200 men collected with vio
lent demonstrations against Howard's bondsmen, from
whom they demanded payment of the $12,000, and
whose lives they threatened to take. Major John
B. Jones, of the frontier battalion of Texan rangers
opportunely arrived, and by his representations the
malecontents were prevented from proceeding to vio
lence and agreed to disperse.

On November 16th, Howard returned to El Paso
where he burrendered himself, and was admitted to
bail on a bond for $4,000. Somewhat later a train
of wagons left San Elizario for the salt deposits, and
\vere expected to return by December 12th. When
Howard, who was at Mesilla, heard of this he deter
mined to enforce his rights, and on the evening of
that day, with about 25 Texan Rangers, under Lieu
tenant J. B. Tays, entered San Elizario for the pur
pose of assisting the sheriff to execute writs of at
tachment on the cargoes of salt. Whereupon the
Mexican population rose in arms, being presently
joined by a number of Mexicans from the other side
of the river. Howard and John G. Atkinson, one of
his bondsmen, took refuge in the rangers' quarters,
but Charles E. Ellis, another bondsman, while en
deavoring to do the same, was killed in the streets.
On the following morning Sergeant C. E. Mortimer
was shot while within 100 yards of the quarters,
which were forthwith laid siege to by the rioters, and
firing commenced.

PERFIDIOUS MEXICANS. 521

The besiegers repeatedly demanded the surrender
of Howard, which was as often refused, their intention
to kill him being well known. On the 17th, however,
it appears that the position of the assailed was con
sidered so desperate that Lieutenant Tays and How
ard went out to confer with the rioters, who promised
the latter his life if he would relinquish all claim to
the salt lakes. As there was no one to interpret for
them, Atkinson was sent for, and on his arrival some
arrangement was made by him with the insurgents,29
upon which the rangers surrendered, whereupon
they were immediately disarmed and confined.

A meeting was now held by the ring-leaders, at
which it was decided to put to death Howard, Atkin
son, and Sergeant McBride, a ranger who had made
himself very obnoxious to the Mexican element.
Thereupon these men were led out and shot, Howard
first. Had it not been for the influence of Chico Ba-
rela, the chief leader of the mob, all would have been
killed ; as it was, the rangers were permitted to depart,
stripped of their arms and equipments. The store
and mill of Ellis were sacked, and other robberies
committed, as usual on such outbreaks.

Meantime the United States' district commander,
Colonel Edward Hatch, hastened with troops to San
Elizario, where he arrived on the 22d. He made
such a disposition of his soldiers at Socorro, Ysleta,
and Franklin as to stop all further violence, and restore
order and confidence. Most of the principal actors in
this tragedy escaped into Mexico, while several per
sons resisting arrest were killed by rangers sent after
them by the sheriff. The Mexican authorities on the
opposite side of the river seem to have been powerless
to prevent their people from taking part in this riot.
A large gathering had collected at El Paso, Mexico,
to attend the annual fair held there December 12th,

29 According to the account given by an eye-witness to the Mesilla Inde
pendent, N. Mex., Atkinson gave §11,000 in specie, currency, and drafts, on
'condition that he, Howard, and the rangers should be permitted to depart
without molestation. San Jos£ Pioneer, Aug. 24, 1878.

522 TEXAS RESTORED.

and it was impossible to control the great number of
bad characters that had assembled in the vicinity.30

At the election held November 5, 1878, Oran M.
Roberts was chosen governor, Joseph D. Sayers lieu
tenant-governor, S. H. Darden comptroller, F. R.
Lubbock treasurer, and W. C. Walsh land commis
sioner. George McCormick, George F. Moore, and
M. H. Bonner were respectively elected attorney-
general, chief justice, and associate justice. All these
successful candidates were nominated by the state
democratic convention, which had met at Austin in
July.

On retiring from the executive office, January 14,
1879, Governor Hubbard, in his message of that date,
supplies the legislature with a succinct and clear ac
count of the financial condition of the state during the
period from August 31, 1876, to September 1, 1878,
from which it appears that the total receipts were
$3,306,059.82 currency, and $81,297.10 in specie; the
disbursements for all expenses of the government, in
cluding public schools and frontier defence, amounted
to $3,227,362.55 currency, and $49,880.77 )ecie,
leaving a balance in the treasury of $78, 697. 2/ cur
rency and $31,416.33 specie. With regard to the
public debt, he reported that it amounted to $5,086,783,
of which $5,034,109 were bonded,31 and $52,674 float
ing, showing a decrease of $123,290. Indeed, the
financial condition of the state was very favorable, her

30 Fuller particulars will be found in U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 45, sess. 2,
xvii., nos 84 and 93. See also J. P. Hague's Acct, MS., and San Jos£ Pioneer,
ut sup. The Mexicans were finally obliged to submit to the tax, paying .$1
per fanega — about 2^ bushels. //. Misc. Doc., cong. 47, sess. 2, ii. 1025.
This affair is known as the Salt war.

31 Portions of the public debt had been bonded at intervals from Nov. 19,
I860. On July 6, 1876, an act was passed to provide for the payment of the
bonds due and returnable in the years 187G and 1877, and to make provisions
for the floating indebtedness of the state, and to supply deficiencies in the reve
nue by the sales of these bonds of the state, and to make an appropriation to
carry into effect the provisions of the same. Under this act the governor
was authorized to dispose of bonds to the amount of $1,675,000, payable 30
years from July 1, 1876, in gold coin, and bearing 6 per cent interest. Mes
sage, Jan. 14, 1879, 8.

GOVERNOR ROBERTS. 523

credit being such that her bonds, bearing an interest
of six per centum, sold in New York at a premium of
two and a half per centum.

The policy of Governor Roberts,32 as expounded in
his inaugural address, aimed at important changes.
He objected to positive laws limiting judicial discre
tion from fear of abuse of power; he deprecated the
present system of procrastination in the sale of the
public lands, thereby burdening the present genera
tion with taxes for the doubtful benefit of future gen
erations; and he advocated the disposal of the public
lands at a fair value as soon as practicable, so as to
meet the obligations of the government, increase the
school and other funds, and relieve the present gen
eration from an onerous taxation, imposed for the dim
prospect of a future good which would never be realized.

On January 27th he sent a special message to the
legislature on the judiciary, in which, like Coke, he
advocated amendments of the constitution, one of
which savored somewhat of a dislike to the utter
overthrow of everything in the form of centralism.33
He recommended that district attorneys should be
appointed by the governor, and be removable at his
pleasure. His reasons were not without some force.
"The district attorney," he said, "is peculiarly an

320ran M. Roberts was born, 1815, in S. C., and educated at the univer
sity of Alabama. Selecting law as his profession, he commenced practice in
1838 in that state, but in 1841 migrated to Texas. Having settled at San
Augustine, he became district attorney in 1844, and district judge the year
following. After annexation, he resumed the practice of his profession,
which he continued until 1857, when he was elected one of the associate jus
tices of the supreme court. In 1861, he was chosen president of the secession
convention, assembled at Austin, and in that capacity, acting under its au
thority, proclaimed Texas a free and independent state. In 1862, Roberts
raised a regiment for confederate army, and was attached to Gen. Walker's
division, but was afterward elected chief justice of the state. He was in the
first reconstruction convention in 1866, and the ensuing legislature elected
him to the U. S. senate, but he was not allowed to take his seat. He then
resumed the practice of his profession. In 1874, the supreme court having
been reorganized, he was restored to his position as chief justice, and was
re-elected in 1876. Hartford's Tex. State Reg., 1879, 127; Gov. Inaug. Ad.,
Jan. 1879, 11.

33 Gov. Coke also considered that the rebound from centralism had been
too excessive. He wished the power of the executive not to be so much cur
tailed.

524 TEXAS RESTORED.

executive officer, representing the state; and, as the
governor is required by the constitution to see that
the laws are executed, he should be given full control
of the attorney for the state to enable him to do it,
and then he may be justly held responsible for it.
As it is now, every district attorney and county at
torney in the state is an independent executive
officer." He was, however, unsuccessful in his
attempt to have the constitution amended.

On June 10, 1879, Governor Roberts convened an
exta session of the legislature, and submitted no
less than 39 different matters for its action thereon.
The most important were : to make an appropriation
for the annual payment of the interest on the public
bonded debt, and for a sinking fund for the ultimate
discharge of that debt; to provide for the sale of the
public lands and those pertaining to the university,
the free schools, and the asylums ; and to make ap
propriations for the support of those institutions, out
of the interest of the state bonds and railroad bonds,
at that time amounting to over $3,000,000. Other
matters were the amendment of old laws and the pas
sage of new ones for the better government of the
country generally.

The system of removal or extermination as applied
to the Indians in Texas, has been thoroughly carried
out. For many years after the removal of the Indian
colonists in 1859, the frontier suffered from devasta
tions committed by wild tribes, which found a safe
retreat in uninhabited regions of the United States
and Mexico.35 The Comanches and Kickapoos proved
themselves conspicuously troublesome, the former
claiming the country as their own, and the right to
make raids into it. and the latter declaring themselves at

uGov. Roberts Message, to the 15th Legis., 1879, 13.

35 In 1866 permission was granted by the Mexican authorities to Capt.
Brotherton, to cross the frontier in pursuit of Indian marauders. Mex. Col,
Leg., D. C., 63-7, iii. 3-6,

BOUNDARY. 525

war with Texas, though not with the United States.
Within the territory of the state itself few Indians
remained, since it appears that in 1870 there were
only 500 Tonkawas and Lipans, and a few years later
Texas was relieved from the hostile incursions of the
Kickapoos, who were removed to a reservation on
Indian Territory.36 Since that time all hostile Indians
have been subdued, and by 1882 the remnant of
harmless natives within the borders of the state had
been reduced to 108 souls, men, women, and children.37

Under the terms of the annexation treaty of 1845,
Texas retained possession of all vacant and unappro
priated lands within her boundaries ; but from that
time to the present the boundary has not been defi
nitely settled. A dispute has occurred, arising out of
the old treaty with Spain of February 22, 18 19,38 in
which the Red river is made the boundary between
the 94th and 100th degree west longitude from Green
wich. At the date when this treaty was made but
little information had been obtained respecting the
region extending along the upper portion of Red
river, nor was it known that the river was divided
into two branches — now called the north and west
forks — between the 99th and the 100th meridians.
As late as 1848 all maps described Red river as a
continuous stream, the north fork not being laid down
upon them. By an exploration, however, made in

36 By act of congress, June 22, 1874. A portion of the Kickapoos refused
to leave Mexico, where they had made their new home. A promise was
given by the Mexican authorities to locate them on a reservation at such a
distance from the border line as to prevent, with the supervision that would
be exercised, any further disturbance from them. Prior to the civil war
this tribe was located in Texas. U. S. Sen. Misc., cong. 45, sess. 2, i., no. 23.

37 They were located in the vicinity of Fort Griffin, Shackelford county.
They had no reservation, and were dependent to a great extent upon the
whims of the land owners of the surrounding country; had no stock, and
lived in brush-houses and topees. They had always been friendly to the
whites and were well contented. An insufficient appropriation for their
support was annually made by the U. S. government, and the citizens of
Texas had assisted them from time to time. Sec. Interior Kept., 1882, 207,
400, 430; Id., cong. 41, sess. 2, 835, 893; U. S. Sen. Misc., cong. 41, sess. 2,
doc. 136, 17, 21; H. Ex. Doc., cong. 47, sess. 2, xxi., no. 77, 64.

3bSeepp. 46-7 this voL

526 TEXAS RESTORED.

1852 by captains Marcy and McClellan, under the
direction of the war department, it was discovered
that there were two main branches to the river
proper; but, probably owing to the inaccuracy of
their instruments, the explorers located the 100th
meridian below the junction. In 1857 the commis
sioner of Indian affairs, who wished to know the
boundary between the Choctaw and Chickasaw coun--
tries, caused an astronomical survey to be made for
the purposes of ascertaining the true meridian, which
was found to be 80 miles west of the junction of the
two forks, the surveyors designating Prairie Dog
Fork, that is South Fork, as the main branch. Texas
at once questioned this designation, and congress
passed an act, approved June 5, 1858, authorizing the
president in conjunction with the state of Texas to
mark out the boundary line. Commissioners on both
sides were appointed who proceeded to do their work
in 1860. No agreement, however, could be arrived
at, and Texas, adopting the report of her commis
sioner, established the territory in dispute — about
2,000 square miles in area — as a county under the
name of Greer.39 In 1882 a bill was before congress
seeking to establish the North Fork as the true
boundary, but hitherto no settlement of the question
has been attained. Meantime complications have
arisen, through persons claiming to exercise rights on
the disputed land under the jurisdiction of the state
of Texas; conflicts have taken place, and blood has
been shed, owing to procrastination in the adjustment
of the disputed claim.40

On the 16th of January 1883 John Ireland, having
been chosen governor, assumed office and was suc
ceeded, in January 1887, by L. S. Ross. No state
in the Union has passed through more political vicissi-

39 In an act of congress of Feb. 24, 1879, 'to create the northern judicial
district of the state of Texas,' etc., Greer county is included in the district.
U. 8. Statutes, 1878-9, 318.

40ihe question having been agitated for so many years the references re
specting it are very numerous. The above sketch is derived from Sec.
Interior Kept, 1882, 15; U. S. H. Repts, cong. 47, sess. 1, v., no. 1282.

MANY FURNACE TIRES. 527

tudcs than Texas. During the present century her
people have fought and bled under no less than five
different national flags, representing as many different
governments. First we find her with a sparse popu
lation among which might be found some few indi
viduals of the Anglo- American race, under the royal
standard of Spain, ruled by monarchical laws; next
the eagle of the Mexican republic dictates the form
of government, and exasperates by oppression the free-
spirited settlers from the United States ; then follow
revolt and a short but sanguinary struggle for inde
pendence, terminating in the establishment of the
Texan republic with its emblematic lone star flag.
After a brief existence, however, as a sovereign nation,
Texas was content to repose beneath the standard
of the stars and stripes, which in turn she threw
aside to fight under the confederate banner. Such
is the outline of her career. The land which \vas
once the abode of savages has been converted into a
civilized country which will prove a center of human
development.

CHAPTER XX.

INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.
1835-1888.

RAPID PROGRESS — POPULATION — SOCIAL ADVANCEMENT — DECREASE OP
CRIME— THE STATE CAPITOL — THE HTJNTSVILLE PENITENTIARY— RE
FORM OF ABUSES — RUSK PENITENTIARY — CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS-
ASYLUM FOR THE DEAF AND DUMB— THE INSTITUTE FOR THE BLIND-
INSANE ASYLUM — DEVELOPMENT OF EDUCATION — APPROPRIATIONS FOR
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF FREE SCHOOLS — THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM —
STATISTICS — FOUNDING OF THE TEXAS UNIVERSITY — THE AGRICULTURAL
AND MECHANICAL COLLEGE — FIRST PROTESTANT CHURCHES — MARRIAGE
BY BOND LEGALIZED — ECCLESIASTICAL STATISTICS — FIRST PRINTING
PRESS IN TEXAS — EARLY NEWSPAPERS — TEXAS EDITORIAL AND PRESS
ASSOCIATION.

SHORT as has been her life, the commonwealth of
Texas has had a varied experience ; first as the border
land of contending colonies, then a lone republic, as
member of the great federation, member of the south
ern confederacy, and finally reinstated as one of the
still unbroken union. The annals of her past career,
as we have seen, are replete with stories of romantic
events, and persevering struggles to shake off the
leaden weight of impeding influences, and elevate her
self to the proud level of advancing civilization. Her
future is bright; she has entered the broad highway
of universal progress, and henceforth her march will
be one of unprecedented prosperity. A marvellous
rapidity has already marked her onward course to
wealth and happiness. Probably there never was a
country which entered upon the long and brilliant
progressional career which we may confidently look
forward to in this instance, under more favorable

( 528 )

DEVELOPMENT. 529

auspices than this state. Although older than any
» of the more northern Pacific states, it has developed
more slowly, and has avoided many of their mistakes.
The great curse of California is not here entailed.
The people are still freemen, and the law-makers and
public officials are their servants. There is little or
no public debt; their public lands are their own, and
they have not all fallen into the hands of sharpers
and speculators; they rule the railroad companies
instead of being ruled by them; unjust and oppressive
monopolies are not permitted. Here are the seeds of
life instead of the elements of disease and death.
With her vast area of tillable and grazing lands, a
people rapidly increasing in numbers, wealth, and re
finement ; with young and healthy institutions resting
on honest republican foundations ; with a determina
tion on tho part of the people to admit within their
borders no species of despotism, no form of tyranny,
there is no height of grandeur to which this common
wealth may not reasonably aspire.

Indian depredations on the frontier have ceased,
and cattle-raiding on the Rio Grande border-land will

O

soon be a trouble of the past ; lawlessness and crime
are yielding to fearless administration of justice and
the application of the laws, and order is sweeping
from her path the refuse that for decades obstructed
the progress of large portions of the state.

The advancing strides made by Texas since the
civil war, toward the goal where lofty aspirations will
win the prize of unalloyed prosperity, are strikingly
exhibited by official statistics on population, agricul
ture, commerce, industries, and developing enterprises.
According to the census returns of the United States,
the total population of Texas in 18GO, was 604,215;
in 1888 it could not be far short of 3,000,000. From
the same source it appears that in 1860, there were
51,569 farmers, 2,576 stock-raisers, 2,223 merchants,
and 1,502 school teachers. In 1880 there were 200,-
40*4 farmers and planters, 14,031 persons engaged in

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 34

530

INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

stock-raising, including drovers and herders, 10,964
traders and dealers, exclusive of clerks and employes
in stores, and 4,334 teachers.1 In connection with
this extraordinary increase of population, due mainly
to immigration, it will be proper to compare the
social and political condition of the people with what
it was quarter of a century ago, — as described in
chapter XV of this volume — and just subsequent to
the war.

During the reconstruction period the condition of
the people of Texas, from all points of view, may be
considered to have reached its lowest ebb. The
sudden elevation of the freedmen to the rights of citizen-

O

ship and suffrage, overwhelmed for a time the white
population at the polls, and the colored inhabitants
with their partisans, the " black leaguers," carried
their candidates for all state offices. As a result of
this abrupt change from slavery to political equality
with the whites, not only was a conflict between the
two races inaugurated, but the debased negroes, no
longer debarred the use of spirituous liquor, under its
influence incessantly, engaged in frays among them
selves, which generally terminated in bloodshed. The
number of murders committed during this period was
unparalleled in any epoch of Texan history, as I have

1The following table, made from the U. S. census returns, will enable
the reader to mark the rapid increase in population:

1850

I860

1870

1880

White..

154 034

499 891

5G4 700

1 197 237

Black

58 558

182 921

253 475

393 384

Indian

403

379

992

Chinese

25

136

212,592

(504,215

818,579

1,591,749

According to the state bureau of statistics, the population in 1884 was
2,215,700, showing an increase at the rate of over 155,000 a year.

W. O. Hamilton, representative in the legislature from Comanche and
Brown counties, has lately introduced among other important bills, one to
provide for the taking of a state census, with a strong probability of its be
coming a law. Hamilton was born in Georgia, June 30, 1854, was admitted
to the bar in 1879, in which year he went to Texas and settled in Comanche
county. In 1880 he was elected county attorney, and in Nov. 1884, to the
legislature. Eiog.t MS.

SOCIETY. 531

shown,2 and what was worse, the judiciary was inade
quate to punish. Intimidation ruled the law courts,
party spirit swayed the jury boxes, and local public
passion dictated verdicts. Hence lynch law was
more operative than the penal code. But this chaos
was not destined to endure. The flood of immigra
tion which set in from the states and all parts of
Europe after the war, soon turned the scale. It mat
tered not whence the immigrant came, he was ready
to support the white race against the black leaguers.
A "white league" started into existence, and in 1874

O '

was triumphant. The short-lived supremacy of the
black league was destroyed forever in Texas.

Since that victory, hundreds of thousands of new
settlers have made Texas their home, and their ad
vent has tended, more than any other cause, to sup
press lawlessness and crime, and build up an orderly
and law-abiding community. Drawn from countries
where the rigid laws of monarchical governments
compelled obedience and secured order, or proceeding
from older states where well-regulated society had
developed under the more liberal principles of repub
licanism, they brought with them an abhorrence of
savagism and a love of social fraternity. They wished
to pursue their industrious and progressive vocations in
peace, and turbulence found no encouragement among
them. Thus it was that, under the new constitution
of 1876, a code of laws, as stern in the punishment of
crime as those prescribed in any civilized country, has
been framed; and more than this, in Texas to-day,
the laws against criminals are enforced with a degree
of vigor and undeviating justice observable in no other

2Hepworth Dixon writing in 1875 says: 'We learn on good authority,
that there were 3,000 murders in Texas last year, and that nearly all these
murders were committed by negroes on their brother blacks.' White Conquest,
i. 331. It is to such superficial enquirers and writers as Dixon, who are apt
to accept and put into print any wild information supplied to them, that
Texas is indebted for much of the bad reputation which she gained at one
time. But if this gross exaggeration were true; if indeed, all the African voters
had killed each other, instead of only 3,000; and if the low Irish voters had
done likewise, the world would still turn round, and United States politics
would be as pure as it now is.

532 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

state of the union.3 Nevertheless, the people are still
ready to take the law into their own hands. Mur
derers caught red-handed, horse-stealers, and ravishers
of women are apt to have justice summarily dealt out
to them by a crowd of indignant citizens, who, when
the case is clear, are too impatient to tolerate the
slow process of the criminal courts.4 Under the in
fluence of this judicial spectre, threatening immediate
punishment, and the prompt and reliable application
of the laws in the tribunals, crime in Texas is decreas
ing in a marked degree.6

3 For instance: the punishment for rape is death. On July 5, 1883, a man
was hanged for this crime in Ysleta, El Paso county. He was a discharged
soldier, on his way through the country to the eastern, states.

* During the six months ending June 30, 1885, no less than 31 persons
were lynched in Texas. The number of scoundrels thus executed in all the
states and territories during the same period was 99, Texas heading the list,
followed by Tennessee and the Indian Territory, each with seven. Of the
total number thus put to death, 58 were white and 41 black. The crimes
they suffered for were: murder 44, horse-stealing 31, rape 14, incendiarism
3, train- wrecking 2, murderous assault 2, unknown reasons 2, and 1 for bur
glary. S. F. Bulletin, July 23, 1885, copied from Cltlcaip Tribune.

6 By consulting the following tables of criminal statistics for the four years
succeeding the adoption of the new constitution, the reader will be able to
form a comparative estimate of the proportionate decrease of crime as regards
increased population, and the increase of convictions, thereby showing the
growing eih'ciency of the tribunals.

INDICTMENTS

1877

1878

1879

1880

398

549

344

°59

Theft

2 °r>0

2 371

0 081

1 758

26

24

19

03

Perjury ....

82

90

79

74

53

53

34

44

Robbery

51

49

47

99

Forgery . .

85

250

155

131

Burglary

175

154

183

204

Total*

3 130

3 5-*6

'> »JA'>

0 5()0

CONVICTIONS

Murder

71

122

115

88

Theft

471

558

651

4S3

Arson ....

5

7

5

5

Perjury . . . .

3

1

10

Rape

11

9

16

9

Robbery

13

24

9

18

Forgery • • • •

9

17

19

3o

Burglary

58

61

82

94

Total*

641

709

907

738

From the above showing, it appears that whereas in 1877 there were 3,130
indictments with only 641 convictions, in 1880 the indictments had decreased
to 2,592, and the convictions increased to 738. This shows that a healthy

HOSPITALITY AND REFINEMENT. 533

In other respects progress in Texas is equally
marked. The log huts have given way to comfortable
frame buildings on well-fenced farms, while villa resi
dences of wealthy agriculturalists adorn the country,
and in the cities fine edifices and spacious public
buildings have been erected. The state capitol at
Austin, when completed, will rival in dimensions and
magnificence any other edifice of the kind in the
United States, with the exception of the national
capitol at Washington.6

With all this advancement in wealth and elevation,
the former characteristics of the Texans still prevail.
Hospitality is yet a prominent virtue, and the respect
able stranger or visitor is received with a genuine
welcome. He may be called upon to give some ac
count of himself, but inquiries leading to such infor
mation — necessary as a provisional safeguard consid-
erm<* the condition that Texas has emerged from—

o o

are never impertinently made or inconsiderately
pressed. The example set by the southern element
in hospitality and other virtues is not without effect

judicial tone has been inaugurated, but that there is still room for improve
ment.

'By a provision of the constitution of 1876, art. xvi. sec. 57, 3,000,000
acres of the public domain were appropriated for the purpose of erecting a
new capitol and other necessary buildings at the seat of government, the
lauds to be sold under direction of the legislature. The lands appropriated
by legislative act, approved Feb. 20, 1879, amounted to 3,050,000 acres, and
are situated in the section known as the Panhandle of Texas, being included
in the counties of Dallani, Hartley, Oldham, Deaf Smith, Farmer, Castro,
Bailey, Lamb, Cochraii, and Hockley. In reply to an advertisement of Nov.
20, 1880, for plans and specifications, eleven designs were sent in, that of E.
E. Myers, architect, Detroit, Michigan, being adopted. The form of the
building is that of the Greek cross, with a rotunda and dome at the intersec
tion. Its length is 502 feet, exclusive of porticos, and its greatest width 274
ft. Besides the basement and dome, it will comprise three full stories. Ac
cording to the contract, work was to commence on or before Feb. 1, 1882,
and the edifice to be completed and delivered on or before Jan. 1, 1SS8. The
contractor, Mattheas Schnell, of Rock Island, 111., engaged to erect the build-
in;,' according to the plan and specifications for the 3,000,000 acres of land.
T!>.C additional 50,000 acres appropriated by the legislature were set apart to
defray the expenses of surveying. Conveyances of lands are made to the
contractor by instalments, as the specified requirements as to time and work
done are complied with. The original contract has undergone various modi
fications. The corner-stone was laid March 2, 1885, being the anniversary
of the independence of Texas. Tex. fiept Cap. Building Com., Jan. 1, 18S3,
and 1SS5.

534 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

on immigrants from foreign climes. While imitating
these high principles the latter bring with them a
tranquillizing influence, steadily operating in the
direction of a higher order of civilization. A na
tional character is gradually being developed by amal
gamation, objectionable distinctions are gradually van
ishing, and refinement is taking the place of coarse
ness.7 The day is not far distant when the white
people of Texas will be a community homogeneous in
feelings, principles, and aspirations. Texas has passed
through the furnace of an ill-considered problem ; has
been worsted in the argument conducted by bayonet,
sword and cannon, and has accepted the result. No
spot on earth is more favored with all the resources
needed for an advanced condition of progressive devel
opment than is Texas, and her people have long since
settled down to their pursuits amid the enjoyment of
permanent tranquillity.

With reference to the criminal statistics given
above, it is proper to make some mention of the state
penitentiaries. The first provisions for the establish
ment of such an institution was made by the legisla
ture in 1846. In the following year work was com
menced at Huntsville, and 11,000 square yards were
in time inclosed with a brick wall and buildings erected
containing 240 cells, the first convict being incarcer
ated October 1, 1849. During the following decade
only 412 malefactors were committed, and on Sep
tember 1, 1860 there were no more than 200 convicts
in prison.

The system adopted by the state government was
to make the penitentiary self-supporting by convict
labor, and in 1856 machinery and suitable buildings
were erected for the manufacture of cotton and woolen
goods, work commencing in the factory in June of
that year.8 From this time to the close of the civil

7 Said an English settler to Hepworth Dixon more than ten years ago,
« we drink less liquor, and invoke more law.' White Cong., i. 336.

8 Provision was made for the establishment of this factory by the legisla-

STATE PRISON. 535

war the income derived was greatly in excess of the
expenditure.

During the reconstruction period the number of
convicts so increased that there was neither room nor
employment for them within the walls of the peniten
tiary,10 and recourse was had to employing the sur
plus on the railroads — a system strongly deprecated
by Governor Davis.11 Moreover, the annual expenses
began to exceed the income at a gradually increasing
rate, and on July 5, 1871, the penitentiary was leased
to Ward, Dewey & Co. for the term of fifteen years.12
This was neither a humane nor enlightened policy,
the convicts being submitted to systematic maletreat-
mcnt. They were ill fed, badly clothed, hard worked,
and much abused. The charges of inhumanity be
came so repeated that in April, 1875, the govern
ment appointed a committee to investigate and report
upon the condition and general administration of the
penitentiary. The result was that a mandatory law
was passed by the fifteenth legislature requiring the
governor to resume possession of the Huntsville peni
tentiary, and on April 2, 1877, the lessees surrendered
the control of it to Governor Hubbard. After this
lamentable failure of the lease system it is surprising
that the government should have persisted in it; yet
the penitentiary was again leased December 16, 1877,
to E. H. Cunningham, of Bejar county.

ture in 1854. All possible labor such as brickmaking was performed by the
convicts, by whom also most of the work was done in the erection and ex
tension from time to time of the penitentiary.

9 For the 23 months ending Aug. 31, 1859, goods were manufactured to
the amount of $169,365, yielding a profit of $14,849. This was the produc
tion of 40 looms. During the war additional machinery was set up, and the
superintendent, Thomas Caruthers, in his report to the legislature of Aug.
31, 1863, states that in 21 months 2,233,587 yds of Osnaburgs, 405,025 yds
cotton jeans, and 322,890 yds Kersey and other goods had been manufac
tured. The income amounted to $1,521,687, far exceeding the expenditures.

10 In 1865 the number of convicts was 118; in 1870 it was 489 and 994 in
1871.

11 See his message of Apr. 29, 1870, no. 5 in Tex. Col. Doc., no. 2.

12 The leseees were to pay the state annually $5,000 during the first five
' years; $10,000 during the next five years, and $20,00.0 during the last

quinquennium,

536 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

It had long been evident that additional institu
tions of the kind were necessary, as the existing one

t/ ' O

contained accommodation for little more than one
fourth of the convicts.13 In 1875, therefore, provis
ion was made for the establishment of two others,
one east of the Trinity, and one west of the Colorado.
The first was established and located near Rusk, 5,000
acres of land having been purchased in the vicinity of
that town, and the necessary buildings erected. The
Rusk penitentiary was completed in January, 1879;
it contains 528 cells, has attached to it a library and
epidemic hospital, besides the general hospital, and
cost the state $160,000.

This additional means for the confinement of pris
oners has done much toward the suppression of crime
in Texas. There is no longer an avenue of escape
open to the majority of convicted criminals as was
the case before the erection of the Rusk penitentiary,
and the risk which malefactors tab 3 of meeting with
their deserts, without chance of evasion, is so largely
increased that it constitutes one of the factors which
regulate the decreasing ratio of crime to population.
With regard to the administration of these institu
tions, owing to the enlightened policy of Barnett
Gibbs14 and his supporters in the legislature, the sys
tem of leasing the penitentiaries has been done away
with. On April 18, 1883, an act to provide for the
more efficient management of the Texas state peni
tentiaries was approved, the third section of which
enacts that "no lease of the penitentiaries, or either

130n Jan. 1, 1876, the total number of convicts was 1723, of which only
443 were employed in and immediately around the prison, the remainder
were laboring on farms, railroads, and in saw mills. From Sept. 1, 1874,
to Jan. 1, 1876, 266 convicts escaped and 28 were killed in attempting to
escape. Gov. Coke's Mes., Apr. 1876, 42.

11 He was born in Yazoo city, Miss., May 19, 1851, his father being Judge
Hugh D. Gibbs, and his grandfather Gen. Geo. W. Gibbs, both prominent
in that state. Barnett Gibbs graduated at the university of Virginia in
1871, and also at the Lebanon Law College in 1873, when he went to Texas
and settled in Dallas, where he was elected city attorney in 1875 and twice
reflected in 1877 and 1879 respectively. In 1883 he was chosen senator to
the state legislature from that county, and in Nov. 1884 was elected lieuten-
aiit-gov, by a majority of 132,000 votes, Bioy, Sketch, MS.

DEAF MUTES AND BLIND. 537

of them, shall hereafter be made, and the state shall
resume control thereof." The law was to take effect
after passage.15

Enactments were passed in August, 18 56, for the
establishment of charitable institutions. The appropria
tions were sufficiently liberal for the requirements at
that time, an endowment of 100,000 acres of land
and $10,000 being granted for support to each asylum
to be erected for the deaf and dumb, the blind, and
for orphans.10 For a lunatic asylum $50,000 of
United States bonds were appropriated for the erec
tion of the building, a similar quantity of land being
also donated.

The institution for the deaf and dumb was opened
January 2, 1857, I. Van Nostrand, of New York, be
ing appointed the first principal. Instruction com
menced with only three pupils which number had
increased to seventy-one by October 31, 1880, and
John S. Ford, the superintendent, in his report of
that date, believed that the future annual increase
would be nearly 100 per centum. Under an act of
the fourteenth legislature the experiment of teaching
the deaf mutes the printer's art was made and pro
duced most favorable results. The pupils soon proved
themselves apt scholars in type-setting and press
work, and Ford considered that if allowed to finish
their education in this branch they would success
fully compete with the best practical printers. Other
mechanical arts taught in this asylum are mattress-
making, book-binding, cabinet-making, shoe-making,
and some others.

A similar system of instruction is pursued in the
education of the blind, but these unfortunate beings
labor under greater disadvantages than the deaf and

15 Tex. State Peniten. Rules, 1883. The lease to Cunningham expired Jan.
1, ISSi; consequently since that date the penitentiaries have been under the
control of the government.

10 In regard to an orphan asylum, in 1868 such an institution was opened
atjfoyland, Harris county, by the Rev. Mr Preston. In 1873 the legislature
.donated to this institution a portion of the land set apart in 1856 for an
orphan asylum. Thrall, 736.

538 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

dumb; progress is slower, and most mechanical occu
pations are beyond their requirement. Nevertheless
they soon become proficient in making baskets,
brooms, and chairs; they are also taught music and
telegraphy, in the former of which they make especial
progress. This institute went into operation in 1858,
with ten pupils in attendance, a commodious house
being rented in Austin until the state building was
completed. In that year the legislature added $6,500
to the supporting fund, and appropriated $12,500 for
the purchase of a site and the erection of the build
ing, which was finished by December 18 GO. During
the war means were wanting for the successful opera
tion of this establishment, but $9,600 were expended
in 1867 in repairing the building, and the sixteenth
legislature appropriated $7,500 for the erection of
additions thereto. In January 1879, sixty-eight blind
persons were in attendance ; since that time the insti
tute has progressed in proportion to the necessity for
providing for the relief of this helpless class. Both
this institute and that for the deaf and dumb are
situated in the vicinity of Austin.

The site selected in 1857 for the lunatic asylum lies
three miles north of Austin. The plan adopted for the
construction of the building was such as to admit of
additions being made to it from time to time without
marring the symmetry of the whole. Glasscock and
Miller, of Austin, obtained the first contract by which
they engaged to erect three sections for the sum of
$47,514. The first superintendent was C. G. Keenan,
who held office from 1858 to 1862 when Dr Stein er
succeeded him. During that period 67 patients had
been admitted, of whom 49 were males and 18
females. After the abolition of slavery in Texas
additional premises were required for the admission
of freedmen, and in 1867 what is known as the Cross
property was purchased and improved at a cost of
$35,000. The completion of the original plan of the
building having been prevented by the civil war,

SCHOOL LAND GRANTS. 539

$20,000 was appropriated in 1870 for the erection of
the remaining sections. In that year the inmates
were 83 in number, which by August 31, 1878, had
increased to 275.17 With the growth of population
the necessary additions have been made to accommo
date the increasing number of applications for admis
sion into the asylum.

It may be asserted without cavil that previous to
the independence education was a dead letter in
Texas,18 and in their statement of grievances in the
declaration of independence, the colonists made the
failure of the Mexican government to provide means
of instruction, which had been promised for their
children, one of the many grounds of complaint. No
sooner, however, was the victory won than the Texans
in their constitution of 1836 declared that it should
be the duty of congress, as soon as circumstances
would admit, to provide by law a general system of
education.

Accordingly, in January 1839, the congress of the
new republic assigned three leagues of land to each
organized county, and in the following year an addi
tional league, for the purpose of establishing primary
schools. By the same act, fifty leagues of land were
devoted to the establishment of two colleges or uni-

17 The total resident number of lunatics during the fiscal year ending
Aug. 31, 1878 was 370, thus exhibited:

Patients discharged restored 58

Patients discharged improved 21

Patients discharged unimproved 4

Patients died 12

Remaining 2/5

370

Gov. Hubbard's Mes., Jan. 14, 1879, 37.

18 Almonte, in his report of Jan. 1, 1835, states that a school had existed
in Bejar, supported by the ayuntamiento, but it had been closed from want
of funds; that there was a private one near Brazoria with 30 to 40 pupils,
which was supported by subscriptions; and that there were three primary
schools respectively at Nacogdoches, San Agustin, and Jonesburg. He re
marks that those colonists who could afford the expense preferred to send

, their children to be educated in the U. S. ; those who could not, cared little
about instructing their sons in matters other than felling trees and hunting
wild game. Not. Estad. Tej., 40, 64-5, 76.

540 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

versities, to be thereafter created. In February 1840,
a law was passed making the chief justice and two
associate justices in each county a board of school
commissioners, whose duty it was to organize their
county into school districts, inspect schools, examine
teachers, and give certificates of qualification and
character to deserving applicants. Under this basis,
it seems that schools were established in the more
settled counties.19

But a thorough system of general education in
Texas was of slow growth, owing at first to sparseness
of population, and later to set-backs caused by the
disorders created by the war with Mexico, and that
of the secession. When Texas entered the union, it
was provided by the new constitution of 1845 that the
legislature should, as early as practicable, establish
free schools throughout the state, and furnish means
for their support by taxation on property; that not
less than one tenth of the annual revenue of the state
derived from taxation should be set apart as a per
petual fund for the same purpose ; and that the lands
already granted for public schools should not be alien
ated. But the confusion which presently set in pre
vented anything from being done till January 1854,
when an act to establish a system of schools was ap
proved, and $2,000,000, in five per cent United States'
bonds, were set apart as a school fund. Under this
act, a system was organized,20 which continued in
operation till the civil war broke out, when again
confusion prevailed, most of the public schools being
closed during that period.

On emerging from the civil strife, Texas found her-

19 The U. S. census of 1850 shows that 349 public schools were reported
as existing in Texas, with 360 teachers and 7,940 scholars.

20 According to the U. S. census of I860, there were 1,218 public schools
in Texas at that time, with 1,274 teachers and 34,611 scholars. The school
income amounted to $414,168, of which $6,743 were derived from endow
ments, $15,847 from taxation, and $58,394 from public funds, making $80, 984,
leaving $333,184, which doubtless came from tuition fees paid by the parents.
The schools, therefore, were not yet free schools, properly speaking.

CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS. 541

self without resources, and her school fund wasted;'21
but she devoted herself at once to the task of repair-
ino* the evil. Under the constitution of 1866, all
funds, lands, and other property previously set apart
for the support of the free school system were rededi-
cated as a perpetual fund. It furthermore devoted
to that fund all the alternate sections of land reserved
out of grants to railroad companies and other corpora
tions, together with one half of the proceeds of all
future sales of public lands. The legislature was de
prived of the power to loan any portion of the school
fund, and required to invest the specie principal in
United States bonds, or such bonds as the state
might guarantee ; and it was authorized to levy a tax
for educational purposes, special provision being made
that all sums arising from taxes collected from Afri
cans, or persons of African descent, should be exclus
ively appropriated for the maintenance of a system of
public schools for the black race. Provision for the
university was renewed; a superintendent of public
instruction was directed to be appointed by the gov
ernor, who, with him and the comptroller, should con
stitute a state board of education, and have the general
management and control of the perpetual fund and
common schools, under regulations thereafter pre
scribed by the legislature.

The constitution of 1868 did not materially alter
these provisions, except in one marked particular, and
that was in the significant omission of the provision
appropriating the taxes paid by colored persons for

21 Nearly all the $2,000,000 in U. S. bonds appears to have been lost by
injudicious loans to railroad companies before the outbreak of the war. Gov.
Throckmorton, in his message of Aug. 18, 1866, says: 'There is also in the
treasury, due the school fund, $1,753,317, interest-bearing bonds of railroad
companies, with interest due upon said bonds up to March 1, 1803, amount
ing to $300,209.80. I am unable to form an opinion as to the probability of
the payment of this interest.' Gov. Davis, in his message of Apr. 28, 1870,
includes in the school fund $2,742,198, principal and interest, due from rail
road companies. He remarks: 'I suppose upwards of two millions of the
total due by the railroads could be realized wiLh certainty.' He recommends
a sale of all the roads indebted to the school fund.

542 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

the support of schools for their children. The schools
were made free to all.22

Under this constitution a law was passed August
13, 1870, directing the governor to appoint a superin
tendent of public instruction, to serve until the next
general election, and ordering that thenceforward that
official should be elected by the people, to serve for a
term of four years; each organized county was made
a school district, and each county court a board of
school directors, which, subject to the direction of
the state superintendent, were charged with the duty
of dividing it into sub-districts. The schools were to
be open at least four months in the year, and the di
rectors were to see that all children between six and
sixteen years were to attend, unless instructed else
where. One-fourth of the annual state revenue from
taxation, an annual poll-tax of one dollar, and the in
terest on the perpetual fund, were set apart for the
support of the schools.

In April and November 1871, amendments were
made to this law. The state superintendent was
directed to appoint for each judicial district a super
visor of education ; and the board of education — the
attorney general now taking the place of the comp
troller — was directed to apportion anew the territory
of the state into educational districts not exceeding
twelve in number ; all existing supervisors were to be
retired, and one for each of the twelve districts ap
pointed, whose duty it would be to examine teachers,
and re-subdivide the counties in his jurisdiction into
districts, appointing for each five school directors,
with the approval of the state superintendent. These
directors might levy taxes not exceeding one per
centum, for the erection of school-houses. A penalty
of $25 for non-attendance at school was ordered to be

22 Art. ix., sec. 1, of the constitution reads thus: It shall be the duty of
the legislature of this state to make suitable provisions for the support and
maintenance of a system of public free schools, for the gratuitous instruction
of all the inhabitants of this state between the ages of six and eighteen.
U. S. Chart, and Constit., pt 2, 1814.

SCHOOL STATISTICS. 543

collected from the parents of non-attending children.
Under this system schools began to increase rapidly
in number.23

During the years 1873 to 1875 inclusive, consider
able changes were again made. The government was
now democratic. The state superintendency and
county boards of directors were retained, while the
state board of education and supervisors of large dis
tricts were suppressed, and the trustees of each school
district were ordered to be elected by the voters of
the district. Under this reformed system, the control
of the schools, management of the funds, the adoption
of the method of education, and other matters connected
with free tuition were placed in the power of the
people, who elected their immediate agents. The en
rollment in the scholastic year 1874-5 was 124,567
pupils, under 3,100 teachers in 2,924 schools.

By the constitution of 1876 some changes were
again effected, both as regards the perpetual fund and
the system. Instead of one half of the proceeds of
sales of public lands being set apart for the fund, it
was directed that one-half of the public domain should
be donated to it ;24 all lands granted to counties for the
support of schools were made the property of the
counties respectively to which they were granted,25
and the proceeds when sold were to be held in trust

23 In Dec. 1871 there were 1,324 schools, with 1,578 teachers, and 63,504
scholars. The report for the following year showed 2,000 schools, with 127,-
672 enrolled scholars under 2,233 teachers. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 44, sess. 2,
iv., pt 2, 385-6.

24 This change was introduced by A. T. McKinney, who was a member of
the constitutional convention of 1875. McKinney was born, March 18, 1838,
in Randolph county, 111. His father, who was president of West Tennessee
College, migrated with his family to Texas in 1850. The son graduated at
Princeton in 1858, and was admitted to the bar in 1861. He served as a
private soldier in the confederate army for two years, and on hi., return to
'lexas settled in Huntsville, and there practised his profession. In 1882 he
was appointed regent of the university of Texas; was elected to the house of
representatives, taking his seat in Jan. 1883. In the 18th legislature he in
troduced the measure which endowed the state university with 1 ,000,000 acres
of land. McKinney has made various suggestions, recommending a new plan
for the government and control of the public school system.

*°By the constitution of 1868, the public lands given to counties were
placed under the control of the legislature, and when sold the proceeds were
"to be added to the public school fund.

544 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

by the counties, for the benefit of public schools
therein. Separate schools were to be provided for
the white and colored children, and impartial pro
vision made for both ; and the board of education was
restored to be composed of the governor, comptroller,
and secretary of state.26

Under these provisions laws were enacted for the
carrying out of the same. At a specially called ses
sion of the legislature, January 1884, improvements
in the system were effected. The office of state sup
erintendent was reaffirmed, the superintendent being
made the official secretary of the board of education;
boards of examiners of teachers were provided ; and
colored school communities were given the right to
have trustees of their own race for their schools."7 In
1884 county school affairs were superintended by
county judges, and in cities and towns the boards of
aldermen had the exclusive power to regulate and
govern the free schools within their limit. Austin,
Galveston, Houston, and the larger cities have school
superintendents.

The system of free schools in Texas has firmly fixed
itself in public esteem. According to Spaight's offi
cial map of December 1, 1882,28 the principal of the
perpetual school fund amounted to $4,166,383, in cash
and bonds ; the amount of land pertaining to the same
was 33.000,000 acres, besides 4,002,912 acres given to

26 By the school law of 1883, this board was authorized to appoint a secre
tary with a salary of $1,800 a year. U. 8. Rcpt. Com. Educ., 1883-4, 262.
Benjamin F. Baker, was made secretary in Jan. 1883, and held that office
for 18 months; the office of state superintendent of public instruction was
then created by act of the 18th legislature in extra session, and in Nov.
1884, Baker was elected to it by a majority of 181,016 votes. He prepared
the public school law in force at the time of writing, 1886. Baker was born
in Russell county, Alabama, Jan. 20, 1851, migrated to Texas at the age
of 18, practised law in the town of Carthage, and in 1876 was elected to the
15th legislature, was reflected, and served during the 16th and 17 Lh legisla
tures, when he declined reelection and moved to Decatur.

27 The framer of this law was A. J. Chambers, who was born, in Missis
sippi in 1835, and went to Texas in 1853, where he was engaged in school
teaching for ten years. In 1882 he was elected to the 18th legislature, and
served to Jan. 1885.

28 In Tex. Resources, Soil, and Climate, being the report of A. W. Spaight,
) commissioner of insurance, statistics, and history, for the year 1882.

UNIVERSITY. 545

the counties ; and the apportionment for tne scholastic
year 1882-3, to counties, cities and towns was $1,086,-
273. Yet as late as 1884, the expenditure was not
wholly covered by the public school fund, some
amount being paid teachers from private sources,29
At Huntsville is established the Sam Houston
Normal Institute, which offers a three-year's course
of strictly professional training, aiming to furnish com
petent teachers for the public schools.

Although provision was made for the establishment
of a university as early as 1839,30 nothing was done
till 1881, when at the election held September 6th,
Austin was selected as the location.31 Steps had
been taken by the legislature on March 30, 1881,
when an act was passed providing for the organiza
tion of a board of regents and appropriating $150,000
for the building, and $40,000 for the purchase of
library and furniture. In September 1883 the uni
versity was opened,32 young men and women being

y9In the scholastic year 1883-4, the expenditure for public schools was
$1,661,476 against $1,150,332 for the previous year. The net available
school fund estimated for the year beginning Sept. 1, 1885, was $2,232,272.
The following statistical summary is derived from reports sent from only 125
counties out of 166. The failure of so many county judges to report school
statistics, — according to the explanation given by the superintendent — is
owing to the fact that those officers had not time for such duties.

1882 83

NO. OF SCHOLARS.

NO. OF SCHOOLS.

NO. OF TEACHERS.

White.

Colored.

White.

Colored.

112,569
148,639

40,473
56,160

3,996
4,399

1,181
1,432

5,037
6,369

1383-84

Prominent among the colored teachers is Prof. I. M. Terrill, the principal
of school No. 6, at Fort Worth. Terrill is the son of a freedman, and was
born at Anderson, Grimes county, Jan. 3, 1859. Educated in the common
schools of Anderson, he entered Strait's University at N. Orleans, from
which he graduated in June 1881. The children in his school take the same
grade, and pass examinations equal to those passed by white children. II.
F. Moore, the principal of the Keller academy, considers that the public
schools of Texas have taken a high position, and will continue to improve
yearly. He believes that a compulsory law — not existing at present — would
be highly beneficial. Moore's Obser., MS.

30 By the constitution of 1876, 1,000,000 acres of land were set apart, in
addition to the 50 leagues previously appropriated, to conr>titute a perpetiml
university fund. The total number of acres appropriated was 1,219,906^.
Tex. Univer. Vote Soc. , 1882, 6.

31 The number of votes cast in favor of Austin was 30,913, Tyler having
18,974. At the same time Galveston received the majority of votes for the
location of the medical department.

32 The board of regents consisted of Ashbel Smith, president; T. M. Har-

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 35

546 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

admitted on equal terms, tuition free. The academic
department comprises instruction in literature, sci
ence and the arts,33 the course extending over four
years. In June 1885, the number of students was
206, of whom 55 were law students; of the remaining
151 nearly one third was represented by females.34

Special mention must be made of the Agricultural
and Mechanical College, located four miles from
Bryan, Brazos county. It was incorporated by an
act of the legislature approved April 17, 1871, con
gress having granted November 1, 1866, 180,000
acres in land scrip for its foundation. The fund
derived from this donation amounted in 1872 to
$174,000, which were invested in bonds- of the state
bearing 7 per centum in gold. By successive appro
priations, made by the state, aggregating $187,000,
suitable buildings were erected, and the institution
was opened in October 1876, there being six pupils
in attendance. The increase in the number of stu-

wood, T. D. Wooten, E. J. Simkins, M. W. Garnett, James B. Clarke, M. L.
Crawford, and B. Hadra; A. P. Wooldridge, secretary. Tex. Univer., sess. 1,
1883-84, 2. One of the members of the board in 1886 was Geo. Thos Todd,
who was chairman of the committee of education, in 1881, which framed the
bill to establish and organize the university. Todd, when only four years of
age, was taken to Texas by his father who moved thither in 1843. He was edu
cated by his mother, whose maiden name was Eliza Ann Hudgins, and who
originated and conducted for many years a female educational institute at
Clarksville, Texas. He completed his education at the university of Vir
ginia, and on .his return practised law in Jefferson; on the outbreak of the
civil war volunteered in the 1st Texas regiment, and after served in Hood's
Texas brigade.*

33 Leading to the degrees of bachelor of arts, master of arts, bachelor of
letters, bachelor of science, and bachelor of laws.

34 From the reports sent in to the U. S. com. of education, 1884, it appears
that the other colleges and universities in Texas at that time were as fol
lows: St Mary's university, Galveston; Southwestern university, George
town; Baylor university, Independence; Mansfield, male and female college,
Mansfield; Salado college, Salado; Austin college, Sherman; Trinity univer
sity, Tehuacana; Waco university, Waco; Marvin college, Waxahatchie;
and Add Ran college, Thorp's spring. Five of these institutions admit
young men only, the other five are open to both sexes. The collegiate insti
tutions exclusively for young women are: Dallas Female college, Dallas;
Ursuline academy, Galveston; the Ladies' Annex of Southwestern univer
sity, Georgetown; Baylor Female college, Independence; Woodlawn Female
college, Paris; Nazareth academy, Victoria; and Waco Female college.
All these are authorized by law to confer degrees. There are also the Austin
Female institute, Bryan Female institute, and Soule college. U. S. fiept
Com. Educ., 1883-4, 264-5.

RELIGION. 547

dents was so rapid that the directors35 in their report
of January 1879, mention that in June 1878, there were
250 students, and that 416 applications for admission
had been filed, all of whom could not be received on
account of want of room. At the present time the
income derived from the United States grant amounts
to $14,280, the fund having increased by the accumula
tion of interest previous to the opening of the college.
A separate branch of this institution has been estab
lished in Waller county, exclusively for the use of
colored students. It is known as Prairie View school,
and in March, 1882, was attended by 51 students.36

As the reader is aware, religious intolerance pre
vailed in Texas down to the time of her independence.
Previous to this, a few attempts had been made by
clergvmen of the baptist denomination to organize
congregations, but their efforts had met with violent
opposition on the part of the authorities.37 In 1837,
however, a baptist church was organized at Washing
ton, Z. N. Morrell being chosen pastor, and money
was subscribed to build a house of worship.38 The

35 The management of the college was placed in the hands of a board of
directors, composed of the gov. who was pres. of the board, the lieut-gov.,
the speaker of the house of representatives, and six other members. Later
a board of trustees was formed, the pres. of which at the time of writing
is George Pfeuffer, who has done much by his able administration to raise
this institution to a high position, having secured for it ample endowments
and necessary appliances. Pfeuffer was born in Bavaria in 1830, migrated
to Texas in 1845, and settled at Corpus Christi, whence he removed 14 years
later to New Braunfeh. He was chairman of the senate com. on education.

36 U. S. Depart of Ajric., 1871, 329; 1872, 384; 1875, 52; H. Ex. Doc.,
cong. 42, sess. 2, vii., no. 327, 329; Tex. Gov. Mess., 1876, 1879; Tex. Kept
Prairie View School, 1882. By an act of the legislature, March 1881, it was
provided that three students from each senatorial district should be ap
pointed by the senators and representatives, and maintained and instructed
free of charge. To state students a course of study is assigned; paying
students make their own selection. In 1882 127 students were reported as
taking the full course; in 1884 only 108 were reported. H. Ex. Doc., cong.
47, sess. 1, vol. 12, 249-50, 610; Rept Com. Educ., 1883-4, 265, 663.

37 In 1826, Elder Joseph Bays preached at the house of Moses Shipman,
on the Brazos, and afterward moved to San Antonio. In 1829, Elder
Thomas Hanks also preached in Shipman's house. During the same year,
the first Sunday-school in Texas was organized by T. J. Pilgrim. Morrell' s
Flovxrs and Fruits, 72-3.

38 Morrell remarks that this was the first church ever organized in Texas
on strictly gospel principles, having the ordinances and officers of ancient

'order. Of course he means a baptist church.

543 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

first protestant episcopal church was established in
1838 at Matagorda by Caleb S. Ives, who collected
a conoreoration, established a school, and built a church.

O *3

During the same year R. M. Chapman organized a
parish in Houston.39

In early days, the Anglo-Texans cannot be said to
have exhibited much sentimentalism on the score of
religion ; indeed, they may be considered as forming a
somewhat godless community; but with the great in
flux of immigrants since the war of secession, Texas
has proved a fair field for evangelical enterprise. Many
denominations in 1888 were well represented in the
state. According to the United States' census of
1880, the number of methodists was 157,000, of cath
olics 150,000, of baptists 125,000, and of presbyterians
13,000.

The first printing-press in Texas was put into oper
ation at Nacogdoches, early in July 1819. It was
brought into the country under the auspices of Gen
eral Long, who established a provisional government
and a supreme council, which issued a declaration
proclaiming Texas an independent republic. The
printing-office was placed under the management of
Horatio Biglow, and was used for the publication of
various laws enacted and proclamations issued by that
ephemeral government.

Ten years afterward, the first regular newspaper
made its appearance. It was published at San Felipe,
and bore the title of The Cotton Plant, Godwin B. Cot-
ten being editor and proprietor. This publication was

39 The marriage ceremony in Texas had been little resorted to up to this
time. Marriages before the independence were illegal unless performed by
priests, who were offensive to the Anglo-Texans, and moreover, exacted a
fee of ,$25. A custom grew into vogue of the parties simply signing a bond
in the presence of witnesses, and then becoming husband and wife. By an
act of congress, approved June 5, 1837, provision was made to legalize these
marriages by bond by allowing parties so connected to take out a license in
due form, and be married before an ordained minister of the gospel, a judge
of a district court, a justice of a county court, or a justice of the peace, all
of whom were so authorized. Laws JRcpub. Tex., i. 233-5. In the autumn of
the same year, Morrell performed the rite under the new law. Flmvers and
Fruits, 78.

NEWSPAPERS. 549

issued under the above name during the four years
ending 1832, when it was called The Texas Republican.

The second paper was the Texas Gazette and Brazoria
Advertiser, which was published in Brazoria in 1830;
in September 1832, it was merged in the Constitutional
Advocate and Texas Public Advertiser, D. W. Anthony
being editor and proprietor, on the death of whom by
cholera, in July 1833, the paper ceased to be issued.

Next in order was the Texas Republican, published
at Brazoria by F. C. Gray, of New York, December
17, 1834. It was printed on the old press introduced
by Gotten, and in January 1835, was the only paper
published in Texas. In August 1836, the issue was
discontinued.40

The fourth paper is of historic interest, being the
Telegraph, which was started by Gail and Thomas H.
Borden and Joseph Baker at San Felipe in August
1835. When that town was abandoned by the gov
ernment, in April 1836, on the approach of the Mex
icans, the press was conveyed to Harrisburg, and
while the twenty-second number was being printed,
the forces of Santa Anna entered the town. Six
copies only had been struck off when the printers,
press, and type were seized by the Mexicans. The
material was thrown into Bray's Bayou.41 In the
following August, the Bordens, having bought a new
press and material, revived the Telegraph at Columbia,
and subsequently moved to Houston, where the paper
was published for many years under the title of the
Houston Telegraph.^

After the independence, the number of newspapers
increased rapidly," the first daily paper ever published

w Gray's wife was a shrewd woman, and was charged with intriguing to
effect the escape of Santa Anna. Her husband fell under suspicion, and he
removed to California, where he became wealthy. Subsequently he returned
to N. York, and committed suicide. Tex. Edit, and Press Awoc., 1875, no. 2, 2.

41 One at least of the six copies is still in existence. The paper was pub
lished in quarto form.

*2 In 1875 it was the oldest newspaper in the state. Letter of John Forbes.

43 Mention must be made of the Texas Planter, published at Brazoria, in
.1837, byT. Leger and A. P. Thompson; the Civilian, established by Hamilton
Stuart in 1838 at Galveston; the Austin City Gazette, started in Oct. 1839 by

550 INSTITUTIONAL AND EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

in Texas being the Morning Star, by Cruger and
Moore of the Telegraph, from about 1840 to 1844.
Previous to this time papers were issued weekly, bi
weekly, or tri-weekly, according to circumstances.44
According to the census of 1880, 280 newspapers
and periodicals were published in Texas, which num
ber, by 1888, was considerably increased. On Septem
ber 10, 1873, the Texas Editorial and Press Association
was organized, and formally incorporated April 5,
1875, under the act of the legislature approved April
23, 1874, entitled, "An act concerning private corpo
rations.'"

Samuel Whiting; and the Texas Sentinel, at Austin, in Jan. 1840, by Jacob
W. Cruger and Geo. W. Bonnell. The first paper published at G-alvestoii
was the Times, edited and owned by Ferdinand Pinkard; and as early as
1835 a paper was established at Matagorda by Simon Mussina, and published
for about three years. At San Luis, on San Luis island, west of Galveston,
was published in 1840 the Advocate, which, during its brief existence, wa-j
the largest, handsomest, and ablest paper of its time in Texas. T. Robinson
and M. Hopkins were the principal editors and managers. Both city and
paper have long since passed out of existence. In 1839 the Gazette was started
at Richmond on the Brazos, R. E. Handy, one of Gen. Houston's volunteer
aids at San Jacinto, being editor.

44 Kennedy, however, makes mention of a daily paper being published as
early as June 1839. He fails to supply the names. Tex., ii. 393.

45 The association had power to buy, hold, and sell property; to maintain
and defend judicial proceedings; to make contracts; to borrow money on the
credit of the association, each stockholder being only liable to creditors for
the unpaid portion of his stock; and to make proper and needful by-laws.
Capital stock $10,000, to be divided into shares of §25, and capable of being
increased to $50,000. Tex. Ed. Press Assoc., charter, etc., nos 1, 3, and 4.

CHAPTER XXI.

INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.
1835-1888.

PHYSICAL DIVISIONS — A FOREST REGION — THE LEVEL PRAIRIES or THE
GULF COAST— CENTRAL HIGHLANDS— A VAST CATTLE REGION — THE
PANHANDLE AND STAKED PLAIN — CLIMATE AND RAINFALL — COTTON
PRODUCTION— THE CEREALS — PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE— CATTLE
STATISTICS — STOCK TRAILS TO THE NORTH — THE TEXAS FEVER — WIRE
FENCE TROUBLES — SHEEP AND HORSES — MINERALS— MANUFACTURING
AND MECHANICAL INDUSTRIES — FOREIGN COMMERCE — IMPORTS AND EX
PORTS — THE POSTAL SERVICE — RAILROAD SYSTEMS— THE OLDEST LINES
—HOUSTON THE NATURAL CENTRE — NARROW GAUGE LINES— LIBER
ALITY OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT — THE STRIKE AT FORT WORTH.

TEXAS, which comprises 226 counties, of which 176
were organized by January 1886, is naturally divided,
in an agricultural point of view, into six grand divis
ions, differing in physical features and in the charac
ter of their soils, most of which, however, are of
extraordinary fertility.1

The first of these divisions is known as east Texas,
and includes the territory lying between the Sabine
and Trinity rivers, and that portion of the state situ
ated between the Sabine and Red rivers. The soil
varies in character, but a distinctive class is that

1 C. A. Westbrook, a prominent land owner and improver of stock, states
that the Brazos bottom land is considered superior to any other in Texas.
He was born in North Carolina, Jan. 1, 1838, and arrived in Texas in 1858.
The estimates of the area of Texas, and the apportionments thereof may
vary considerably. The Texas Farm, Jan. 15, 1886, gives the following fig
ures: prairie, 110,423,100 acres; forest, 15,000,000; improved, 25,000,000;
cultivated, 8,000,000; and covered with water 11,676,040; the unavailable
land being 11,676,040 acres, making a total of 170,099,200 acres. By the
Texas Re-view, Jan. 1886, 310-11, the following statistics are supplied: area
176,000,000 acres of which 111,179,785 are prairie lands; 46,302,500 timber
land, the remainder covered with water. About 13,000,000 acres are im
proved, of which about 7,000,000 are in cultivation.

(551)

552 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

known as the red lands, which extend through several
counties from that of Houston to the Sabine. East
Texas is a great timbered region and produces a
variety of forest trees, of which the principal are the
pine, attaining an enormous growth, the white oak,
white and red cypress, magnolia, hickory, pecan, and
cedar. Many saw-mills are in operation, preparing
the timber supplied from these forests, the number
greatly increasing along the railroad lines. With
regard to the magnolia, large tracts are found
occupied exclusively by woods of this beautiful tree,
the timber of which is very hard, fine-grained, and
takes a polish like satin. In the cultivated dis
tricts of eastern Texas cotton and corn are the staple
crops, though sugar is cultivated in some counties on
the bottom lands of the Trinity. Fruit trees thrive
especially on the red lands, the peaches produced
thereon being famous for their flavor and size.

South Texas is that portion of the state which lies
along the gulf of Mexico, extending from 20 to 100
miles into the interior. It is a vast prairie plain ris
ing imperceptibly to the hilly regions of central Texas.
The great prairies of which this division is composed
are intersected by innumerable rivers and streams,
and are for the most part treeless, timber being only
found along the margins of the streams which are
densely wooded, and in isolated groups of elms and
live-oaks, called " islands" or "motts. " The soil is
unsurpassed in richness, being of alluvial origin, sup
plemented by sedimentary deposits of the receded
waters of the gulf and decayed vegetable matter.
The depth of the soil in the river valleys is very
great; it has been examined to the depth of 30 feet,
where it shows scarcely a perceptible difference from
the surface soil. On the prairies the land is hardly
so rich ; the soil is of a black tenacious nature, while
that of the valleys is of a chocolate color. The staple
products are sugar-cane, cotton, and corn ; vegetables
of all kinds flourish exceedingly well; and many

NATURAL DIVISIONS. 553

tropical fruits, such as the orange, banana, and guava
i can be successively cultivated in certain localities.

Central Texas extends from the Trinity to the Colo
rado and the 99th degree west longitude, and from
the southern alluvial plain to the 32d degree north
latitude. Its physical features are of a hilly charac
ter, displaying gentle undulations as it rises from the
southern plain, gradually developing into highlands
and valleys which assume, as the traveller journeys
inland, a somewhat mountainous aspect. The soils
in this region are loams of various colors, black, brown,
red, and chocolate, but all containing sand in such
proportion as to render them easy of tillage. A large
portion, probably one fourth, is timbered ; and as this
division is composed of hills and valleys, rolling prai
ries,2 and forests, the landscape scenery is indescrib
ably beautiful. Cotton, corn, oats, and other cereals
are here produced, and the northern portion is a
favorite wheat-growing region. Immense herds of
swine are raised in the vicinities of the post-oak for
ests, and sheep, horses, and cattle by thousands thrive
on the prairies and hill sides.

Situated on the north of this division and west of
eastern Texas is north Texas, terminated on the west
by the 99th meridian. It is a region composed of
forests and prairies, the soil being a loam of three
varieties, namely the dark sandy loam of the forests,

2 Mention must be made of the ' hog-wallow ' prairies, situated in the
northern portion of this division. They are so called from the multitudes of
small depressions in the surface. The soil in these prairies are as black as
tar, and after a rainfall as sticky and cloggy. The following explanation of
the origin of these wallows is given by S. B. Buckley in the Firxt Annual
Jf'-jnrt of the Geological and Agricultural Survey of Texas, 1874, 112. 'The
past summer was unusually dry in many parts of the state, and large cracks
were made in all soils abounding in wallows. Big rains came, flooding
many parts of the country. Afterwards in passing where the hog-wallows
prevailed, we could see plainly how they were made. The holes made by the
cracks were being filled in part by the washing in of loose earth, made loose
on the edges of the cracks by the rain, and there not being sufficient earth
to fill the very deep cracks depressions were made. These things were re
peatedly seen by the members of our party, and left no doubt in the mind of
any one as to the cause of wallows. ' The soil successfully resists the severest
• drouths. If deeply plowed the crops will be green and flourishing when
those around them are perishing for want of moisture.

554 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

the sticky black of the prairies, and the alluvial of
the valleys. With the exception of the pine the
forests contain varieties of timber similar to those of
east Texas and the northern portion of central Texas.
A new tree, however, here appears, the Osage orange,
or bois d' arc, which attains a large size, and is in
great demand for railroad ties on account of its abil
ity to resist decay. The staple products are the same
as those in north central Texas, especially wheat.3

Western Texas comprises that extensive territory
lying south of the 32d parallel of latitude, and west
of the 99th meridian to the Colorado, thence extend
ing on the west and south of that river, to the gulf of
Mexico. This is the most sparsely populated portion
of the state. It contains every variety of soil and
physical formation. Level and rolling prairies,
deserts, dense forests, high table-lands, valleys, deep
canons, and rugged mountains, are found to succeed
each other as the traveller moves from the sea-board

3N. M. Burford, of Dallas county, speaking of northern Texas, says that
the adjustment of the difficulties which once existed in connection with the
old Peter's colony marked an epoch in the history of northern Texas. By
the terms of the contract between the colony company and the republic of
Texas each family introduced was to receive 640 acres of land, and each
single man 320 acres. The convention which framed the first constitution
of the state of Texas in 1845, among other acts passed an ordinance declar
ing that the company had failed to carry out their contract, and was not
entitled to any land. Thus both the company ami many immigrants, who
had been introduced, had no titles to their lands. The contract expired July
1, 1848, and settlers kept arriving till that date. Great excitement was the
consequence of this doubtful possessory right to their farms and homes, and
the trouble continued till 1852, when the legislature passed a law granting
to each head of family 640 acres, and to each single man 320 acres, upon
proper proof being produced, of settlement prior to July 1, 1848. The com
pany was compensated for their services in. introducing colonists by a grant
of 700 sections of land located west of the settled portions of colony. Gov.
Bell appointed Col Thomas W. Ward commissioner for the purpose of deter
mining who were entitled to lands and issuing certificates. Since that time
there has been 1 ittle trouble in that portion of the state with regard to land
titles. Burford was born in Tenn., June 24, 1824, migrated to Texas in 1846,
and settled in Dallas county in 1848, having been admitted to the bar in
18 io. He served as (list atty and dist judge of the 16th judicial dist, and en-
tared the confederate army in 1861 as a private under Gen. Ben McCulloch,
being made col of the 19th Texas cav. in April of the following year. In
the spring of 1865, Burford resigned, and was elected to the state legislature
in 1866, and later again filled several judicial offices. In Jan. 1854 he married
Mary Knight, daughter of an old pioneer of Dallas county. Notes on Peters
Ool., MS.

CONFIGURATION AND CLIMATE. 555

on a curvilinear route trending northward. This
vast region is the peculiar feeding ground of immense
herds of cattle and flocks of sheep, especially along the
Rio Grande. In the central and northern portions
wheat and other cereals are cultivated, but farming is
generally neglected, agriculture being a secondary
consideration to the great industry of stock-raising.
Of the region lying west of the Pecos river, much
still remains to be known. It has hardly any popula
tion, except in the small towns on the Rio Grande,
in El Paso county, and in the vicinity of the United
States military posts. The same is the case with
Tom Green and Crockett counties, two of the largest
in the state, lying on the north-east of the Pecos
river.4

The sixth and last natural division has acquired the
name of the panhandle of Texas. It includes the ter
ritory lying north of the 34th parallel of north lati
tude, and west of the 100th meridian. The greater
portion of this region consists of prairies, which are
intersected by large tracts of b/oken country con
taining rugged hills and gorges. Sandy deserts, too,
are met with, and the great Llano Estacado, or
Staked Plain, extends along the south-western portion
of it.5 The prairies and staked plain are covered
with a variety of rich grasses, among which may be
mentioned the mesquite and gamma, blue-stem, bunch
sedge, and buffalo grassa This portion of Texas is
well adapted to grazing and stock-raising, the belief
that it was generally deficient in water being exploded
by later investigations. The panhandle is intersected
by innumerable ravines, in most of which small
streams and pools are found; in the prairies, also,
depressions frequently occur, which, filled by the rains

*The four largest counties, are, Presidio, 12,955 sq. miles: Tom Green,
2,579; Pecos, 11,379, and Crockett, 10,029 sq. miles. SpaiyJit's Official Map,

0 This immense plain extends in a geological point of view, from the
northern point of the state, southward, nearly to the northern boundaries of
Kinney, Uralde, and Medina counties, west of San Antonio. Tex. Geolog.
A(jric. Survey, second annual report, 1876, 31.

556 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

hold water during the greater part of the year, even
in seasons of severe drought. This impervious quality
of the soil authorizes the assertion that artificial
reservoirs can be successfully constructed, capable of
supplying large herds of cattle and a considerable
population with water all the year.6

The climate of Texas varies from moderately tem
perate to semi-tropical according to altitude and
locality. At Fort Davis in Presidio county, 5,000
feet above the sea level, in January 1873 the ther
mometer was once 15° below zero, and, in the northern
portion of the state, snow and ice and extremely cold
weather are experienced in the winter; but the cold
is never protracted, the weather during the larger
portion of that season being . mild and pleasant. In
the central part snow and ice are seldom seen, and in
the extreme south are of very rare occurrence. The
rain-fall in Texas is as varied as the climate. Never
theless the 100th meridian may be regarded as a
dividing line between two regions subject to rain-falls
widely differing in quantity and regularity. East of
that line the rains are abundant and rarely fail; west
of it they are irregular, droughts frequently occur,
and the quantity is greatly diminished.7

6 The panhandle is the 43d representative district, and sends to the legis
lature only one representative, who, in 1886 was J. W. Browning of Wheeler
county. Browning came to Texas at the age of 16, and settled in Shackel-
ford county in. 1867, beginning life as a cowboy. He found time, however,
to study law at intervals, and was admitted to the bar in 1876. Having
served as justice of the peace and county attorney for Shackelford county,
in 1881 he was appointed district attorney of the new judicial district then
formed. He was elected to the lower house of the legislature in ] 882. He
was opposed to leasing the public lands to cattlemen. The above description,
of Texas is mainly derived from the reports of S. B. Buckley, already
quoted; Texas; Her Resources and Capabilities, issued by the South-western
Immigration company in 1881; and Spaight's Resources, Soil, dim. Tex.t
1882.

7 The average annual rainfall east of the 100th meridian may be set down
at from about 30 inches, southern lexa.3 exceeding, and central and northern
Texas falling short of this average. The fall in the western portion of the
state is much below this. With respect to this region, particulars are some
what deficient; but some estimate of an average may be derived from the
mean annual rainfall at the following places, as supplied in Spaight's official
map of 1882. Eagle pass, Maverick county, 26.06 inches; El Paso, 13.12;
Fort Davis, Presidio county, 22.45; Fort McKavett, Meiiard county, 22.71;
and Fort Elliot, Wheeler county, 16.47, The rainfall is, however, increasing,

AGRICULTURE. 557

Tlie cause of this difference lies in the fact that the
prevailing winds along the coast and the eastern in
terior of Texas are southerly and south-easterly, and
coming from the gulf, the atmosphere is heavily
charged with vapor, whereas, the winds which sweep
from the south and south-west, over western Texas,
are robbed of their humidity in their passage over
the cordilleras of Mexico, and the dry arid regions in
the north of that republic.

Among the agricultural productions of Texas, cotton
takes the lead, exceeding in value that of all others
put together, excluding Indian corn. In 1879, the
culture of this plant extended over 2,178,435 acres,
which had increased in 1882 to 2,810,113 acres, yield
ing 674,427,120 pounds of cotton, and it is to be ob
served that the yield per acre is greater in Texas
than in any other state.8 The value of the yield for
1882 was nearly $60,000,000.

Of cereals Indian corn is more extensively culti
vated than any other. In 1879, 2,468,587 acres were
sown with this grain, yielding 29,065,172 bushels; in
1881 a crop of 33,377,000 bushels, worth $33,043,230
was produced on 2,803,700 acres; and in 1882 the
number of bushels amounted to 63,416,300. Next in
value follow oats, the productions of which in bushels
for the same three years are represented respectively
by the figures 4,893,359, 8,324,000, and 9,239,600,
the last amount being estimated. The value of the
crop of 1881 was $5,077,640.

Wheat was introduced into Texas by the early set
tlers merely as an experiment, in the endeavor to
furnish flour for home consumption in those districts
which were remote from a market. For many years
it was cultivated only to very small extent,9 and in

owing to the increasing area of land put under cultivation, and the increased
growth of trees on the prairies.

8 In the last mentioned year Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas produced
the greatest yield per acre, the respective figures, showing the proportion,
being 240, 235, and 233. Ihe figures for all other cotton growing states were
below 200. U. 8. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 47, sess. 1., vol. 26, 673-4.

9 According to the census of 1850, the total production of the state was
only,41,729 bushels.

INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

early days the belief prevailed that the soil of Texas
was not adapted to its culture.10 Eut these impres
sions yielded to more careful attention to the selecticn
of suitable land. It was discovered that a great belt
suitable for the most successful cultivation of wheat
extends through northern and central Texas, and
further developments have proved wheat-producing
land is not limited to that region. In 1879 there
were 373,612 acres sown with this cereal, yielding 2,-
5G7,7GO bushels; in 1881, 3,339,000 bushels were
produced on 263,200 acres, valued at $4,674,600; the
estimate for 1882 being 4,173,700 bushels.11

Other grains, barley, rye, and buckwheat are only
cultivated to a small extent.12 Experiments have
been made with rice, but have not been sufficiently
encouraging to hold out the expectation that it will
ever become a staple production. Tobacco culture
receives little attention, as also that of the sugar-cane.
Viticulture is assuming some importance, some kinds
of grapes thriving well in most of the settled portions
of the state. The wine produced, however, is mostly
manufactured for home consumption, its exportation
not being so profitable as other productions. The El
Paso grape is one of the finest in the world, and the
wine made from it has long been in great repute.

In 1860 the number of farms in Texas was 42,891
comprising 25,344,028 acres; in 1870 there were 61,-
125 farms with 18,396,523 acres; and in 1880, 174,-
184, with 36,292,219 acres, valued at $170,468,886.
The relative percentages of unimproved land for these
years are respectively represented by the figures,
89.5, 83.9, and 65.1. The size of these farms varied

10 Parker writing in 1834-5 says: ' Wheat will not grow in this country.
The stalk Mall run up rank, but the ear will not fill with plump kernels.'
Trip to the West and Tex., 141.

11 The above statistics are taken from the report of the commissioner of
agriculture for 1881-2, in U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 47, sess. 1, vol. 2G, 577-
676 passim.

Vi James A. Recldick gives the following average yield per acre of cereals
in Texas: wheat, 20 bush.; oats and barley, 70 bush.; corn from 25 to 40
bush. Reddick was born at La Grange, Fayette county, and served through
the confederate war.

STOCK RAISING. 559

from less than three acres — of which there were very
few — to over 1,000 acres, the averages for the same
years being respectively, 591,301, and 208 acres. In
1880 the total amount of improved land taken up as
forms was 129,65,314 acres, and of unimproved 23,-
641,905 acres, including 15,851,365 acres of woodland
and forest. The number of persons engaged in all
the occupations of agriculture during the same year
was 359,317, of whom 330,125 were males. The
number of male laborers is represented by the figures
119,295, arid of female laborers by 24,517. The total
number of farmers and planters was 200,404, of whom
4,562 were females, the balance of the number, 359,-
317 being represented by stock-raisers, herders, gar
deners, vine-growers and others.13

Agriculture in Texas occasionally suffers both from
droughts and floods. Grasshoppers and locusts 14 have
also assailed the crops, but their visits are of rare oc-
curence. Where formerly the buffalo roamed in
countless numbers,15 immense herds of cattle now find
their pasture grounds. Before the civil war almost
the entire area of Texas was one vast feeding ground
for cattle, horses and sheep, but during the last
twenty years great changes have been effected by the
influx of immigrants, who have taken up large quan
tities of lands, previously ranged over by stock, and

13 U. 8. Census, 1880, vol. 1. The following table, taken from the report
of the commissioner of agriculture, represents the fluctuations in the average
rates of monthly wages paid farm laborers, with and without board, in five
years, during the period from 18GG to 1882.

| 1866 | 18(39 | 1875 ~1 1879 |

Without board I $19.00 I $18.83 I $19.50 I $18.27

With board.. 12.72 13.21 13.37 11.49

$20.20
14.03

u Grasshoppers made their first appearance in 1848, the swarms coining
from the north with the October winds. They again appeared in 1856 and
1857, from the same quarter. Tex. Aim., 1861, 138.

13 The buffalo is now extinct in Texas, but as late as 1876 great numbers
were to be found in the panhandle. W. C. Koogle, a large cattle-raiser
was once engaged in hunting them in that region, and remarks that though
1,000,000 of them were needlessly killed, their destruction did more than
any other thing to civilize the country, inasmuch as it compelled the savages,
who mainly depended on them for food and covering, to seek other hunting
grounds. Koogle was born in Maryland in 1849, and settled in the pan
handle in 1876. Remarks on Tex., MS.

530 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

converted them into cultivated farms. In this part of
the state, comprising the greater portion of eastern,
northern, central, and southern Texas, cattle are
raised mostly as domestic animals. Consequently the
great ranges are now to be found in the region west
of the 98th meridian, and south of a line extending
from San Antonio to Matagorda; in the southern
portion of this extensive region probably more cattle
are raised than in any other division of the state.16
The panhandle, however, is admitted to be, without
exception, the best stock country in Texas; it is com
paratively a new country, but the staked plain is
being gradually recognized to be as fine a grazing
region as can be found in the United States.17 During
the last decade the increase in the number of stock
has been enormous, as will be evident to the reader by
referring to the table below, showing the statistic for
the last six years only.18

16 It was estimated in 1885 that there were fully 2,500,000 head of cattle
in the south of Texas. U. S. Bureau of Statistics, Report, Cattle Business,
May 16, 1885, 108.

17 The panhandle was first partially stocked in 1876. In Nov. 1877
Charles Goodnight located a herd of 2,200 head of cattle. According to the
reports there were 225, 857 head in July 1880. U. S. H. Misc., cong. 47, sess.
2, vol. 13, pt 3, gen. fo. 972. G. W. Littlefield established a rancho in
Oldham and Potter counties, and sold it in June 1881 to a Scotch syndicate
for 8253,000. Littkfield's Remarks on Cat. and Agric., MS.

~l8' 1880 | 1881 | 1882~~ | 1883 | 1884 | 1885
4,^1)4,600 | 5,104,300 | 5,535,200 | 6,088,700 | 6,592,500 | 9,OOJ,000

The above figures, with the exception of those for 1885, do not reach
the actual numbers. This is explained by Geo. B. Loving, of Fort Worth,
in his letter of Jan. 20, 1885, to the chief of the U. S. bureau of statistics.
He states that according to the comptroller's report, the assessment rolls of
the state showed that on Jan. 1, 1884, there were at least 7,000,000 head of
cattle in the state, and that the actual number of cattle in Jan. 1885 was about
9,000,000; the discrepancy arises from the fact that but few, if any, of the
largest ranchmen render the full number of cattle owned by them for taxa
tion. U. S. Bureau Stat., ut sup., 102; Wood Bros., Live Stock Movement. It
is, indeed, impossible to give any other than approximate numbers, as statis
tical tables compiled by different individuals show extraordinary differences.
For instance the tables supplied in Proceedings of the First National Convention
of Cattle Growers of the United States, held in St. Louis, Mo., Nov. 1884, pp.
12-3, give 5,060,715 as the number for 1883, and 4,894,692 for 1884; and
these figures are supposed to include all cattle on farms, ranchos, and ranges.
One of the largest cattle owners in Texas is Col. C. C. Slaughter, of Dallas
county. In Howard, Borden, Dawson, and Martin counties he owns 220,000
acres of land in fee -simple, and has 340,000 acres under lease. In 1882 he
refused §1,000,000 for his cattle interests alone. He also owns half interest

THE CATTLE BUSINESS. 561

In a country so productive of increase, cattle-dealing
has become a great business, and yearly hundreds of
thousands of animals are driven northward to ranges
in Nebraska, Dakota, Colorado, Wyoming, Montana,
and Idaho, where cattle, as experience has proved,
increase more rapidly in weight than if raised for
market on the Texas ranges. This business has
grown up chiefly during the last fifteen years, the
movement varying year by year.19 Latterly, the great
markets for driven cattle have been Dodge City,
Kansas, and Ogalalla, Nebraska, which are reached
by regular cattle trails, the drovers having been
crowded away, farther and farther west, from the old
main route by the rapid settlement of Kansas. The
railroads, also, now transport stock in great numbers.
It is considered that the establishment by the United
States' congress of a great national cattle trail leading
northward would conduce greatly to the cattle-raising
interests in Texas. The fact that the main line,
known as the Fort Griffin and Dodge City trail, is

in a rancho of 100,000 acres in the panhandle. He was born in Sabine county,
Feb. 9, 1837, was a captain of rangers, and in 1885 was elected president of
the Cattle Association of West Texas. Slaughter's Notes on Tex., MS. Col.
W. Crawford Young is another man of enterprise. He was born in Kentucky,
Dec. 9, 1820; served in the confederate army, and in 1879 settled in Garza
county, Texas. In 1883 he formed the Llano Cattle co., selling 80,000
acres of land. He owns 15,000 head of cattle and believes that the Hereford
breed is the best adapted to the climate of that section of the country. Young's
Statements, MS. L. B. Collins, who went to Texas in 1805, considers that the
best class of stock for the country is the Durham; though he says the Hereford
cattle are excellent to cross with the native Texas animal. The Burmuda
stock is also good for crossing. L. B. Collins was born in Louisiana, April
22, 1848. Remarks on Stock, MS. N. C. Baldwin remarks that with care,
imported stock do very well in Texa^, and little loss need be feared. Baldidns
RcfiHtrks on Stock, MS. John S. Andrews, of Dallas county, is a prominent
stock-raiser, and has been engaged in that business along the western border
for many years. Biog. Sketch, MS.

19 U. S. Bureau of Statistics, lit sup., 23-4. John B. Slaughter, brother of
C. C. Slaughter, has been engaged largely in this business, which is very
profitable. His first venture was made in. 1873, when he paid §7 for yearlings
and §10 and $12 respectively for animals two years and three years old. He
drove them to Kansas, and after wintering them, sold the beeves afc the rate
of $20 a head; the yearlings he kept till the spring of 1875, when they real
ized $32 a head. Slaughter, Cattle-dealing, MS. John Sparks was the first
cattle-dealer who imported the long-horned Texas steers into the state of
Virginia. He was born in Mississippi, Aug. 30, 1843, and went with his
father's family to Texas in 1857. He realized a considerable fortune in the
business, and has an interest in large cattle ranches in Nevada and Idaho.
Sparks' Notes, MS.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 36

562 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

being gradually forced westward, has led to the appre
hension that eventually no way will be open through
the country where a sufficient supply of water at
necessary intervals can be found. On January 17,
1885, James F. Miller, of Texas, introduced in the
house of representatives a bill to establish a quaran
tined live-stock trail through Indian Territory to the
southwest corner of Kansas, thence over the unap
propriated public lands, on the most practicable route,
to the north boundary of the United States.20

That the reader may understand the requirement
that Texas cattle should be made subject to quaran
tine, it is necessary to explain that an extraordinary
and destructive bovine disease is generated in that
state, known as the Texas fever; also called splenic
fever and Spanish fever. It is endemic rather than
epidemic, the cause of it being yet unknown. The
lowlands on the gulf of Mexico are admitted to be the
locality of its origin, and the infected area is believed
to embrace more than half of the state.21 It is a re
markable fact that the cattle of southern Texas do not
themselves suffer from this disease, but communicate
it when they are driven north to the cattle of more
northern latitudes, the infection being the result of
the latter walking over or feeding upon the trails along
which the former have passed.22

20 It was proposed that this trail should be of any practicable width not ex
ceeding six miles, and the quarantined grazing-grouiids should not exceed 12
miles square at any one place. U. S. Bureau of Statistic*, ut sup., 27, 160.
The approximate number of cattle driven north from Texas during the period
from 1866 to 1884 inclusive, is 5,201,132, the greatest ' drive ' being in 1871,
and numbering 600,000. The 'drive' of 1884 was 300,000, which, at $17 a
head, amounted to $5,100,000.

21 Its northern limit is supposed to be bounded by an irregular line extend
ing in a southwesterly direction from the northeast corner of Grayson county
to long. 100°; thence westerly to El Paso county; thence northwest to
the border of N. Mexico.

22 The generally accepted theory is that the disease exists in a latent
state in the cattle of southern Texas, under conditions of food and climate
which prevent impairment of the health of the animal; during the migration
northward the latent cause of disease passes off in fecal matter, and is inhaled
or taken into the stomachs of the northern animals when they feed on ground
passed over by Texas cattle. To animals thus infected the disease is fatal.
Experience proves that it is never communicated north of South Platte river
The committee of the Wyoming Stock-growers' Association, appointed t&

SHEEP AND HORSES. 563

During late years, syndicates of cattle-raisers have
been formed, which have acquired large tracts of land
in western Texas. These extensive properties have
been surrounded by wire fences, which have occasioned
much trouble between agricultural settlers and the
cattlemen. When farmers found their roads to the
nearest towns closed, they proceeded to open them by
cutting the fence wires. This action was resisted,
and not a few lives were lost in the quarrels which
ensued. The right of road question became so serious
from the determination of the farmers to insist upon
their really just demand for convenient lines of transit
to and from their farms, that Governor Ireland con
vened a special session of the legislature in December
1883, to legislate on the matter.

/ O

As the reader is aware, cattle raiding on the Rio
Grande frontier has been carried on for many years.
These depredations, however, are diminishing yearly
in magnitude, owing, in a measure, to the organiza
tion of cattlemen's associations for the mutual protec
tion and benefit of stock owners.

In sheep raising Texas takes the lead of all other
states of the union in almost as marked a degree as

Cf

in cattle breeding.23 The number of horses also is

o

in excess of that of any other state except- Illinois.
The subjoined table gives the comparative figures for

investigate the subject, reported at the annual meeting, April 1885, that
cattle brought from southern Texas are only dangerous for about 60 days
from the time of leaving their native ranges. The cause of the disease is
eliminated while on the trail. On March 12, 18S5, a quarantine law was
passed by the state of Kansas, prohibiting cattle being driven into the state
from south of the 37th parallel of north latitude during the months from
March 1st to Dec. 1st; a similar law was parsed March 20, 1885, by the state
of Colorado, assigning the 33th parallel as the quarantine line, the prohibition
period being from March 1st to Nov. 1st. In New Mexico, Nebraska, and
Wyoming quarantine laws are in force. They are less rigid, however, and
their application is left to the decision of executive officers, whose duty it is
to determine when quarantine regulations shall be enforced and when dis
continued. Id., 31-5, 134-7.

2!JC. H. Rogers of Nueces county remarks that, since the country has
been fenced, there is a] disposition on the part of sheepmen to change
their business to that of' cattle and horse breeding; not that the sheep busi
ness will not pay, but that they believe cattle and horses will pay better on
inclosed ranges than sheep. Remarks on Stock Raising, MS.

564

INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

the four leading states in each of these industries for
five years.24

In 1858 the legislature passed a law authorizing a
geological and agricultural survey of the state, and
the appointment of a state geologist. B. F. Shur-
nard commenced work in 1859, but only accomplished
superficial and partial reconnoisances of small portions
of the state, and was superseded in the following year
by Francis Moore. The civil war and the subsequent
confusion which prevailed in Texas interrupted opera
tions for many years, and it is only during the last
decade that information of value has been obtained
relative to the mineral resources of the state.

It has been ascertained that immense coal deposits
exist in rich veins found in a wide belt extending from
Clay and Montague counties in the north to Webb
county in the south. Little enterprise, however, has
hitherto been displayed in the exploitation of this
mineral wealth, and the principal mines opened are
chiefly worked by the railroad companies for locomo
tive fuel.25

SHEEP.

Texas

1880
5,940,200

1881
6,850,000

1882
7 877 500

1883
7 956 °00

1884
8 035 700

California

5 727 300

6 265 000

5 907 600

6 203*000

(i 35° '^Oft

N~ Mexico

2 990 700

3 950 100

3 960 000

4 4.^5 <Y)Q

4- 4-70 ^00

Ohio

4,902,400

4,951,500

5,050,500

5,090,000

4,900,000

HORSES.

Texa-j

896,000

947,500

1,023 500

1 0',jS 100

1 095 100

Illinois

1 1*>5 300

1 134 900

1 141 103

1 151 °00

1 159 700

Missouri

859,700

861,300

871 800

896 600

948 900

Iowa. .

836,700

812.300

883.900

939.100

990.70ft

Numerical exactness in statistics of this kind is impossible, but the above
figures are as approximately correct as can be attained. The quantity of
wool produced in Texas in 1880 was 6,928,019 Ibs at the spring clip; in 1883
the clip was estimated at 3 1,000, 000 Ibs. U. S. Bureau ofStat.^ no. 4, 1883-4,
545-6; Wood Bros Live Stock Movement. Attention is being paid to improve
ment in the breed of horses. J. Johnson had a fine horse called Blue
Bird which beat, Nov. 16, 1885, Lela B., the winner of a race for
$30,000 at Sacramento, Cal., in the previous September. Johnson, Race-horses
in Tex., MS. The number of hogs in Texas increased from 1,900 000 in
1880 to 2, 153, 000 in 1884.

'25 In 1885 the principal mines worked were those in Palo Pinto, Parker,
Webb, Maveric, and Presidio counties, and in the Eagle mountains in the
extreme west of Texas. It is estimated that the coal fields in Texas extend
over an area of 30,000 sq. miles. Rept Sec. Int., cong. 41, sess. 3, 195; Land
and Thompson's Galveston, 39-42.

MIXES AND MANUFACTURES. 565

The iron vein enters Texas from the northeast in
Bowie county, and the ore is found in abundance in
the eastern counties, and in the mountainous districts
of the upper Colorado and its tributaries. In Llano
county there is a massive hill of iron ore, 30 feet high,
800 long, and 500 wide. The ore has been tested and
found to yield 70 per cent of pure iron.26 As yet the
development of this mining industry, like that of coal,
is only in its infancy. It does not appear that any
enterprise in iron smelting was engaged in before the
civil war. During that period three small furnaces
were erected.

Another metal which Texas yields in great abun
dance is coppcr,the belt of which extends from Wichita
county southward, with some interruptions, and a
westerly bend to Pecos and Presidio counties. A
company was chartered in 1885 to work copper mines
in Archer county, which may be considered as the
first serious step taken toward the establishment of
this industry in the state. Silver-bearing ores, prin
cipally argentiferous galena, crop out in Llano county
and can be traced to San Saba and Burnett counties
where old Spanish mines are still to be seen, as also
along the Pecos river. Lead is found in El Paso,
Presidio, Gonzales, and Gillespie counties.

Valuable deposits of salt are found in Gregg, Hi
dalgo, Van Zandt, El Paso and many other counties.
Along the Rio Grande it is found in inexhaustible
quantities, the salt lakes of El Paso being famous.
Equally so is the Sal del Hey in Hidalgo, which is a
large body of salt water about one mile in diameter
and nearly circular in shape. From this lake the
people of Texas was supplied with salt during the
civil war. Building stone of every description exists
throughout the state, and Burnett, Llano, and San
Saba counties contain beautiful varieties of marble of

26 Geo. T. Todd narrates that in early days wagoners on the roads lead
ing into Jefferson used flat iron rocks on which to bake their bread, and beat
the same into horse-shoes without the trouble of smelting the ore. Jefferson
Iron News, Feb. 10, 1886.

56G INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

different colors, white, black, flesh color, and clouded.

The manufacturing and mechanical industries are
but slightly developed in Texas. It is essentially an
agricultural country, and the various industries en
gaged in under the above two general heads are not
pursued to an extent adequate to meet the home de
mand. According to the United States census of
1880 the total value of all such products for that
year was only $20,719,928, employing a capital of
$9,245,561 and 12,159 hands, 11,645 being males
above 16 years of age. The wages paid during the
same period amounted to $3,343,087, and the value
of the materials used to $12,956,269, showing net
proceeds to the amount of $4,420,572. The value of
similar products in California for the same year w^as
$116,218,933. The subjoined table exhibits the prin
cipal industries, namely all those on which a capital
of over $100,000 was employed.27 In 1870 the value
of the corresponding products was $11, 5 17, 302, which
compared with the figures for 1880 exhibits an in
crease of $9,202,626 for the latter year.

The foreign commerce of Texas, previous to her re-

27

1880

Capital.

No. of
work
men.

Wages.

Value of
Materials.

Value of
Products

Blacksmithing. .

$ 299,645
100,152
183,530
150,700
3,082,952
305,350
342,500
143,000
1,660,952
202,000
447,900
286,925
106,400
202,200
236,730

707
235
1,185
211
2,609
360
86
191
3,186
158
414
270
82
132
217

3 180,502
87,223
204,499
92,014
368,683
149,212
46,855
73,775
732.914
36,272
232,924
110,576
49,800
49,800
105,174

$ 247,464
140,043
105,074
139,000
6,371,606
228,151
45,485
295,640
2,096,775
192,441
207,438
325,579
305,200
280,220
259,300

$ 727,079
372,810
448,418
301,800
7,617,177
532,778
176,000
456,600
3,673,449
276,450
605,000
587,871
416,500
486,400
491,420

Boot and shoes. .

Brick and tile

Carriages and wagons. .
Flour and grist mills . .
Foundryand mach. shop
Ice, artificial

Lumber, planed

Lumber, sawed.

Oil, cotton-seed and cake.
Printing and publishing
Saddlery and harness . .
Sash, doors and blinds .
Slaughtcr'g & meat pack'g
Tin, copper, and iron ware

Totals,

$7,810,936

$10,043

$2,520,223

$11,240,416

$17,169,752

H, Misc. Doc., cong. 47, sess. 2, ii. 189-90, gen. fol.

IMPORTS AND EXPORTS.

567

admission into the union, was very limited, the imports
rarely exceeding half a million dollars, and the exports
being proportionately small.28 With the year 1870,
however, foreign trade assumed a vigor which marked
the beginning of an era of prosperity, and a rapidly
increasing development. In that year the exports of
domestic merchandise from Galveston amounted to
$14,869,601, and in 1881 to $26,685,248, the increase
being attained through spasmodic fluctuations.29 The
total amount of domestic merchandise exported from
all the ports of Texas for the year ending June 30,
1883, was $33,400,808, over $29,000,000 representing
cotton. Nearly nine tenths of the commerce with
foreign countries is conducted through the port of
Galveston, as will be seen by reference to the subjoined
table, showing the commercial statistics for the year
ending June 30, 1883.30

28 The value of the imports, including coin and bullion, at Galveston in
1856 wa.3 §92,259; in 1800, $533,153; in 1866, $111,357; 1868, $579,966; and
1869, $266,517. The values of the exports from the same port for the same
years were respectively $1,252,925, $5,772,158, $1,288,926, $5,829,110, and
$9,616,153. U. 8. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 47, sess. 2, xviii., p. lix.-lx.

29 The following table indicates the fluctuations:

Imports.

Exports.

1870.

$ 509,231

$14,809,601

1871

1,255 003

13 764 384

1872

1,741,000

12,211,774

1873

2 4Q6 6°6

17 6°9 633

1874

1 432 255

19 135 951

1875

1 918 034

15 876 632

1876

1,335 605

15 °45 041

1877 . .

1 411 594

15 160 394

1878

1 081 201

12 177 540

1879

871 938

16 393 877

1880

1 107 241

16 712 861

1881

3 106 669

26 685 <?48

1882

3,022,274

15,515,094

Id.

80

Imports.

Exports.

Galveston .... . .

$1,511 712

$29 627 898

Brazos de Santiago
Saluria

801,447
100 084

1,102,861
871 068

Corpus Christi

711 787

1 798 981

Total

$3,125,030

$33,400,808

U. S. II. Ex. Doc., cong. 48, sess. 1, xvii. 134-5, 276-7. The growth of mer-

568 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

As the increase of the tonnage of vessels employed
in the carrying trade is necessarily proportionate to
the increase of commerce, some information with re
gard to the former may be interesting. In 1856,
when the exports from Galveston amounted in value
to $1,252,925, the tonnage of vessels entered at that
port was 10,846 tons; in°1860 it was 32,263; in 1870,
31,555 tons; in 1880, 117,972 tons; and in 1883,
153,614 tons. At the date of June 30, 1883, there
were documented in the state of Texas 274 vessels,
with an aggregate tonnage of 10,672 tons, of which
36 were steamers, aggregating 3,308 tons. There is
but little ship-building in Texas. During the year
ending June 30, 1883, nine small sailing vessels were
launched, aggregating only 96 tons, and two steamers
aggregating nearly 65 tons. Internal transportation
is carried on by river steamers of light draft,31 and
along the systems of railroads that have been estab
lished. During late years measures have been adopted
for the improvement of rivers and harbors. Consid
erable sums of money are being expended in projects
to deepen the channels over the bars at the entrances
of the bays and at the mouths of the principal rivers.32

In early days the high-roads leading through Texas
were, as Kennedy remarks, "of nature's construction,"

cantile operations in individual cities is illustrated by the success of Sanger
Bros, wholesale merchants and dealers. This firm does business in Waco to
the amount of nearly $500,000 worth of goods annually, and in Dallas to
nearly three times that amount. When they first opened their house in
Waco, they employed only two clerks; now they employ 65 clerks in the
same establishment. This result was attained in less than a dozen years.
Sancjers Statement, MS.

31 In 1850-1, a canal was constructed by the Galveston and Brazos Navi
gation Co., connecting Galveston and Brazos river, at a cost of $340,000. The
cutting is 8 miles in length, 50 feet wide at the surface, and 3^ feet deep; the
remainder of this transportation line is 30 miles in length, and passes through
the slack waters of the Oyster Bay and West Bay. U. S. II . Misc. , coiig. 47,
sess. 2, xiii. 754-5, gen. fol.

32 Improvements are being effected at Sabine pass and Blue Buck bar, on
the Sabine, Neches, and Trinity rivers; at the entrance to Galveston harbor,
and on a ship-channel in the bay; on Buffalo bayou; the channel over the bar
at the mouth of the Brazos; at Pass Cavallo inlet to Matagorda bay; Aransas
pass and bay, up to Rockport and Corpus Christi; on the harbor at Brazos
Santiago; and in the protection of the river bank at Fort Brown on the Rio
Grande. U. S. IL Ex. Doc., cong. 48, sess. 1, vol. iv. 1047-97.

ROADS AND MAILS. 569

and in the dry season no difficulty was encountered,
except at the rivers, in journeying from the Rio
Grande to the Sabine in carriages ; 33 during the rainy
months travelling was very toilsome and expensive.
The postal service along such routes was irregular and
deficient, but as the country became more settled, a
greater degree of efficiency was attained. In 1857,
an overland mail route was established between San
Antonio and San Diego, California,34 under a contract
entered into with the government by James E. Birch.
Referring to the postmaster-general's report of De
cember 4, 1858, it will be found that the annual cost
of mail transportation, including route and local
agents and mail messengers, for the years ending June
30, 1857 and 1858, was respectively $232,138 and
$359,300, the estimate for the year ending June 30,
1859, being $604,363. This great increase is due to
a laro-e number of new service routes bein^ established.

O O

From this time the service has developed in propor
tion to the increasing requirements of the state. Ac
cording to the postmaster-general's report of November
19, 1883, it appears that in the years ending June 30,
1882 and 1883, the number of post-offices in Texas
was respectively 1,438 and 1,448. The aggregate
length of the mail routes for the latter year was

33 Almonte says: 'Desde Mexico hasta los Estaclos-Unidos se puede viajar
en carruage, a lo menos seis meses del afio, principiando en mayo 6 junio.'
Not. EstatL Tcj., 44. See abo Var. Impresos, 2, no. vi., 44-5, 65-83, table no.
7, 96.

31 On the more northern overland mail route to California, Adam Rankin
Johnson, in 1855, bought the Staked Plains station, the most dangerous point
on the line. He aho acquired other stations, but was compelled to give
them up on account of the difficulty he experienced in obtaining laboring
men, owing to the hostility of the Indians. Johnson was born in Kentucky
Feb. 8, 18o4, and settled in Burnett county, Texas, in 1844. He served with
distinction in the confederate army, doing most important scouting service.
He organized the Breckeiiriclge guards, and was made a general of brigade by
Morgan. At the engagement at Grabbs' cross-roado, near Cumberland,
Johnson received a shot in the right eye, the ball passing in rear of the left
eye, and through the left temple. Both organs were instantly destroyed.
Being taken prisoner, he was exchanged March 26, 18G5, and returned in
that year to Texas, where he took up his abode on a small ranch o in Leland
co. Starling's Bioj. of A. K. JcLnson, MS. Particulars of the two great over
land mail routes will be found in U. S. Sen. Doc., cong. 35, sess. 2, iv. 739-
52. See also Tex. Aim., 1859, 139-50.

570 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

18,871 miles, the mails being transported over 5,371
miles by rail, and 492 miles by steamboat, the bal
ance of 13,008 miles representing routes designated
as "star routes," irregular proceedings in contracts for
which have been repeatedly exposed.35 The total an
nual transportation is represented by distances aggre
gating 8,948,035 miles, at a cost of $718, 516.36

Railroad systems have been developed in an extraor
dinary degree in Texas during the last ten years. In
1870, there were less than 300 miles in operation, and
in 1876 only about 1,600 miles, while in 1885 over
7,000 miles had been completed. During the repub
lic numerous charters for railroads were granted, but
none were acted upon, and it was not until 1852 that
the first road was commenced. A brief account of
the oldest line in the state will not be uninteresting.

In the above-named year, a preliminary survey was
made, and some work done, on what was then called
the Buffalo Bayou, Brazos, and Colorado road, start
ing from Harrisburg with a westerly direction, and
in the same year the whistle of the first locomotive on
Texan soil was heard at Harrisburg, being also the
second put in motion west of the Mississippi. The
company was organized June 1, 1850, at Boston,
Massachusetts, by General Sidney Sherman, who
may be regarded as the father of railroad systems in
Texas. The work progressed slowly, and the Colo
rado was not reached till 1859, when the line was
open to Eagle lake, 65 miles from its initial point.
In 1866, it had been extended to Columbus, the river
being bridged at Alleyton. By an act of the legisla
ture the charter was changed in 1870, and San An
tonio made the objective point. Since that time it
has been called the Galveston, Harrisburg, and San
Antonio railway, perhaps better known as the " Sun
set route." On January 15, 1877, the road reached
San Antonio, the citizens of Bejar county having voted,

35 This remark does not apply individually to the Texas mail service, but
to that of tne U. S. generally.

36 U. S. H. Ex. Doc., cong. 48, sess. 1, ix. 108, 133.

RAILWAYS. 571

January 1876, $300,000 in county bonds to secure the
speedy completion of the line. In the same month
the passenger terminus was changed from Harrisburg
to Houston by a line from Pierce junction. Follow
ing the setting sun, it has since been extended to El
Paso, where it connects with the Southern Pacific,
into which system it has been incorporated, though it
is still under the control of its own managers. At
that point it also connects with the Mexican Central.
The length of the main line is 848 miles, and no rail
road in Texas has had more influence in the settlement
and development of the country. The branches con
nected with it are the La Grange from Columbus, 31
miles, the Gonzales from Harwood, 12 miles, and the
branch to Eagle Pass, on the Rio Grande, where con
nection is made with the Mexican International. At
Spoflbrd junction, a few miles from Sari Antonio, the
main line is crossed by the International and Great
Northern, which connects at Laredo with the Mexi
can National. Thus it will be seen that access is
given to all points in the Mexican republic that have
railroad communications.37

The next railroad commenced in Texas was the
Houston and Texas Central. The original charter
was granted in 1848, by which the company was in
corporated under the title of the Galveston and Red
River Railroad company, the object being to construct
a line from Galveston to the northern boundary of
the state. Work was begun in 1853 at Houston,
instead of Galveston, by the original incorpcrator,
Ebenezer Allen, his action being confirmed by the
legislature, which, on February 7th of that year,
granted the charter for the road under consideration ;
thenceforth the line assumed its present name. The
rivalry existing between Galveston and Houston was
arranged by a compromise, under which the two cities

37 Thrall, 618-19, 7G6-7; Tex. Aim., 1859, 219-20; 1860, 202; 1861, 228;
.1867, 185-6; 1868, 122-6; Burke* 8 Tex. Aim., 1882, 216; 1883, 72; Land and
Thompson's Galveston, 49-50; Tex. Indust. Houston, 1884-5, 33.

572 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

were connected by the Galveston, Houston, and Hen
derson road, which was begun at Virginia point, and
completed in 1865, a junction being effected with the
Houston and Texas Central. In 1859, a bridge was
constructed across the bay by the city of Galveston.
The main line was slow in progress, having only been
advanced about 80 miles when the civil war broke
out. Then an interruption occurred, and it was not
until March 1873 that it reached Denison city, Gray-
son county, where a junction was formed with the
Missouri, Kansas, and Texas road, thus opening com
munication by rail with St Louis. The distance from
Houston to Denison is 341 miles. Branch lines are
from Hempstead to Austin, 115 miles; from Brenham
through Waco to Albany, Shackelford county, 231
miles, which northwestern division is to be extended
through the panhandle to New Mexico and Colorado ;
and the northeastern division, already constructed
from Garrett, Ellis county, to Roberts, 51 miles, and
intended to reach the southern contiguous corners of
Indian Territory and Arkansas. There is also a 12-
mile branch from Garrett to Waxahatchie.

Houston is the natural railroad centre, no less than
ten different lines converging to it from as many points
in the four quarters of the compass. Three of these
have been already mentioned; the remaining roads
are the International and Great Northern, opened to
Longview, Gregg county, distant 232 miles from
Houston. From Palestine, Anderson county, ex
tends the Laredo branch to the Rio Grande, 415
miles. This railroad is the result of the consolida
tion of the International, chartered August 17, 1870,
and the Houston and Great Northern, chartered
October 22, 1866. Houston Tap and Brazoria Rail
way was completed in 1860, purchased in 1871 by
the Houston and Great Northern company, and now
forms part of the International and Great Northern
system. Its direction is due south to Columbia, Bra
zoria county. The charter was granted September 1,

RAILWAYS. 573

1856, and the line completed some four years later, its
length being 50 miles. The Texas and New Orleans
railway extends from Houston to Orange city, near
the Sabine river. It is 106 miles in length and was
opened in 1861. It now forms part of the Southern
Pacific system. Connection is formed by it with
Morgan's Louisiana and Texas railroad, which com
pletes communication from San Francisco, California,
to New Orleans.

In May 1873, the Gulf, Colorado, and Santa Fe
line was chartered. This was a Galveston enterprise,
the intention being that the road should start from
that city, and passing up the valley of the Colorado
be carried on to Santa Fe, New Mexico. The oriod-

nal plan, however, was changed, the line turning up
the valley of the Brazos to Cameron, thence to Tem
ple junction, Lampasas, and Coleman, a total distance
of 351 miles already constructed. This is the main
line known as the Santa Fe division, and when com
pleted will pass through the panhandle to that city.
The Fort Worth division, already completed from
Temple junction to that point, is intended to pass
through Montague countv, and be extended through.

o o »/ ^2 ^

Indian Territory to Fort Dodge, Kansas. Construc
tion was commenced at Virginia Point in May 1875,
and the road opened to traffic as far as Richmond in
1878. Branch lines have been built from Alvin to
Houston, 24 miles ; from Cleburne to Dallas, 54 miles;
and from Somerville to Montgomery, 53 miles in
length.

The Houston, East and West Texas narrow gauge
railway extends northward from Houston, and is
already constructed beyond Nacogdoches. This road
was chartered in March 1875, and was intended to
reach Red river in Bowie county, connecting with
the entire systems of railroads in eastern Texas and
southwestern Arkansas. The western division, as
projected, was to extend from Houston to Victoria,
Goliad, and Beeville, and thence to Laredo on the

574 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

Rio Grande, having a branch to Corpus Christi bay.
This system was an enterprise of the citizens of Hous
ton, its promoter being Paul Bremond of that city.
Another narrow gauge railway is the Texas Western,
the objective point being Presidio del Norte, on the Rio
Grande, 900 miles due west of Houston. Construc
tion on this line, to any great extent, was for some
time delayed Connection, however, was made at
Seaby, 53 miles from Houston, with the Gulf, Colorado,
and Santa Fe road. The Texas-Mexican line is now in
corporated with the Mexican National. It was orga
nized in 1875 under the appellation of the Corpus
Christi, San Diego, and Rio Grande railway. The
branch line from Houston will connect with the main
trunk line at San Diego, Duval county, Galveston
will also be connected by another main branch. The
division extending from Corpus Christi to Laredo is
already completed, and construction is progressing
rapidly on all other divisions. This, also, is a narrow
gauge line.

Besides these systems which all centre in Houston,
mention must be made of the Fort Worth and Den
ver City railway, crossing the panhandle from its
south-eastern to its north-western corner. Work is
progressing rapidly on this line, about 400 miles be
ing already completed. Fort Worth,38 in fact, is an-

38 The growth of this city, which was incorporated in 1873, was extraordi
nary. B. B. Paddock states that when the first railroad reached the town in
1876 there were not more than 1,600 inhabitants; it has, in 18S8, a popula
tion of over 30, 000. Within the corporate limits there are over 200 artesian
wells. Paddock wrent to Texas in 1872, and is connected with the Fort Worth
and Rio Grande R. R., the charter for which was granted in July, 18S5. Notes
on Fort Worth, MS. The first mayor was William P. Burts, born in Tennes
see, Dec. 7, 1827. He went to Fort Worth in 1858 and was the first practi
tioner there. In 1874 Burts resigned, and Giles H. Day was elected the
second mayor, serving in that capacity till 1878, when he was succeeded by
R. E. Beckham, followed by John T. Brown. In 1882 John Peter Smith,
an able officer, was elected, and reflected in 1884. Smith was born in
Kentucky, Sept. 16, 1831, and settled in Fort Worth in 1853; at that time
there were not more than half a dozen families in the place. Smith taught
in the first school established in Fort Worth. Burts' Blog., MS.; Day's B log.,
MS.; Smith's Fort Worth, MS.; L. L. Shirt's Biog., MS.; The Texas Special,
Oct. 20, 1885. A. P. Ryan of Fort Worth, gives some account of the fine
agricultural capacities of that portion of the country, and of the thriving
condition of that city. He was born in Wayne county, Kentucky, in 1837;

HALLWAYS. 575

other great railroad centre, nearly a dozen lines, com
pleted or in course of construction concentrating . in
that city.

Many other lines are also projected to connect with
the above-named system, on which more or less work
was done, while the construction of others will be under
taken according to the transportation requirements of
this progressive state. In the above brief account of
the railroads in Texas I have confined myself to the
main systems in operation within her boundaries;
but the reader will apprehend that numerous local
lines connect communication between them and most
of the principal towns, and that the whole net-work
is connected with the great transcontinental and main
roads of the United States, and also with the Mexi
can systems — of still greater magnitude if, in some
future time, they be connected with stupendous
trunk lines reaching into South America, — a consum
mation already conceived by projectors.

Railroad enterprises, from the first initiative steps
taken to introduce into Texas this means of transpor
tation, have met with most liberal assistance from the
state government. Charters have been granted on
easy terms, enormous sums of money — principally
from the school and university fund — have been
loaned, and a large amount of public funds has
been donated to such companies as have fulfilled their
contracts, extensions of time having been granted
whenever the petitions for such were reasonable. It
is to this liberal action of the state that Texas is in
debted in a great measure for her late rapid develop
ment and increase of population. Texas did not
escape being affected by the trouble caused by the
serious strike of railroad employes in the spring of
1886. On April 3d of that year a train which left Fort
Worth on its way south was fired into at the junction
of the Fort Worth and New Orleans Railroad, two miles

•went to Texas in 1858; and served in the confederate army during the whole
of the civil war. Observations, MS.

576 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

from the city. Deputy sheriffs Townsend and Sneed,
and police officer Fulford were severely wounded,
the former dying the next day. Great excitement
prevailed throughout the state, and military compan
ies were rapidly hurried to Fort Worth. The ener
getic measures adopted by the governor and the
authorities of many principal towns fortunately pre
vented further bloodshed.39

39 The Dallas Morning News, Ap. 4 and 5, 1886* The strike commenced
in the work-shops of the Texas and Pacific R. R., at Marshall, Harrison
county, owing to the discharge of C. A. Hall, a foreman in the car-shop
there. Hall was a prominent officer in the Knights of Labor, who regarded
his dismissal as an attack upon their order. The strike extended to the
Missouri Pacific system. The authorities that have been consulted on the
industries of Texas, are the following.

Stephen M. Blount was in 1888 the only living signer of the declara-
t'on of the independence of Texas. He was born in Georgia, Feb. 13,
1808, and moved to Texas in July 1835, settling at San Augustine. In 1836
he was elected a member of the convention that declared the independence
and nominated General Houston for the position of commander-in-chief of
the Texan forces. Blount was a close personal friend of Houston, whom he
regards as having been a grand man. In 1837 Blount was elected clerk of
San Augustine county, holding that position for four years. His whole life
has been one of activity, having served, previous to his arrival in Texas, in
several oflicial capacities in Georgia. He was commissioned colonel of the
8bh regiment Georgia militia, and was aide-de-camp both to Brig. -Gen.
Robert Tootle and Maj.-Gen. David Taylor during 1832-4. Col Blount
married in 1 839 a Mrs Lacey whose family name was Landon, and his family
consists of six children. £ioy. Sketch, MS.

Doctor Sherwood A. Owens was born July 22, 1824, in Logan county,
Kentucky, and graduated at Kemper College, Missouri, in 1843. In 1848
he took lib degree in the medical department of that state university; prac
tised in New Orleans until Feb. 1849, when he made preparations to go to
California by the overland route via Salt Lake, and arrived at Sacramento
July 2d of the sairie year. There he followed his profession often making
$500 a day. In 1851 he removed to San Francisco, but in the following year
sailed for Melbourne, Australia, and was nearly ship-wrecked on the passage.
At Melbourne the doctor was offered the position of surgeon on the British
fleet ordered to the Baltic; went to Chronstadfc and Sevastopol, where he re
signed in preference to becoming a British subject, a requisite required by
that government in view of the existing war. He then returned to San
Francisco, arriving there in Dec. 1855. After further travelling he finally
married Lucy J. Thurman, of Jefferson, Missouri, went to Texas, and settled
at Waco in the autumn of 1857. During the civil war he was surgeon in
the confederate army, and was present at several important battles. He is
a zealous mason, and has been eminent commander of his commandery.
Bior/., MS.

Isaac Van Zandt was born July 10, 1813, in Franklin county, Tennessee;
feeble health prevented him from receiving a thorough education. Having
engaged in mercantile pursuits in Mississippi for several years he abandoned
that vocation; engaged in the study of law; and in 1839, having migrated
to Texas, commenced practice at Marshall, in Harrison county. In the fol
lowing year he was elected representative to the lower house of the Texan
congress and reflected in 1841. His next official position was that of charge
d' affairs to the United States, which he resigned in 1844. Having returned
to Marshall, he was elected in 1845 a delegate to the convention that com-

BIOGRAPHY. 577

pleted the annexation of Texas to the United States, and framed the first
constitution of the new state. In 1847 he became a candidate for the office
of governor of the state, and while engaged in. an active canvass for that
position he died of yellow fever Oct. llth at Houston. Van Zaiidt was a
man of rare natural abilities, and from his probity and amenity of conduct,
was respected and revered by all who knew him. Five out of six children
born to him were living in 1888, namely Louisa, widow of Col J. M. Clough,
who fell in the defence of Fort Donnelson; Kleber M., born November 7,
1836, admitted to the bar in 1858, and removed to Fort Worth in 1865,
where he engaged in mercantile business until 1874, when he turned his
attention to banking, and became president of Fort Worth Bank; Lycurgus,
a practising physician, born Jan. 5, 1840; Fanny, born May 15, 1842, wife
of Doctor Elias Beall, of .Fort Worth; and Ida, born May 20, 1844, the wife
of J. J. Jarvis, a lawyer and farmer of Tarrant county. Van Zandt, Memoir,
no. 1, MS.; Id., no. 2, MS.

E. D. Linn, a son of John J. Linn, the author of Reminiscences of F'fly
Tears in Texas, was born in that state in 1848, and received his education in
the private schools. He is a prominent member of the committee on educa
tion, and has been a member of the 14th to 19th legislatures inclusive. He
was the originator of the bill to fund and pay the public debt of Texas. Is
editor and proprietor of the Victoria Advocate, and one of the trustees of the
New York and '1 exas railway. His father was a member of the general
consultation which organized at San Felipe Nov. 3, 1835, declared against
the central government of Santa Anna, and established a provisional govern
ment. J. J. Linn was also a member of the committee of safety, quarter
master-general during the revolution, and afterward elected to the 1st and
2d Texan congress. Linn, Bioy. Sketch, MS.

Captain Marcus D. Herring was born October 11, 1828, and educated in
Mississippi and Louisiana. Before he was 20 years of age, he was licensed
to practise law. In Texas he resided in Austin from 1853 to 1856, when he
removed to Waco, where he practised very successfully his profession. Dur
ing the last three years and nine months of the civil war he served in the
confederate army. Capt. Herring is a royal arch mason, and belongs to the
I. 0. 0. F., being the founder of the widows' and orphans' house of that so
ciety. Bion., MS.

Col John C. McCoy was born Sept. 28, 1819, at Clark county, Indiana;
was educated at Charleston and Wilmington academies, and admitted to the
bar in 1842. On Jan. 1, 1845, he arrived at Galveston as an agent for the
Peter's colony. In 1851, he married a niece of Ex-gov. Porter of Pennsyl
vania. During the war of secession, he held various positions, such as quar
termaster, enrolling officer, and provost marshal. Col McCoy is a prominent
mason, having become a member of that order in 1848. He has filled every
possible' position, and in 1883 was placed as R. E. Grand Commander of the
Grand Commandery, K. T. ; is now chairman of the committee of correspon
dence of the Grand Commandery, K. T. Texas jBiog., MS.

T. C. Cook, A. M., M. D., is a prominent member of the house of repre
sentatives of the 19th legislature, representing Colorado county. WTas born
at Tuscaloosa, Alabama, September 19, 1836. He received his degree of
M. D. at the university of Pennsylvania in 1859, and that of A. M. at the
university of Alabama in 1860, in which year he migrated to Texas. During
the civil war, he was surgeon of the 1st regiment of heavy artillery of the
confederate army. Biog., MS.

J. W. Swain was born in Kentucky in 1839, and arrived in 1859 in Texas.
He served in the confederate army till the surrender of Johnson's army, and
on hi.s return gave his attention to farming, which avocation he pursued for
five years. He then adopted law as his profession; has served both as repre
sentative and senator in the state legislature. In 1883, he was elected for a
second term as comptroller, with the extraordinary majority of 190,000 votes.
As a member of the state board of education. Swain is anxious for the adop
tion of text-book uniformity. Texas Biog., MS,

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 37

578 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

^

J. W. Baines, secretary of state, and an active member of the state board
of education, is a great supporter of public schools, and strongly in favor of
uniformity in text-books and method. Texas Bioy., MS.

Among periodical 5 may be mentioned Street's Monthly, a literary and ma
sonic publication. J. K. Street, the proprietor, was born in Tennessee in
1837; went to Texas in 1854, and has for many years been engaged in enter
prises connected with the press. Street's Bioy. Sketch, MS.

Samuel Bell Maxey was born in Monroe county, Kentucky, March 30,
1825, and graduated at West Point in 1840, and served through the Mexican
war. He resigned in 1849, and was admitted to the bar in 1850. In 1857
he settled at Paris, Texas, and was elected state senator in 1861, but resigned
and took service in the confederate army, at the close of which he was a
brigadier-general. Was elected to the U. S. senate in 1875, and reflected in
1881. Statement, MS.

W. S. Pendleton, a member of the 19th legislature, was born in Tennes
see Feb. 7, 1850, and graduated at Manchester college in 1869. Afterward,
having studied law, he was admitted to the bar, and in 1873 settled in Tar-
raiit county, Texas, where he engaged in practice. In 1878, he was elected
district attorney of that county, being twice reflected to the same office. In
November 1884, he was elected to the house of representatives, where, among
other measures, he introduced that known as the jury bill, inserting new
causes of challenge, and making provisions by which professional jurymen
are excluded, and allowing intelligent men, who read the papers and keep
themselves informed, to sit as jurors, though they may have formed opinions
from what they have read. Bioy. , MS.

George Clark was born in Alabama in 1841; served through the civil
war, in which he took part in many battles, being wounded on three several
occasions, and went to Texas in January 1867. In 1868 he settled at Waco,
which has since that year been his place of residence. Was a member of the
democratic state executive committee of 1872, and attorney -general of the
state in 1874; this office he held till April 1876. Somewhat later, he was
appointed one of the commissioners to codify the laws, and served in that
capacity till Oct. 1, 1878. In 1879, he was appointed judge of the court of
appeals, continuing in office till Oct. 1, 1880. Since that time he has pur
sued his practice as a lawyer at Waco. Bioy. Sketch, MS.

The first county judge elected under the new constitution was W. B.
Plemons of Clay county, no less than 16 counties being attached to the one
named for judicial purposes.

Jackson Bradly settled in Dallas county in 1851, but afterward moved to
what is now Johnson county, where he was justice of the peace for 10 years.
In 1861, he was commissioned by Governor Lubbock a captain in the state
militia. During the civil war, he served as a lieutenant in the confederate
army. Bradly was born in 1816 in South Carolina. Bioy., MS.

One who has seen 10 years' service with the rangers is C. L. Neville.
During that period he was captain of six different companies. He was born
in Alabama, and became sheriff of Presidio county. Biog. , MS.

The following is a more complete list of authorities consulted in the pre
ceding chapters: Those of an official character are, Cony. Globe; H. Jours.;
H. Ex. Docs.; H. Miscel. Docs.; H. Com. Reps.; Sen. Jours.; Sen. Ex. Docs.;
Sen. Miscel. Docs.; Sen. Com. Reps.; Mess, and Docs.; Census Reps.; U. S.
Laws; Sec. Interior Reps.; Ayric. Reps.; Education Reps.; Compt. Currency
Reps.; Postmaster-yen. Reps.; Coast and Geodetic Surveys. To the respective
indices of which the reader is referred for matter relating to Texas. Texas
.state documents are, State Gaz.; Govs Messages; Treas. Reps.; Compt. Reps.;
.Supt. Pub. Instruc. Reps.; Attorney Gen. Reps.; State Engineer Reps.; Texas
•Repealed; Deaf and Dumb Asylum Reps.; Lunatic Asylum Reps,; State Peniten.
:Reps.; Capitol Building Com. Reps.

The following are works of a non-official character; Cordova's, Tex.;
Tex. Aim., 1857-61, 1868; Foote's Tex., i. 218-63; ii. 186-92, 339-41; Hollcj/s
Tex., 55-72, 175-82; Hanford's Tex. State Reg., 1876, 1878-9, passim; Dim-

AUTHORITIES. 579

steals Journey, 43-480; Id., Cotton Kingdom, i. 357-76; ii. 5-29; Moore's
Descrip., Tex., 14-15, 42-137; Disturnelts U. S. Reg., see indices; Morfi's
Hist. Tex., passim; Kennedys Tex., ii. 195, 256-8, 344-5, 392-3, 400-19;
Bakers Tex., 253-301; Burkes Tex. Aim., 1878, 200pp.; 1882, passim; Hock's
S W. Tex., 42-192, 201-50; Id., Tex. Guide, 7-17; Thrall's Tex., passim;

Id., Hist. Methodism, 13-180; Dewees' Letters from Tex., 235-8, 309-12;
Dodges Plains Gt. West, 405-19; Frost's Mex. War, 299-307; Industries 0}
Hmston, 1-146; Dixons White Conquest, i. 325-56; Hay's Life, MS., 1-2, 33-9;
Frobel, ausAmerika, ii. 293-333, 337-68; Sweet's Tex., N. Y., 1871, 160 pp.;
Greens Reply to Houston, 11-17, 48-9; GoddarcFs Where to Emigrate, 492-517;
DimenecJt's Mission. Advent., 10-12, 60-2, 82-4; Id., Deserts of N. Amer., 133-
51; North's Five Years in Tex., 196-209; DC Bow s Rev., see indices; Id., In
dustrial Res., ii. 544-53; Id., Encyc. 2d Ed., 331-41; Id., Stnt. View, 169-89;
313-9; Texas in 18/A 243-7; Barbeys Tex., 11, 16-22; Alweo Mexicano, ii.
522-4; Overland Mail Co. Mem., 1860; Mex. War and its Heroes, i. 208-11;
McCains Comp. Views, 750-5; Almonte, Not. Ext. Tex. 11-12, 40-65, 76, 82-3;
Address to Memb. Memphis Conven.; Tex. Veterans, Proceedings, 1883, 80pp.;
Linns Reminis., 65-7, 283, 322-4; Hunt's Merch. Ma;/., xii. to xlv., see indices;
Newelts Rcvol. in Tex., 157-65; Overland Monthly, \. 157-64, 367-71; ii. 369-
74; vi. 555-61; vii. 270-7: Land and Thompsons Galvestnn, Galv. 1885, 151
pp.; Spait fit's Res., Soil and Climate Tex., Galv., 1882, 360pp.; Hillard's Life
of McCleilan, 41-59; Hi«t. May., iii. 204-6; Maillard's Hi«t. Tex., 343-52;
files' Rcy., Ixii. to Ixxii., see indices; Louyhlwroic/tis Pac. Tdeyraph; Surisher'
Amer. Sketch-book, v., no. 6, 339-54; vi., no. 2, 85-100; no. 3, 201-13, no. 6,

-PI

Direct., 1876-7, 110 pp.; Potter's Tex. Revol, 16-26; De Ryees Tex. Album,
passim; Haven's Our Next Door Neighbor, 418-23; Hw flies' Gone to Tex.;
Rowell & Co.'s Gazetteer, 135-7; Lonys Amer. and West Ltd., 194-5; MrPhaifs
Tex. Freemason, ii., no. 10, 12; Amer. Sketch-book, 7-11; Nouv. Annal. Voy,
cliv. 345-6; Newell" s Rcvol. in Tex., 171-3; Appktons Guide, 397; Putnam's
Man., ii. 151-4; Bancroft's Footprints of Time, 511-12; Bustamante, Galiinete
Mex., MS., i. 23-4; Colorado and Brazos Cattlemen s Assoc. Proceedings, 1880-
4, 47 pp.; Howard's Speech on Par. R. R., 6-9; Crane's Hist. Wash. Co. Tex.,
30-2; Marshall's Christian Missions, ii. 244-50; Shepard's Land of the Azt.,
193-204; Gould's Alamo City Guide, N. Y., 1SS2, 151 pp.; National R. R.
Conv., Proceedings; Proceedings 1st Nat. Conv. Cattlemen, 12-13; Tex. and Her
Capabilities, 17-61, Gilbert's AUlene Reporter 3d An. Ed., Abilene, 1884, 116
pp.; Pillinjs Bib. of N. Amer. Lang., nos. 1402, 2910; Industries of Austin,
Austin, 1885, 108pp.; Munnuia Clement Pastorales, no. ii. 18-HO; Peehle's Ex-
pw, Industries of San Antonio, San Antonio, 1885, 136pp.; Western Tex., 10-
99; Waco, The Emvj. Gu'vle, \Vaco, 32 pp. ; Wood Bros. Live Stock Movement;
Pap. Far., 74, no. 16; 143, no. 19; 107, no. 18; 185. no. 1; Corbett's Legis.
Manii'il, 302, 306; Giddinys, Case of, 1-37; Tex. Pac. Railway, Arguments, 4-
16; Calhouns Navarro Co., 1885, 32pp.; Vititto Tex., 322; Varios Impresos,
2, no. vi. 35-40,44-5, 56, 60-5, 76, 79-81, 84-8; Industries of Dallas, Dallas,
1885, 138 pp.; Velasco, Notkias Son., 297-8; Tex. Editorial and Press Assoc.,
Charter, etc.; Coke's Speech on Reagan Bill, Wash., 1885, 23pp.; Thompsons
Recol Mex., 97-8; Minutes of Memphis Conv.; Tex. Col. Docs.; Gillette s A Few
Historic Records, N. Y., 1885, 131 pp.; McCuRodi's Defense, Austin, 1879, 46
pp.; Ft. Worth Commercial Club, Charter, 1885, 12 pp.: Terrell's Address on
Private Corp., Austin, 1885, 32 pp.; Ft. Worth and New Orleans R. R. Co.,
Charter, Memphis, El Paso and P. R. R. Hist., 8-20 47-62; Semanario Indus-
tria, Mex., no. ii. 325; Carter, Wynne and De Beri-ys Tex. Laws Relating to
Col. of Debts, 1885, 16pp.; McFarlane's Coal Reyions of Amer., 502-4; Austin
Direct., 1877-8, 9-10; Moran Bros. Mem., 1879, 37 pp. ; Zamacois, Hist. Mex.,
xi. 902; Mercantile Ayency Annual, 1871, 154, 157, 159. In addition to the
preceding, an immense mass of newspapers have been examined, which lack
of space forbids mentioning in detail. Names are given of a few. Waco Ex-

580 INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE, AND RAILROADS.

amincr, Dallas Mercury; Id., News; Id., Herald; Austin Statesman; Ft. Worth
Tex. Special; Id., Gazette; EL Paso Lone Star; Id., Times; Abilene Tex. He-
porter; Colorado Clipper; all published in Texas. The Call, Alta, Chronicle,
Examiner, Post, and Bulletin, published in San Francisco, Cal. Mo. Republi
can and Globe Democrat, published at St. Louis, Mo., and the Inter Ocean at
Chicago, 111. Nunerous manuscript statements, comprising much valuable
data, from pi eminent citizens and pioneers of the state of Texas, have also
been examined*

CHAPTEE XXIL

CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.
1800-1845.

REDIVISION or PROVINCIAS INTERNAS — MOVEMENTS DURING THE WAR OF
INDEPENDENCE — CRUZ DEFENDS THE ROYAL CAUSE — DURANGO CAP
TURED BY NEGRETB — CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO MADE SEPARATE
STATES— PARTY STRIFE AND REVOLTS— LIBERALS AND CONSERVATIVES
— FEDERAL COALITION IN THE NORTH — CHANGE OF GOVERNORS IN
DURANGO— APACHE RAIDS IN CHIHUAHUA — DECLINE OF PRESIDIO DE
FENCES — INDIAN WARFARE — SCALP HUNTING — MASSACRE AT JANOS —
THE CENTRAL REGIME — FEDERAL OPPOSITION — DURANGO JOINS PARE-
DES' REVOLUTION.

THE objections that had in 1785 led to the division
of the provincias internas, forced themselves more
strongly than ever upon the home government as the
complication of duties increased with growing popu
lation and resources. In 1804, accordingly, came a
royal decree ordering a redivision of them into two
districts, the Occidente and Oriente, the Californias
and the southern portions of Nuevo Leon and Nuevo
Santander, below the line between Soto la Marina
and Parras, being left to Mexico/ The new com-
andante general of each district was to exercise the
same authority as the existing commander.2

Political changes interfered with the observance of
this order, till the war of independence made its exe
cution in 1812 a military necessity. Viceroy Vene-

1 The Bolson de Mapimi falling to the eastern district. The eastern bor
der followed Rio Pilou. See i. 638, et seq., this series, for previous extent.

2 The subaltern chief's salary was to be $2,000, while the governor and
comandante general was to receive $10,000, a reduction of $5,000. The
Oriente commander had to organize forces to promote the colonization of

.Texas. Text in Real Orden, May 30, 1804; Mayers MSS, iii.

(581)

582 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

gas thereupon appointed to the command of the
Occidente section, the brigadier Alejo Garcia Conde,
governor of Sonora and Sinaloa, a deserving soldier
nearly half a century in the royal service.3

The Oriente division was offered to the Mariscal
de campo, Felix Calleja, and he, declining to accept
the position presented it to Simon Herrera, governor
of Leon, who was slain by insurgents before accept
ance, whereupon Colonel Arredondo received the
position.4 Nava, who ruled the united provinces at
the opening of the century, was replaced in 1804 by
Colonel Pedro Grimarest,5 and he soon after by Briga
dier Nemesio Salcedo y Salcedo, who was presently
recalled to Spain.

The troops under Sara's command consisted in fact
of only some four hundred and fifty men, many of
whom were filibusters from the United States; but
with this slender force he invaded Texas in 1812,
and took possession of ^everal cities, driving back the
forces of Salcedo and Hererra. Warned of this dan
ger, Arredondo, whose forces had been quartered in
the valley del Maiz, at once inarched against the
enemy, collecting men and material on his way through
Xuevo Santander. Meanwhile, Colonel Elizondo, who
had been sent in advance, had allowed himself to be
drawn into an engagement, and was totally routed.
A few weeks later, however, Arredondo himself in
flicted a crushing defeat on the insurgents, now under
the command of Alvarez de Toledo, who had sup
planted Sara. Many of the prisoners were executed,
including all the filibusters who fell into the hands
of the Mexicans, and thus ended all hope of aid from
ths United States to the cause of the revolution.

3 The register says 47 years, during eight of which he occupied the latter
grade; decorated with itierito de yuerm and other distinctions. The order
for the division, dated May 1, 1811, wa,s confirmed in 1812. Text in Pror.
Intern. Real Orden, 1811; Mayer s MSS, 110,3. G-7, refer to the Sonora chapter
concerning Garcia Conde.

*See Hist. J\Iex., iv. 541-3, this series.

5 Of the 3d battalion of Estremadura infantry. Real Orden, May 30,
1804; Mayers MSS, no. 3.

REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS. 583

The changes thus made were due less to the increase
of population, and the development of the material
resources of these provinces, than to military reasons,
and with a view to the suppression of revolutionary
movements. In the north-west the only troubles to
be encountered were the usual hostilities with Indians,
but toward the east the revolution had a^ain assumed

O

alarming proportions. In 1811, Bernardo Gutierrez
de Sara, a citizen of Revilla, and a strong supporter
of the revolutionary movement, had taken refuge in
the United States after the suppression of the insur
rection in Nuevo Santander, and there sought assist
ance in behalf of his cause. The welcome accorded to
him by the people, and the well-known intentions of
the United States government with regard to the
Texan frontier, had given rise to no little uneasiness
in Mexico, and this was further increased by a report
that he was already on his march at the head of a
large army, to support the fortunes of the insurgents.
Salcedo had filled the office satisfactorily enough,
while availing himself of the many opportunities pre
sented by remoteness, and the disorders attending the
war for independence, to accumulate a large fortune.6
When this conflict broke out in the south he exerted
himself most commendably by adopting measures to
exclude it from his own territory, and by appealing
to his purse-strings and patriotism in behalf of his
sovereign.7 While failing to achieve anything note-

6 His position embraced the offices of inspector of troops, subdelegaclo of
the finance and mail depts. He returned with the spring fleet of 1814.
Ataman, AI?j.t iv. 37; Diario Corte.s, xix. 234; Estrella Octid., Sept. 4, 1808.
Pike met him in 1807. Tiw., 285, 421-8; Pino, N. Mex., 21, 45; Gac. Mex.,
xi. 274; xv. 40, 903; xvi. 812.

7 He urged the bishop to exert himself. Lo'reto, Miss. Rec., MS., 7-11.
Watch was also kept by French agents. Cal. Prov. St. Pap., xix. 30-32.
Appeal of subordinates in Pap. Var., xviii. pt 27; xxxvi. pt 08; clxi. pt 12.
The people responded with similar warmth both in money and prayers and
'juroron solemnement a Feraando VII. for Rey.' Gac. Mex., xv. 902; Id.,
xv. 19o-G, 838-9; xvi. 832; xxii. 03-6; xxviii. 879-84. etc. At the beginning
of these appeals, during divine service, an ominous incident occurred. The
church at Tapacolmes, near Chihuahua, caught fire from the altar April 8,
1808, and burned with such rapidity that over 300 persons perished, 200
'within the building, and 100 of injuries. Diario, Alex., viii. 523-4.

584 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

worthy in the field against the insurgents, he had
the unenviable satisfaction of superintending the trial
and execution of their great leader, Hidalgo, and his

o ' O '

chief officers, in the course of May to July, 181 1.8

Nueva Vizcaya was not left wholly intact by the
war, and some feeble local efforts were made by ardent
patriots. A month before Hidalgo's capture, a num
ber of insurgents were secured, and the opening of
1812 was marked by a conflict at San Francisco be
tween several hundred men.9 Toward the close of
1814, Trespalacios and Caballero planned an outbreak
at Chihuahua, but the plot was revealed to Garcia
Conde, who now controlled the Occidente section from
this point, and promptly nipped the movement by ar
resting the principals.10 This comparative exemption
was mainly due to the watchfulness of the authorities,
including the clergy, who exercised most effectively
the pardoning power.11 Brigadier Bernardo Bonavia
y Zapata,12 governor intenderite of Nueva Vizcaya,
and his lieutenant at Durango, the asesor, Angel Pi-
nilla y Perez,13 were conspicuously zealous in the royal
cause. Chihuahua had its usual Apache raids to
meet, and Durango suffered in 1820 brief irruption
from rebellious Opatas, which was quelled without
any serious bloodshed.14 The visit of the explorer,

8 As fully related in Hist. Mex., iv. 276 et seq., this series. A monument
was erected on the spot of execution by decree of July 19, 1823, a plain
pyramid surrounded by circular steps. Escudero, Chili., 88-9; Dice. Univ., ii.
093. Allowances were granted for annual ceremonies thereat. Correo, Fed.
Mex., Aug. 27, 1872.

9 The royalists numbered 413, and claimed to have killed 300, besides
securing 325 male prisoners and a crowd of women. The heads of the latter
were shaved. Gac. Mex., iii. 24—8; ii. 1136.

lt}OnNov. 4, 1814. The betrayer was J. M. Arrieta, who had served
Hidalgo as colonel. The leaders were condemned to ten years in presidio.
Trespalacios escaped from Habana, and Caballero was pardoned in Spain.
Alarnan, Mej., iv. 206-8.

11 Bishop Castaniza obtained this privilege from the viceroy, and delegated
it to the priests, the ' bando sobre indulto.' Gac. Mex., viii. 539-42.

12 Of 54 years' service in 1812, 15 being as brigadier. Id., xii. 341; Mayer's
MSS., no. vii., 2; Doc. Mex., no. iv., 23.

13 He was presented by the citizens with a gold medal, ' por singular ser-
vicios.' Noticioso Gen., tit. 23, 1818; Discurso, in Pap. Var., xviii., pt 27.

"Of whom 240 were captured. Noticioso Gen., Dec. 20, 1820.

CRUZ AND NEGRETE. 585

Pike, and the momentary reestablishment of Jesuits,
in 1819,15 caused a temporary excitement. In 1812,
the provinces were cheered by receiving the liberal
constitution conceded to the colonies by Spain, with
the prospect of an audiencia.16 Although the consti
tution was suspended soon after by the viceroy, Nueva
Vizcaya managed to elect a representative to the cor-
tes,17 till its revival, in 1820, provided also an assem
bly and provincial deputations.

Loyalty to Spain was most pronounced at the open
ing of this third decade — so much so that when Itur-
bide turned against his viceregal master,18 General
Cruz, ruler of Nueva Galicia, and the second power
in the country, went to Durango to make a final effort
in behalf of the tottering cause of Spain. He entered
that city July 4, 1821, attended by officials from Za-
catecas and other points, with a few hundred soldiers.19
Negrete, Iturbide's lieutenant, followed in pursuit, and
laid siege to the city early in August, with about
3,000 men. The defence was maintained for over
three weeks, with brisk firing and occasional sorties,
varied by assaults, which involved severe losses.20
Negrete finally planted a battery against a vulnerable
point, and on the 30th gained a decided advantage.
By this time defection had assisted to undermine the
zeal of the royalist. A truce was accepted,21 and on

15 They entered Durango on Palm Sunday to reopen their college. They
had to leave again by decree of 1821. Pap. Var., clxv., pt 17. On Dcsamor-
tizacion Eccles., see Soc. Mex. Geog. BoL, i. 494-5.

16 Cortes, Diario, xv. 289; xvii. 109; Cortes, Act. Ord., 1814, ii. 159-GO.

17 J. J. Giierena, native of Durango. He was curate of S. Miguel, Mexico;
subsequently canon doctoral at Puebla, and prominent in spreading vaccina
tion. According to Alaman, Mej., iv. 218, he died at Cadiz on Oct. 13, 1813,
during the epidemic, yet Cortes, Diario, xix. 238, alludes to him as acting in

18The provincial deputation hastened, in March 1821, to assure the vice
roy of its devotion, and Bishop Castaiiiza warned his flocks against the per
fidious acts of Iturbide. Gac. Mex., xii. 391-2, 402.

19 The total force at Durango was now placed at about 1,OOD men. Gac.
Guad., Aug. 1, 1821. Cuevas, Porveni, i. 106, reduces it to barely 800.
Liceaga, AdAc. y fact., 462.

20 Especially the sorties of Aug. 6th, loth, and 30th. On the latter occa
sion, a ball struck Negrete in the mouth, knocking out three teeth, and com
pelling his temporary retirement. Liceaga, Adlc. y Rect., 462-3.

21 During which, troops' on both sides fraternized. Gac. Guad., Sept. 1,

586 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

September 3d the garrison surrendered, with the
honors of war, and permission to retire with Cruz to
Spain.22 M. Urrea was installed as gefe politico,
while Antonio Cordero, who had governed at Du-
rango as civil and military governor for the last three
years, was rewarded for prompt adhesion with the
comandancia general of the Occidente section, in place
of Garcia Conde, who had delayed.

In the following year the empire was received with
the acclamation usually accorded to success, and Chi
huahua and Durango were gladdened with the pros
pect of separate comandancias de armas.23 When
shortly after the federalists rose against Iturbide,
Chihuahua joined with equal readiness in the cry,
after a momentary objection from Janos.24 In
Durango measures were at first taken against the
movement, but on March 5, 1823, the troops de
clared in favor it it,25 followed by the people. Com-
andante general Cordero resigned, however, as did
Brigadier I. del Corral, civil and military governor at
Durango, whereupon the diputacion provincial declared
the intendente Juan Navarro successor to the latter,
and Jaspar de Ochoa, colonel of the pronouncing
garrison, as commander in place of Cordero.

By decree of July 19, 1823, the supreme congress
decreed the division of Nueva Vizcaya into two
provinces, to be known as Chihuahua and Durango,
respectively, the capital of the former receiving the
title of city and becoming the seat of a diputacion
provincial.26 The act was just to Chihuahua, to

22 Text in Id., Sept. 15th. The officials took the oath on Sept. 9th. Pap.
Var., 1. 50. The people and authorities began to vie in honoring Iturbide.
Gac. Imp., i. 249-51, 389.

23 Mex. Mem. Guer., 1823, 25; Pop. Polit., ii., pt 15.

24 Whose garrison objected to the proclamation of the Casa Mata plan at
Chihuahua, on March 12th, and marched upon this city. Negotiations soon
brought these troops over. Pinart, Doc. Ckih. MS., i. 27-38, 90, 93.

25 Commandant Ochoa at Durango pronounced for it. The diputacion
provincial recommended the new order to the people in July. Vallcjo, Doc.
Mex., i., pt viii. 1-7. Vaca Ortiz, deputy for Durango and cast into prison
by Iturbide, was now honored. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 97.

26 Chihuahua to extend from Rio del Norte to Bio Florido, and Durango
continuing to its original southern boundary. Mex. Col. Ord y Dec., ii. 147-8.

IXTERNO DEL NORTE. 587

which was already conceded a population of over 100,-
000, with requirements that made necessary a separate
administration from that residing at the distant and
uncongenial Durango. Nevertheless, a party per
suaded the chamber to reunite the two provinces, in
cluding New Mexico, under the appellation Estado
Interno del Norte, with capital at Chihuahua.27 Du
rango, however, raised objections. She demanded
that her chief city be retained as capital, or that she
be made a separate state or territory,28 on the ground
of her large population, with resources far superior to
those of Chihuahua and of several existing states.
The appeal found hearing, and on May 22d and July
6, 1824, the separation was affirmed, New Mexico
being declared a territory of the federation.29 In the
following year the two states, issued their constitution,
in accordance with the federal organic law of the re
public.30

Chihuahua established only one legislative chamber
of not less than eleven deputies, while Durango in
dulged also in a senate of seven members,31 thereby
supplying additional food for the party feuds which
quickly began to unfold. In the constituent legisla-

27Decree of Jan. 31, 1824. On Feb. 4th was issued a law creating a legis
lature for this state, assigning to Chihuahua and Durango five deputies
each, and to New Mexico one. Mex. Col. Ord y Dec., iii. 25-6, 18.

28 This appeal was made by the diputacion itself. It was shown that
population and resources were sufficiently abundant for a separate existence.
Pinart, Doc. Chih., MS., ii., no. 1.

i9 The decree of May 22d applied only to Durango, so that the claim by
Chihuahua hung in the balance till July Cth, when she also was declared a
state, with approval of deputies elected in May; the eight proprietary mem
bers joining with the three supleiites to form the legislature. Mex. Col. Ord
y Dec., iii. 50, 54-5. Her limits were Paso del Norte on one side and the
hacienda de Rio Florido on the south, ' con su respectiva pertenencia. ' The
Durango legislature which met on June 30th, had eight proprietary members,
and President Escarzaga, yet for the following legislature eleven were
elected, at the rate of one for 11,000 souls, the estimated population being
120,000. Dur. Col Tej., 30-2. The federal constitution of October, con
firmed the separation.

30 Durango on Sept. 1st, and Chihuahua on Dec. 27th; the provisional con
stitution of the former appeared as early as Jiily 29, 1824, and 1-11, 38-65;
Mex. Col. Comtit., i. 156-94, 274-319. This will be considered in a separate
chapter.

31 Her voting in 1825 is given in Pap. Var., xxxi., pt xvii. 1-5.

588 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

ture or convention, the escoces and yorkino, or con
servative and liberal, elements32 already asserted
themselves in a marked degree, for a time under the
localized nicknames of Chirrines and Cuchas.33 Soon
the military entered as a third party to watch their
opportunities for spoil. The elections for the first
regular legislature were disputed,34 and it was not till
May 1, 1826, that the body was installed 35 in not fully
complete form. The triumphant liberals controlled
it and failed not to direct blows against the clericals,
who responded by fomenting a conspiracy for
August 4th. This was promptly stopped with the
aid of informers, and more strenuous measures were
taken against the party, to which end extra powers
were conferred upon the governor, Santiago Baca
Ortiz, deputy to the first national congress, and leader
of the yorkino party.36 The result was that the op
ponents had recourse to fresh plots, one of which in
November met the same fate as the preceding ;37 an
other took place in March 1827, when Lieutenant J.
M. Gonzalez proclaimed himself comandante general,
arrested the governor, dissolved the legislature, and
terrified the liberals generally, assisted by women,

32 The rise and development of which are treated in Hist. Mex., v., this
series.

33 The former denoting pretenders to learning and greatness, and as they
embraced besides Churchmen and Spaniards, the students and youth, the
term ' partido de los muchachos ' was also applied by the Cuchas, a name sig
nifying buffoons and beggars, who gained their bread by creating merriment
among the people. Ramirez, Not. Dur., 62-3. The Chirrines unfurled a
green standard, with the watchword Viva la Religion Catdlica; hence also
the appellation Catholics. The latter split after 1848 into Atalayas, or new
men, who objected to the extreme conservatism of the other faction. See
also Zavala, Rev. Mex., 277 et seq.

34 Arguments for both sides, in Alcalde, Espos.; Mex., Observ. al Congreso,
1-2; Esto viene muy al caso, 1-2; Pap. Var., xxxi., pts 18, 22, Ixix., pt 11,
with remonstrance against divisions of the constituent committees.

35 Under the presidency of J. J. de Escarzaga, in the senate, and J. M.
de Arrieta, in the house. J. de Matos had been president of the constituent
convention. Son., Actas Conrj., i. 220.

36 The legislature elected the governor, hence this selection. His suffer
ings as one of the depiities imprisoned by Iturbide had earned him great
sympathy, which he justified by an energetic and able administration.
Ramirez, Not. Dur., 64.

37 It was fomented by Canon Zubiria. More than 200 had joined the plot
when it was divulged. Correo Semanario, i. 68-73, 123-4.

POLITICS. 589

who felt it a duty to sustain their confessors.38 The
general government took prompt steps to check the
movement, by sending General Parras, whose mere
presence sufficed to dissipate it, for Gonzalez' men
passed over and their leader fled.39 Comandante
general J. J. Ayestaran was replaced by Jose
Figueroa.

The following elections proved as unsatisfactory as
the preceding, until finally the supreme government
interfered, and effected a settlement for the moment,40
in favor of the yorkino interest, this party having
carried the day at Mexico, by electing Guerrero to
the presidency.41 Disorders at Mexico in 1828, pro
duced a corresponding ebullition between the fac
tions in the north, and the installation of the new
legislature did not take place until the middle of the
following year. Even then it was quickly dissolved
by Governor Baca, who replaced it by one of more
pronounced yorkino type. Guerrero's liberal admin
istration being overthrown in December, Colonel
Gaspar de Ochoa pronounced in favor of the rebellious
vice-president. Bustamarite, and in February 1830,
mustered a rabble in opposition to the new governor,
F. Elorriaga, whom lie arrested with other prominent
yorkinos. He then summoned the legislature which
had been dissolved by Baca. The civil and military
authorities were now headed by J. A. Pescador and
Ochoa.

The general features of the preceding occurrence ap
plied also to Chihuahua, although in a modified form.

38 Dona D. Pacheco de Arenas marched through the streets and enlisted
followers. Tornel, Nac. Mcj., 273-84.

391he expulsion of Spaniards was a cause for the revolt. Suarez y
Navarro, Hist. Mcj., 82-3; Ward's Mex., i. 313-14. See also Corrco Fed. ,
April 12th, May 2, 1827. An amnesty was granted to the rebels. Arrillaya,
Recop., 1829,44.

4J Obliging acceptance of the divisions made by the electoral conventions
of June 25-30, 1827. Tornel, Nac. Mej., 273-84. For names of senators see
Mex. Col. Leyes, 1829, 18, 33-4.

41 The legislature sent its congratulations and contributed $10,000 to the
general treasury. Correo Fed., Jan. 30, Feb. 12, 18, June 8, 1828, sup.,
while Chihuahua gave three times as much.

590 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

The first person elected under the new constitution of
1825, was Simon Elias Gonzalez, who being in Sonora,
was induced to remain there, J. A. Arce taking his
place as ruler in Chihuahua. In 1829, however,
Gonzalez became comandante general of Chihuahua,
his term of office on the west coast having expired.

Arce showed himself a less thorough yorkino than
his confrere of Durango. Although unable to resist
the popular clamor for the expulsion of the Spaniards/2
he soon quarreled with the legislature, which declared
itself firmly for Guerrero, and announcing his support
of Bustamante's revolution, he suspended, in March
1830, eight members of that body, the vice-governor,
and several other officials, and expelled them from the
state. The course thus outlined was followed by
Governor J. I. Madero, who succeeded in 1831, as
sociated with J. J. Calvo as comandante general,
stringent laws being issued against secret societies,
which were supposed to be the main spring to the
anti-clerical feeling among liberals. This feeling was
wide-spread, and at the first symptom of reaction
against the government at Mexico, Durango displayed
active approval. In May 1832, Jose Urrea, a rising
officer, undertook to support the restoration of Presi
dent Pedraza, and on July 20th, Governor Elorriaga
was reinstated, and the legislative minority overthrown
together with Baca was brought back to assist in
forming a new legislature, which met on September
1st." Chihuahua showing no desire to imitate the
revolutionary movement, Urrea prepared to invade
the state. Comandante-general Calvo threatened to
retaliate, and a conflict seemed imminent when the
entry of Santa Anna into Mexico put an end to the

*'2 Which manifested itself strongly in 1826. LaPalanca, Sept. 14, 1826. In
1827 the legislature opposed the expulsion bill by eight votes against two.
Mora, Obras Sueltas, ii. 255; but in vain, for three score were expelled out
of eight score entered on the list. Mex. Mem. Estad., 1829, doc. 1; Correo
Fed., Jan. 2, 1828.

43 Under the presidency of M. Castaneda in the lower house, and of F.
Romo in the senate. Pinart, Col. Doc., no. 251; Zar.iacois, Hist. Max., xi.
902.

LEGISLATURE AXD GOVERNORS.

591

dispute/4 A new legislature met at Durango in Feb
ruary 1833, and B. Mendarozqueta succeeded as gov
ernor, both ready to cooperate in the liberal measures

DURANGO AND SINALOA.

of Farias, whom President Santa Anna had left in

44 Correspondence between the respective governors and commanders in
Sept. -Oct., in Pinart, Doc. Chih., ii. 11-22; Id. Coll., 1832, 1-2; Bustamante,
'Voz. Patria, MS., iii. 193-5, reproduces some lofty epistles from Calvo.

592 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

charge of the administration to feel the public pulse,
while he kept safely in the background till the turn
of affairs should become clear. One step was the
banishment of Bishop Zubiria for resisting the law
relating to curas and other encroachments on the
church;45 another joined the western states in a short
lived coalition for sustaining the federal system.46

No sooner, however, had Santa Anna turned upon
his colleague in alarm at the imposing efforts of the
clerical party, than legislature as well as governor fol
lowed the example by adopting, in July 1834, his plan
of Cuernavaca, which put a check to reforms. But
such was their lukewarmness in enforcing it that the
commanding officer, Colonel J. I. Gutierrez, on Sep
tember 3d, at the head of the garrison, affirmed the
plan, and at the same time declared the term of the
legislature and governor expired.47 At a convention
of citizens called by himself to select a new provisional
ruler, he naturally obtained the vote, with P. J. Es-
calante for his deputy, and a council to guide the
administration.48 Considering it for his interest to
discountenance such radical dispositions of state au
thorities, Santa Anna ordered the reinstatement of
Mendarozqueta, associated with Ochoa as comandante
general. Gutierrez humbly yielded, but Escalante
refused to surrender office, midst liotous demonstra
tions, whereupon troops were summoned from Zacate-
cas. Their approach gave force to the mediation of
the returned prelate, and the change was effected
without bloodshed.49

45 Correspondence in Zulriria, Docs, 1-27; Pap. Var., Ixxiii. pt 8. The
bishop departed quietly by night, on May 9th, to obviate an emente among
his devoted flock.

46 The supreme govt approved the object in Oct. 1833; the federal feature
came to naught; but the germ was left for a defensive alliance against savage
inroads from the north. Documents in Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. 21, 31-2, 41;
Id., Coll., nos. 97, 266, 297-8, 318.

47 Text in Pinart, Coll. , no. 326. Midst cries from the mob of Muera la
Federacion! y Viva Santa- Anna! Ramirez, Not. Dur., 15.

48 Names in Tiempo, Sept. 22, 26, Oct. 8, 26, 1834.

^Oposidon, Oct. 8, 22, 29, Nov. 20-2, 1834. Gutierrez wrote a long dis-
culpation, showing that he had merely given effect to popular desire, and
obeyed every order from Mexico. Indeed, his moderation procured wide ap
proval in Durango. Dur. Examen Crit., 30-44.

INDIAN AFFAIRS. 593

The ensuing election brought a new legislature,50
with governors conforming to the change of aspects.
Nevertheless, in September 1835 political influence
brought in as ruler Jose Urrea, of federalist tenden
cies, whose different revolutionary efforts had brought
him to the grade of brigadier, with an ambition to
gain further distinction.51

In Chihuahua, where the reaction under Farias
had found less active response, the Cuernavaca plan
was adopted in July 1834, with quiet deference to the
national decision. At the same time the old favorite,
Simon Elias Gonzalez, lately comandante general,
was nominated governor, while the supreme authori
ties conferred the military command upon Colonel J.
J. Calvo,52 whose firmness had earned well-merited
praise. The state was in the midst of a war with the
Apaches, which required the concentration of all en
ergies and resources for defence. After a review of
the situation, Elias declared that the interests of the
territory would be best served by uniting the civil
and military power, at least while the campaign lasted.
Opposition being made, he firmly insisted, and re
signed.53 This exemplary abnegation was not lost,
for in 1837 he was renominated with acclamation.54

The advance of settlement in these northern prov
inces, as described in a preceding volume, had been
contested step by step by the aborigines, till sword
and cross succeeded in bringing the less roaming

50 With J. M. Asiinsoto for governor, who was replaced by J. M. del He-
gate in the beginning of 1835. Dur. Gac. Gob., Jan. 25, 1835.

51 Although styled also comandante general in Pinarf, Coll., no. 440, El
Tiempo, Oct. 13, 1834, proclaims G. Ochoa as appointed to this position on
Sept. 22d, in order to neutralize the bent of the other.

52 J. M. Echavarria was declared vice-governor. Id. , Aug. 7-8, Sept. 6,
1834. Governor Madero's term was about to expire. For deputies, etc., see
M, Sept. 19th; Pinart, Doc. Cldli., MS. ii. 25-30.

53 This was represented by the Sol de Mayo as an act by the legislature,
but El Fanal of Chihuahua explained the truth. Oposicion, Apr. 30, May 13,
June 13, 1835. Calvo was accordingly recognized also as governor. Arrillaya,
Recop., 1835, 549; Hist. Doc. Cal., i. 166. Echavarria acted at times for him.
Pal. St. Pap. (Sac.), xiii. 5.

54 And likewise for Sonora. Gandara, Espos., 9-10; Pap. Far., cliii., pt 10.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 38

594 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

tribes under subjection, and driving the rest into the
mountains beyond the Rio Bravo and the lines of
presidios skirting it. Among these intractable bands,
designated by the general terms of Apaches and Co-
manches, hunting was practically the only occupation.
Closely allied to it was warfare, fostered during this
long struggle till it became a second nature, and stim
ulated by the brooding idea that their hunting-grounds
had been taken from them by white invaders. Right,
as well as vengeance, therefore, urged them to retalia
tion by entering this domain bequeathed by their fore
fathers, and wresting a share of its produce in fat cattle
and fleet steeds, with scalps for trophies. The ordi
nary chase fell into comparative disrepute beside
this ready source of supply, made glorious by daring
feats and bloody achievements.

The colonial government tried one measure after
another in the effort to check the terrible raids, which
between 1771 and 1776 resulted in the slaughter of
1674 persons in Nueva Vizcaya alone, not counting
soldiers, travellers, or captives, while vast districts were
laid desolate. In 1786 Viceroy Galvez proposed a war
without cessation or mercy against every tribe until
it should be forced to sue for peace — a peace to be
based on mutual interest, by encouraging the Indians
with regular or occasional gifts while undermining
their health with subtle distribution of fiery liquor,
and creating a desire for luxuries that could be obtained
only in peaceful intercourse with settlers. Any in
fringement of treaties was to be relentlessly punished,
and wars of extermination suscitated among the tribes.

This Machiavellian policy was pursued with great
success, although subjected to modifications by differ
ent commanders, for during the remainder of this
century and the beginning of the following one no
serious outbreaks are recorded. With the changes and
administrative corruption attending the entry of
Viceroy Iturrigaray came a degree of laxity, which
encouraged the insolence and daring of the Apaches.

RAIDS AND DEPREDATIONS. 595

Two chiefs, Rafael and Jose Antonio, proved especially
troublesome in their raids, which extended, during
half a dozen years, from Rio Bravo to within the
borders of Durango, and resulted in the murder of
300 persons, the kidnapping of more than two
score, besides heavy losses in property.55 Sonora
suffered also. The death of these two savages in
1810 procured a lull,56 which was broken by no very
severe outrages, save in 1813—14, when Sonora bore
the brunt. Yet petty depredations were of constant
occurrence.

The transformation of the colony into a republic,
with its rapid development of party strife and male-
administration, led in the north to indifference and de
sertion among the unpaid or neglected soldiers, and to
a reduction of the presidio garrisons so as to render
several of them of little service. The ever chang
ing comandantes and comandantes generales had been
prompted by pledges or zeal to reorganize or improve
the garrisons, but the lack of funds and means had
ever proved insuperable. Assignments of funds were
frequently procured from state and general govern
ments, only to be set aside for other preferred credi
tors, or to be absorbed by revolutions which were often
started solely to obtain possession of such moneys.
The sums allowed served for momentary propitiation,
to secure the small portion of the force; others re
ceived only partial pay. The immense arrears were
no longer hoped for either by soldiers, or by settlers
from whom the former had been obliged to extort
supplies on credit.57

55InZ>oc. Mex., ser. 4, iii. 1-88, is given a detailed account of 137 raids
by them, and the chief Chinche who perished in 1806, resulting in 298 killed,
53 wounded, and 45 captives. Extracto o Sudnta Relation, by Ruiz de Busta-
mante.

56 Rafael was of Opata descent, and educated, according to some accounts,
by a Sonoran priest. This enabled him to acquire useful guidance, through
tlie robbed mail, for his depredations. He had for a wife a Mexican captive,
whose love indue ->d her to light by his side. When he fell, she refused to
surrender, and killed several soldiers before her spirit fled to join her warrior
hero. FroeM, ii. 246; Putnam's May., iv. 412.

07 Over a million was owing to the few existing troops of Sonora alone
•according to Velaaco, Son., 90-2; Soc. Mex. Geoy., Bol, viii. 392-4.

596 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

For a while the colonial presidio system was left
unmolested to prompt the diminishing garrisons to a
certain maintenance of order among the surrounding
tribes, by energetic pursuit and punishment of marau
ders, in which expeditions they were sustained to
some extent by the local guards, although these were
seldom provided with better arms than bows and
lances.08 Soon, however, the spirit slackened, partly
because the raids were not sufficiently severe to rouse
the people, partly from political preoccupation and
from the causes above enumerated. The Indians
were not slow to perceive the change, and as the lack
of means became perceptible in diminishing presents
and allowances, they felt an additional motive for re
suming the long deferred inroads. In 1831 the upris
ing began,59 extending gradually into Sonora. The gov -
eminent of Chihuahua took prompt steps by sending
troops in different directions, one party under Captain
Ronquillo penetrating to the Gila. Nevertheless the
peace proposals of the wily savages were entertained
in 1832 with such readiness that the stolen cattle and
other booty were conceded to them.60

The effect of such leniency, in marked contrast
with the extermination policy, was to encourage the
Indians to renewed inroads on a larger scale. In fact,
the state capital itself was threatened that year, and
their ravages reached such an extent that one settle
ment after another was abandoned.

The method of the marauding tribes was well cal
culated to inflict the greatest possible damage with
the minimum of exposure. After leaving a small
band to provide for the safety of the women and
camps, the rest of a tribe, to the number of perhaps
200 or 300, would approach the selected raiding

58 And few could manage the bow adds the Oposicion, May 13, 1835.

59 Due to a lack of policy and circumspection, says Conde, Soc. Mex.
Geof/., Bol.y v. 313, which meant the withholding of rations, etc., and the
attempt, as Escudero adds, Not. Chih., 249-50, to force them into a more
civilized life.

63 The cattle were actually branded so as to prevent dispute.

SYSTEMATIC STEALING. 597

ground, and dividing into small parties, overrun it at
different points, thus ensuring more booty, while dis
tracting the settlers from effective pursuit. The entry
generally took place during moonlight nights, the day
being passed in hidden retreats, guarded by sentinels.
If travellers or caravans became the object, ambus
cades proved the best means for entrapping them. A
determined resistance, however, readily obliged the
assailants to retreat. For the capture of stock, stam-

Fdin£ devices were much in vo<nie. In retreating
O O

with the booty, the party often divided into still
smaller bands, in order to secure at least a portion of
the plunder, a fleet rear guard being left in observa
tion to give warning or to misdirect pursuers. Occa
sionally a larger number would unite to check the
troops, so as to give time for the captured stock to be
hurried off. If closely pressed, the Indians preferred
to spear the animals rather than leave them for a later
descent. At the rendezvous chosen before departure,
the bands met to divide the spoil, whereupon each re
turned to its home, there to celebrate success with
dances and other entertainments, to which the posses
sion of scalps lent special eclat. Women and children
were captured for adoption, the latter being reared
as warriors. Indeed, some of the fiercest and most
formidable fighters and chieftains have been assigned
to this origin.61 Although averse to the risk of open
battles, the Apaches nevertheless offered and accepted
it on many occasions, displaying tactics fully equal to
those of the troops, with due coordination of cavalry
and infantry, of bowmen and lancers.62

Under the Galvez system, each presidio had to send
out every month a reconnoitring party. In time of
danger, settlers as well as soldiers kept horses and

61 Additional details on their habits and warfare may be found in Soc. Mcx.
Geog., Sol., v. 315-17; xi. 92, 115 et seq.; Velasco, Son., 253-4; Escudero, Son.,

/4 — D.

62 Pike refers to this as early as 180G. A Spanish officer 'spoke of his
cavalry breaking their infantry as a thing not to be thought of. ' Trav. , 339-
, 40. In my Native Races, i. 493 et seq. , their weapons, methods of warfare,
etc., are described.

598 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

supplies ready for instant march. The decline in
strength and discipline among the garrisons involved
the total or partial abandonment of this cordon of
observation. Latterly, the skillful and daring maneu-
vres of the Indians rendered these flying excursions of
less value. Moreover, the small parties ordinarily
detached for such duty were now exposed to greater
danger, owing to the ever- increasing efficiency of Ind
ian armament, in muskets and powder obtained from
United States traders in exchange for cattle and other
stolen effects. The large proportion of forced recruits
in the republican army tended to diminish still more
its value, for these unwilling soldiers were little inclined
to expose their lives.63

As the danger increased, a general call to arms was
made ; the governor received extra power, and a loan
of $80,000 was decreed to wage war upon the sav
ages.64 Yet nothing availed. Whenever a band was
closely pressed, it accepted the too readily offered
peace, thus obtaining an opportunity to dispose of its
booty and replenish its store of ammunition. This
effected, it stood prepared to join other bands, which
had meanwhile been extending their ravages in less
protected districts. And so the devastation contin
ued; settlements were deserted,65 and famine followed
in the wake.

Repeated appeals were made to the general gov
ernment for aid ; but the struggle carried on through
out this decade between conservatives and liberals, in

63 Gregg declares that three or four Apaches would venture within sight
of Chihuahua to ravage with impunity. The troops sent in pursuit would
generally keep well beyond range, or retreat before obtaining a view of the
foe's main body. Yet the local journals were filled with accounts of prodi
gious feats. Com. Prairies, 294-7. Formerly 25 soldiers could rout 100 Ind
ians; now they face equal numbers. Velasco, Son., 248.

64 Every month $9,000 were to be furnished. Gldli. Manif., 1-2. The mil
itia was placed at disposal of the sup. govt. Amllaga, Recop., 1834, 469. It
was difficult to collect the loan; some persons contributed in effects. Pinart,
Doc. Cliih., ii. 24-7.

63 At first the partidos of Galeana, Aldama, Rosales, and Paso suffered
most. Carmen was reduced to half its population; other places declined still
more; 'no producen ya iii la octava parte de lo quo antes.' Escudcro, Chih.,
125.

SCALP-HUNTING. 599

every direction, diverted troops and funds, so that
little could be granted for the relief of these provinces.
Besides, complaints from that quarter had been too
frequent and exaggerated to create much attention.
Soon, however, came a bitter affirmation. Encouraged
by the impunity enjoyed by the Apaches, the Coman-
ches joined more freely in the raids,66 giving them
wider proportions, and the Indians penetrating fur
ther and further into the interior, until they overran
Durango, and penetrated into Zacatecas.67 Then
came a clamor that revealed the serious nature of the
danger and roused the government to at least a spas
modic effort. The suggestions from deputies and
commandants for protecting the frontiers were sub
mitted to committees charged to frame reports on the
matter. Meanwhile some money and troops were
sent to cooperate with the state forces, which suc
ceeded in driving back the invaders, or rather induc
ing them to withdraw. This accomplished, the troops
returned to the political arena, and the Indians re
newed their operations.68

In their despair the states placed a price upon the
heads of the marauders, offering $100 for every male
scalp and half that amount for that of a female.69
With this inducement foreigners and friendly Indians
joined in the human hunt, notably a man named Kirker,
who organized a regular company for seeking scalps.'"

66 In May 1835, 600 or 700 entered the state and several engagements
followed. Oposidon, June 23-5, 1835; Cavo, Tres Siylos, iii. 82.

67 In 1840 the Comanches came within four leagues of Durango city,
which lies apparently remote from such visitors. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1841, 36.
That same year the Apaches entered the centre of Sonora for the first time
within memory. Soc. Alex. Geoij., Bol., xi. 92-3. The incursion into Zaca
tecas was marked by the slaughter of hundreds of victims. Alex. Inforn.e
Pcsquis., 12-14, 26, 37. This authority ascribes the Comanche raid to the
treaties concluded with them about this time by Mason and Chouteau in the
U. S. Markets, maps, arms, and other aid were freely supplied from that
quarter.

^Velasco, Son., 103-4, declares that the defences were even more
neglected in 1845 than during the preceding decade. Soc. Mex. Geo<j.y Bol,
viii. 399-400.

(;9 And yet more infamous, $25 for a child. It was in operation but a
few weeks says Gregg, Com. Prairies, i. 299-300.

70 Hobbs, who joined the party, states that James Kirker was a Scotch trap-

600 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

His first success, in surprising an Indian camp, proved
so great that only a portion of the promised funds
was paid. Jealousy also assisted in suspending the
project. The result had been a marked diminution of
ravages, but these now increased once more in mag
nitude, till " barely a horse remained in all the state,"7
the marauders penetrating to the centre of Durango,
slaughtering in one week of September, 1845, 100
persons, and in October 50 persons in the Cuencame
region alone.72 Troops and volunteers were massed
and sent forth, and reports came of victories and of
Indians expelled, to be followed by others of fresh
outrages and of disastrous defeats, till the minister of
interior affairs himself cried out that the state was
in desolation.73

In Chihuahua, Governor Garcia Conde had recourse
in 1842 to the pusillanimous and dangerous expedient
of buying peace.74 This, as often demonstrated,
proved only an incentive to further hostilities. Sonora
protested loudly against the conclusion of such
treaties, which temporarily secured certain portions of
Chihuahua, at the expense of the adjoining state,
which was raided by bands which took refuge in Chi
huahua, selling the acquired booty there under cover

per, captured some time before by Apaches, associated with them as a leader.
Tired of the life Kirker ran off with the money secured for sold Apache
booty, and now appeared to fight his former comrades. Wild Life, 81-3.
Americans, Shawnees, and Mexicans united, forming a party of 200, accord
ing to Niks Rcy., Ivii. 19. Hobbs, 93, 98-9, says most of the Americans
left after failing to receive full payment for the yield of the first hunt, which
brought 182 scalps and 18 captives.

71 As Bustamante puts it. GaUnete, ii. 105-9. For raids, see Id., Diar.
Mex., MS., xliv. 59, 127.

T2 Ami'/o del Pueblo gives some harrowing details, Oct. 18, 23, Nov. 4, 6,
27, Dec. 18, 1845. Abejais very full about these raids, especially in the Oct.
and Nov., 1844, issues. Bol Notic., Jan. 11, 1845.

73 He charged U. S. officers with directing these inroads. Pinart, Coll.,
no. 851. See also Yountfs H'ist. Mex., 378.

74 Conde, in Album, Mex., i. 22; fiivera, Hist. Jal., iii. 541; Conde, Vindk.,
1-8; Pap. Far., clvi., pt 23. The people, however, endorsed him, and in
1845 a general clamor called for his restoration to the governship from Mrhich
he had been removed. Pepres. or Clrih., in Miscel, iii. 5; Bustamante, Di-rr.
Mex., MS., xliv. 59, 81, 127, with account of raids. It was openly advo
cated to grant certain bonds monthly rations, $5,000 a year, and, moreover,
the right to sell their stolen booty. Pinart, Doc. Chili., MS., ii. 32.

CENTRALIZED GOVERNMENT. 601

of the agreement. In their exasperation, the Sonorans
on one occasion quietly followed some bands to their
encampments round Janos, and when they appeared
for their stipulated rations, fell upon them, slaughtering
more than a hundred men, and carrying off nearly as
many women and children. Deeds like these are said
to have been not infrequent in past days, and to have
done more to inflame the Indians than encroachments
upon their hunting grounds.

All measures failing to avert the tempest, the ter
rible man-hunting is again resorted to, and Kirkcr
once more engages in scalp-taking. But the Apache
is fleet and cunning, and the chase soon becomes un
profitable. But if hostile scalps cannot be had there
are plenty in the peaceful rancherias. And so the
hunters pounce upon many an innocent band, render
ing the surprise and massacre yet safer to themselves
by sending beforehand kegs of liquor to over-power
the warriors.75

The overthrow of the federal system in 183G for a
centralized form of government76 reduced the states
to departments, under governors appointed by the su
preme authority.77 The change tended to calm for a
time the political factions, and the ensuing war with
France united opponents. Nevertheless, the federal
feelino; was not extinct in Durancm. and in 1837 both

O O '

governor and assembly appealed to the president in
favor of the constitution of 1824, declaring the central
government to be too remote to properly understand
the wants of the province.78 In 1839, a feeble move-

75 These unscrupulous proceedings were naturally kept as quiet as possible.
Ruxton heard of several instances, and states that neither age nor sex was
spared. Adven., 158-9. See Bartktt, Marr., i. 322-3. Ind. Aff. Kept, 1871,
43-4. Hall, Son., MS., 171-2, adds that settled Tarihumaras and even
Mexicans were frequently mistaken (!) for Apaches, and more murders com
mitted in a month than Apaches could have clone in a year.

76 See Hist. Mex., v. 144 et seq., this series.

77 From the ' terna, ' three candidates, proposed by the departmental as
sembly.

1KJ)ur. Expos., in Pap. Var., xxxix., pt 2. This was supported by local
appeals, as Dur. Repres. de Victoria, 1-10.

602 CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

ment79 was made in sympathy with the federalist re
volt which Urrea had maintained in the northwest
and east for two years, and in 1841 the comandante
general, J. A. Heredia, joined the Guadalajara pro-
nuriciamiento by Paredes, which, demanding a reformed
constitution, brought about a dictatorship under Santa
Anna.80 This opportune movement procured for him
the governorship,81 but his remissness in seconding the
revolution of the same leader against the dictator, at
the close of 1844, lowered his prospects somewhat.
The return now to a federal system brought B. Men-
darozqueta into his place.82

In Chihuahua, both the assembly and governor,
General J. M. Monterde,83 sought to resist the move
ment against Santa Anna, and failing in this, the lat
ter placed in charge of the administration Deputy Luis
Zuloaga. The character and abuses of this man pro
voked loud protests,84 and in June 1845, Commandant
Ugarte compelled him and several obnoxious assem
blymen to resign, whereupon Angel Trias was installed
as governor.85 Neither this governor nor the civil
authorities of Durango favored the uprising of Gen-

79 By Capt. Rosa and some artillerists on May 3d. Com. -gen. Heredia
promptly suppressed it. Bustamante, Gallncte, i. 187. M. Castafieda was
governor at the time. P. de Ochoa had acted in 1837, and before him Pena
and Esparza. Pap. Var., clxxx., pt vii., 10.

80 Hist. Mex., v. 227 et seq., this series. Heredia's proclamation, in Va-
llejo, Doc. Mex., ii., pt 464, 13-14. The bishop of Durango protested against
the power given the congress by the organic law of 1843 as compared with
that of the church. Dur. Ocur. Prelado, in Pap. Var. , clvi. , pt 4.

81 In which he was confirmed in 1844, although failing to obtain a decisive
majority in the primary local election. Constitutional, Feb. 27, Mar. 1, 1844.
Mendarozqueta and Zubiria had acted previously.

82 He still held the power in 1847, although F. Elorriega acted in 1845 and
1846. Mem. Hist., Feb. 1, 1846.

83 Who succeeded F. Garcia Conde in 1843. The latter had, in 1840, by
general request, succeeded the deceased gov., J. M. Irigoyen, who had shortly
before replaced Elias Gonzalez. M. Anclrade, Manif., was appointed in
1839, but set aside before taking possession. Pap. Var., Ixxx., pt 7. See
Id., Rcpres. de Allende, and pt 8, for successors. Conde, Vindic., 5; Chih.
Mem. Hoc., doc. 1, Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., xi. 193.

84 A widely signed petition appeared for his removal for gambling and
dishonesty, together with other members of the assembly, of which he was
the eldest. Repres. contra Assamblea, 1-18; MisceL, iii.

85 JT. Bustamante acting for a while. Amiga Pueb., July 8, 12, 15, 1845. Jus-
tiniani is mentioned as com. -gen. early in 1845. Bol. Notic., Feb. 13, March
11, 1845.

PAREDES AND GARCIA COXDE. 603

erel Paredes at the close of the year, but the general
succeeded in gaining possession of the power, one re
sult being the installation of Irigoyen in Trias' place.
In Durango, the troops resolved to proclaim Paredes,
and Heredia took advantage of it to gain control ; but
Garcia Conde made a resolute stand at the head of
the militia, and persuaded the governor to join with
him in submitting to the new president, whereupon
order was restored.

CHAPTER XXIII.

LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

1843-1888.

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES — VIDAL DEFEATED BY
DONIPHAN — BATTLE OF SACRAMENTO— DONIPH AN OCCUPIES CHIHUAHUA-
HE MARCHES TO SALTILLO — SIEGE AND FALL OF ROSALES — FRONTIER
DEFENCE— FAILURE OF MILITARY COLONIES — INDIAN RAIDS AND SCALP
HUNTING— A COALITION OF STATES — SALE OF THE MESILLA VALLEY-
PLAN OF AYUTLA ADOPTED — CAJEN INVADES CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO
—VICTORY OF THE LIBERALS — ENTRY OF THE FRENCH — JUAREZ FLEES
TO CHIHUAHUA — BRINCOURT OCCUPIES THE CITY — DEPARTURE OF THE
INVADERS— DURANGO OPPOSES THE JUARISTAS— MURDER OF PATOM—
REVOLUTION OF PORFIRIO DIAZ — LERDISTA MOVEMENTS — SIERRA MOJADA
TERRITORY FORMED — SUPPRESSION OF INDIAN RAIDS.

A CAUSE for the comparative lull in political strife
in these provinces, as contrasted with the agitation
in the republic generally, lay in the relations with the
northern republic, which since 1841 had become
strained. In 1843 the prospect of war was enter
tained, and the government began to give serious
attention to frontier defences, a measure which
appeals for protection against savages, had failed to
evoke. Arms were sent with which to increase the
the efficiency of the presidios and to equip the militia,
and a regiment of defensores de la Frontera was or
dered to be organized in each of the three frontier
divisions.1 The people joined enthusiastically in the
defence preparations, and aided in sending 500 men to

1 To consist of light cavalry, in four escuadrones of two companies each,
with a force of £14 men and 42 officers, to cost $160,603 a year. Additional
companies were granted to the east and west provinces and to Tamaulipas.
Details in Mex. Mem. Guer., 1844, docs. 3, 22-4. The expenses were to
receive preference at the treasury. Palatio Ley as, 1844-46, 19. The three
frontier divisions were Sonora and Sinaloa, Chihuahua and Durango, Coahuila
and Texas.

(604)

THREATENED INVASION. 605

New Mexico, against the expected invasion.2 They
even submitted for a while to the interruption of the
overland caravan with the United States, sprung up
of late years with great advantage to these settle
ments, so remote from the market centres of the re
public.3

As the prospects of war increased, troops were or
dered into these central sections of the frontier,4 mod
ified by subsequent operations.5 Governor Irigoyen
not displaying a zeal commensurate with the eager
ness of the ascendant war party, was forced to resign
in favor of the energetic Trias, who stood conspicuous
for an ti- American sentiments. The change was op
portune, for he gave a decided impulpe to preparations,
by seeking a loan among his people,6 with which to
equip and organize the numerous volunteers.7 This
self-reliance was the more needful as the promised aid
from the republic diminished to a small contribution
of arms, and a few troops from Zacatecas and Du-
rango, brought by the little esteemed Heredia.8 In
the latter department equal zeal was exhibited, with
a mustering of some 3,000 volunteers.

After the invasion of New Mexico by the United
States troops, a corps of 12,000 men was sent to the

2 Of whom 300 remained. Buatamante, Hixt. Santa Anna, MS., iii. 46.
Specimens of the alarm notices may be consulted in Constitutional, April 23,
1844.

3 Yet in March 1844 the frontier custom-houses were declared open again.
Duian and Lozano, Leg. Mcx., iv. 752-3.

4 Filisola was first appointed commander of forces in Zacatecas. Durango
and Chihuahua, strengthened with 1,000 men from San Luis Potosi, bringing
ten battery pieces. The national guards could in case of need be called upon
to serve outside of their respective states. Text in E^cudero, Mem. CJiih., 45;
Pap. Var., Ixxxvii. pt 13.

5 On July llth the Chihuahua assembly decreed the raising of 6000 men.
Sonorense, Aug. 7, 1846. In Guadalupe 60 of the leading citizens joined as
volunteers. Restaurador, Aug. 11, 1846.

G Subsequently a forced loan was assessed among the towns. Iris Esp.,
Feb. 13, 1847.

7 \Vislizenus, Tour, 48, adds that a cannon foundry was erected.

8 Only 1,000 muskets were sent. Aptmtes Guerra, 139-40. In estimating
for the republican war fund, the bishop of Durango was assessed $80,000.
Max. Col Ley., 1844-46,537, 544. Monit. Comtit., April 22, 1845; Mem. Hixt.,
Jan. 26, 1846. Col. Guilty left Durango on Nov. 27th for Chihuahua with 500
men and 4 guns. Iris.E^p., Dec. 12, 1846.

60G LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

frontier to check their9 advance into Chihuahua,
Lieutenant-colonel Vidal 10 being in commmand.
Eager to meet the enemy, this body passed beyond
El Paso, and A. Ponce, who had been sent forward

CHIHUAHUA.

with 500 cavalry, 70 infantry, and a howitzer,11 came
December 25th, suddenly upon the enemy carelessly

9 To reconquer New Mexico, says Bustamante. Mem. Hist., v. 241.

lj Col Cuilty of Durango having fallen sick.

"Americans place the detachment at from 1,100 to 1,220, including
militia. U. S. Gov. Doc., cong. 30, sess. 1, H. Ex. Doc., i. 498; and Busta
mante, Mem Hist., vi. 27, implies the same.

DOXIPHAX'S EXPEDITION. 607

encamped at Brazitos.12 This formed a main body of 500
men under Colonel Doniphan, who had been ordered to
proceed from Santa Fe to Chihuahua, to reinforce
Wool's column, which was expected to be in posses
sion of that town.13 So complete was the surprise
that the Americans had not time to saddle and mount
their horses. But Ponce lost his opportunity by
wasting time in drawing out his force in formal battle
array, which being carefully completed, he sent in a
black flag with a summons to surrender, the alterna
tive being an attack without quarter. The Ameri
cans, however, had recovered from their confusion,
had seized their arms, and formed in line. Doniphan's
answer was an emphatic invitation to charge,14 where
upon the Mexicans bore down upon the enemy, deliv
ering a noisy but ineffectual fire at long range. After
three volleys, the cavalry, with Ponce at its head,
charged, but when within range the Americans, who
had hitherto withheld their fire, began a deadly rifle
£re which threw the enemy into great disorder.
Doniphan's rear column now appeared hurrying for
ward, and the repulse was converted into full flight,
the Mexicans abandoning their howitzer, and leaving
about two score dead on the field.15 Vidal retreated
to Chihuahua, and on the 27th the enemy occupied
El Paso.

Learning that Wool had not advanced into Chihua
hua, Doniphan remained for some weeks at the latter
place, awaiting the arrival of his cannon, which came
up early in February 1847, to the number of six
pieces. On the 8th of that month he resumed his

12 Twenty miles from El Paso, on the Rio Bravo.

13 See Hist. Hex., v. 405, et seq., this series.

11 He writes in his report: ' The reply was more abrupt than decorous —
to charge and be damned. ' Alex. Win. Doniphan was a lawyer of Missouri,
and long a brigadier of militia, about 39 years old, and upward of six feet in
height. Biography in Hughes' Doniphan s Exped. , 13-20. He had been lefb
in command at Santa Fe on Kearney's departure for California. When Col.
Price came to relieve him, he first compelled the turbulent Navajos to con
clude a treaty and then marched toward Chihuahua.

15 Doniphan places their dead at 73, and the wounded at 150. His own
loas was one killed and 7 slightly wounded. U. S. Gov. Doc., ut sup., 498.

603 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO

march, his force now numbering 924 effective men,
chiefly Missourians. Under its escort was a train of
315 wagons of the long delayed trade caravan for
Chihuahua. Thus hampered, Doniphan's march was
slow along the arid route, affording the Chihuahuans
ample time to prepare for defence. Twenty miles'
north of the capital the mountain ranges on the east
and west unite by a series of hills, through which the
pass of Sacramento affords an opening for the road
to El Paso. Two eminences, the Cerro del Sacramento
on the west, and another northeast of it, command
the entrance. Here Comandante-General Hereclia,
in accord with the governor, took his stand against
the invaders, sustained by a force of about 2,000
well-armed men,16 and protected by a system of re
doubts17 with ten pieces of artillery.

On the 28th of February the Americans were seen
approaching. The strength of Doniphan's force was
well known, and so confident were the Chihuahuans of
destroying it, that preparations were made in the city
to celebrate the expected triumph.18 But of what
avail of enthusiasm without efficiency against the
fatal rifles of the enemy and his well served artillery ?
A slight reconnoissance revealed to Doniphan that
the system of redoubts could be readily turned on
the west. On arriving, therefore, within a favorable
distance he suddenly diverged to the right and gained
an elevated plateau.19 Recognizing their blunder the

16 In Apuntes Ouerra, 143-5, are given some details with which Roa Bar-
cena, Recuerdos, 125, Bustamante, Invasion, ii. 105-6, and Mansfield, Mex.

War, 105, nearly agree. Doniphan, in the report previously quoted, p. 501,
says: 'The force of the enemy was 1,200 cavalry fromDurango and Chihua
hua with the Vera Cruz dragoons, 1,200 infantry from Chihuahua, 300 artil
lerists, and 1,420 rancheros badly armed with lassoes, lances, and machetoes,
or corn-knives; ' making a total of 4,120 men. The Senoreme, Mar. 25,
1847, enumerates 2,100, and understands that 2,500 will be massed for the
fight. Iris, Esp. , Mar. 20, 1847. Heredia was assisted in the command by
Conde, Trias, Justiniani, and Ugarte.

17 Doniphan gives the number at 27.

18 Apuntes, Gmrra, 145, 149. Brooks, Hist., 274, relates that cords had
been prepared with which to tie Doniphan and his men and send them to
Mexico.

19 ' Spoiling our plans, ' exclaims Bustamante, in a tone as if expecting

SOME FIGHTING. 609

Mexicans endeavored to counteract the movement by
advancing their cavalry. The movement was not
effected with sufficient promptness, for the enemy
unlimbered their guns and opened so destructive a
fire upon the men that, unaccustomed to artillery,
they hastily fell back behind the entrenchments.
The Americans continued to advance, and planted
two twelve-pound howitzers, well supported by cavalry,
against the line. The fire from these pieces was very
effective, while the Mexican artillery was rendered
almost useless through a misunderstood order for
moving a portion of it to the Cerro del Sacramento.20
As they came to close range the Missourians dis
mounted and plied their rifles with unerring aim.
Redoubt after redoubt was gained ; the eastern height,
cannonaded in reverse by the pix-pounders, was soon
carried ; and the battery on the Cerro del Sacramento,
which, during the engagement maintained a harmless
fire, was taken by assault. The Mexicans fled in
every direction, leaving on the ground 300 killed and
about the same number wounded. Forty prisoners,
ten pieces of artillery, and a large quantity of stores
fell into the hands of the victors, who acknowledged
the loss of two men, besides a few wounded.21

Trias retired with the authorities and remnants of
the army to Parral, leaving Doniphan an undisputed

the enemy to walk straight into the side trap set for them. Invasion, ii.
106-7.

20 All the pieces in the redoubts were hurriedly thrown out of battery and
put in motion toward the Cerro del Sacramento, while the infantry actually
began to move in the same direction. Though Heredia endeavored to cor
rect the mistake, it proved fatal; no effort could allay the confusion.

21 Only one fell on the field. U. S. Gov. Doc., cong. 30, sess. 1, //. Ex. Doc.,
i. 501, 502-13; Id., sess. 2, 76-7, 113-36, with supplementary reports.
Hughes, Doniphan s E.rped., 313-15, adds to the capture $6,000 in money,
50,000 sheep, etc. See also Purlers Volunteer, 446-52; Edwards' Campaign,
17-184; Hobbs Wild Life, 139-57; Patton, Hist. U. £.,741-3; Wiltard's Last
Leaves, 70-6; Peterson's Mil Heroes, 70; Kamsey's Other Side, 167-78; Mies'
Recj., Ixxii. 102, 144, 171-5; Frosts Pict. Hist. Hex., 423-9; Id., Hex. War,
220. Bustamante ascribes the defeat to the incompetence of the leaders, so
well known in Mexico that defeat was predicted. Invasion, ii. 107-8. In
this MS. of this work he expresses unutterable shame over the affair. Coutts'
Diary, 37; Id., cong. 84-6; Ripley, War Mex., i. 458-69.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 39

610 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

entry into Chihuahua.22 The position of the latter
was somewhat embarrassing : in the midst of a hostile
country, several hundred miles distant from other
sections of the army, his men composed of volunteers
unfit for garrison duty, without clothes or pay, and
with term nearly expired . Many interests urged him
to remain, yet he had orders to join Wool. Hear
ing that the latter was at Saltillo, a message was de
spatched, March 26th, to obtain his instructions.
These were to proceed to that point. On April 25th,
accordingly, Doniphan set out by way of Mapimi and
Parras, and reached Saltillo on May 22d.23

After the departure of the Americans, affairs re
sumed their course, under the combined efforts of
governor and assemblymen, who had already joined
those of other departments in favor of restoration of
the federal constitution, now that the weakness of the
supreme government afforded opportunity,24 and for
staying the seizure of mortmain property for war pur
poses. The appeal against this proceeding came from,
Durango, which had shown greater respect for eccle
siastical property than the sister state.25 With the
progress of the war, and the prospect of another inva-

22 Strict orders were issued for maintaining discipline and protecting prop
erty. Hobbs' Wild Life, 132. The citizens eagerly welcomed the trade cara
van, and many looked upon the American entry as liberation from Indian
wars and exactions. Bustamante, Invasion, ii. 108. Formal possession was
taken on March 1st, in the name of the United States.

23 Suffering much hardship from dust and scorpions and lack of water.
Not far from Parras, Capt. Reid intercepted and defeated a band of 65 Co-
manche raiders, with a loss to them of 17 men, and the recovery of 9 captives
and 1,000 head of animals. Brooks' Hist., 281; Coutts Cong., 87-8. The peo
ple of Parras voted thanks. The regiment was sent on to Monterey, and
ordered home, arriving at New Orleans on June 15th, after making a circuit
of 4,000 miles within 12 months. Santa Fe, Cong., 35-7; Hughes Doniphan s
Exped. , 367-70. Doniphan was voted a sword by the congress. Cong Globe,
1847-8, 327, 337, 433, 459; Brackets U. S. Cavalry, 104-7. Parkman, Gal
Trail, 415-17, praises the order and efficiency of the volunteers. And so in
U. S. Gov. Doc., ubisup., 54-5, 495-513.

24 The representative in the congress had, in Jan. 1847, been instructed to
advocate a reform of the 1824 organic law, and a number of changes bene
ficial to the state. Consult Escudero, Mem. Chili., 73-4. Escudero, as a
member of the congress, protested against the seizure of mortmain property
for war purposes; this should be made to contribute only its share.

25 The governor, indeed, had refused to publish the decree for seizing
mortmain estates. Bustamante, Mem. Hist., MS., vi. 57.

PRICE'S ASSAULT. 611

sion, preparations for defence were resumed,26 the pre
sidio companies being reduced to the character of
militia. News of peace negotiations tended to abate
these efforts; then came suddenly the announcement
of General Price's approach with a large force.27 A
messenger was sent with a flag of truce to the Sacra
mento pass to protest against the advance, on the
ground that peace had already been concluded. Price
regarded this as a mere subterfuge, and pushed for
ward, whereupon Trias retreated with a few hundred
men, chiefly militia.28 The American van entered
Chihuahua March 7th, and hastened on the following
day in pursuit, only to find Trias strongly entrenched
at Rosales. While waiting for the arrival of the re
maining troops, Price invested the place, and opened
negotiations for surrender. On the 16th, the Ameri
can general was in condition to present his ultimatum.
Trias having received reinforcements, and made good
use of the interval for strengthening his position, de
clined to entertain it, whereupon fire was opened upon
his camp with six pieces of artillery. The governor
responded with great spirit, and directed, moreover,
such an effective cavalry charge against the enemy's
rear as to compel a change of front and a withdrawal
of the pieces. This success proved only momentary,
however, as the horsemen were quickly dispersed, and
the siege operations resumed. Toward sunset Price
ordered an assault. Preceded by a well-directed vol
ley, the Americans penetrated the outer lines, and
forced their way to the plaza. Seeing that nothing
more could be done, Trias surrendered. He could do

26 Decreto Guerra, in Pap. Var., xcix. ; Pinart, Doc. Son., iv. 61; Hex. Col.
Ley., 1847, 265. A quarrel rose between the governor and comandante gen
eral, Arlegui, of Durango, concerning the right to control the militia. Pazma-
dor, Aug. 21, 1847; Democraia and Sonorense, July 2, 1847; Correo Nac., Oct.
23, 1847, Jan. 29, 1848.

27 Price set out from Santa Fe on Feb. 8th with a comp. of Missouri horse
for El Paso, where the concentration had been ordered of three comps U. S.
dragoons, six comps of Missouri horse, two comps Miss, infantry, Walker's
three comps of Santa Fe horse, and one of light artillery. U. S. Gov. Doc.,
cong. 30, sess. 2; H. Ex. Doc., i., pt i., 113-15.

" Apuntes Guerra, 399, gives him some 400 men and eight pieces.

612 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

this without hesitation, for his men had fought with
a determination that shed a redeeming lustre over
former encounters, even beyond the limits of Chihua
hua. This was the closing battle of the war.29

The Americans remained in occupation for about
three months before the official confirmation of peace
called them away. Their presence served to rouse
anew the fear of a possible cession of the state,
against which repeated protests had been made.30
Then followed apprehensions that the approach of the
neighboring republic, to the Rio Bravo, would result
in it driving the hostile Indians into Chihuahua. The
supreme government had relieved its conscience on
these points by a clause in the treaty, and might have
troubled itself little more about the danger incurred
by the settlers. But, a formidable power having now
stepped across the intervening space, the safety of
the republic became concerned, and demanded consid
eration.

The result was a decree of July 19, 1848, for es
tablishing eighteen military colonies along the entire
frontier, to serve in lieu of presidios as nuclei for civil
settlements, and consequently as an ever growing bul
wark against foreign invasion as well as savage irrup
tions.31

29 Needless, since peace had been arranged, although Price did not think
it prudent to credit the report. The Americans acknowledged the loss of 3
killed and 19 wounded, while placing the Mexican killed alone at 238. U. 8.
Gov. Doc., ut sup., 113-3(5; Ripley's War Max., ii. 611-13. The Mexican gar
rison was estimated at 700 men, with 1 1 guns, independent of the column
which attacked in the rear; the besiegers must have numbered at least 550.
Outrages are, as usual, charged to the invaders. Hex. Mem. ReL, 1875, app.
i., 51-2. Price shared with Doniphan the honor of receiving a sword from
the congress. Cong. Globe, 1847-8, 327, 337, 433, 459.

30 At the close of 1847. fiazonador, Dec. 4, 1847; Arcolris., Dec. 26, 1847.
Escudero, Mem. Chili., 96-7.

31 To this end the northern line was divided into three sections: Oriente,
Chihuahua, and Occidente, the first embracing Coahuila and Tamaulipas; the
second, Chihuahua alone; and the Occidente, Sonora, and Lower California.
Chihuahua and Sonora were to receive five colonies each, the peninsula one
and the Oriente seven, each with a fair proportion of the total of 2426 troops
assigned, of which 1751 cavalry, the annual pay list of which was placed at
$717,572. After six years, service the recruits might retire as civil settlers
on the land to which their term entitled them. Further details in Hist. Mex.,
v. 573 et seq., this series.

MILITIA. 613

Owing to the chronic lack of funds, the colonies did
not receive the necessary impulse either in men, set
tlers, or implements, the report for 1851 indicated
less than half the stipulated force, with only a portion
of the settlements in a fair way of development.32
Subsequent revolutions diverted attention from the
frontier, and the colonies declined to a shadow within
a few years. In 18G8 orders were issued for their
revival, but no steps were taken to raise the necessary
funds. Lately a committee reported adversely on
such colonies, combining military and agricultural
duties — and recommended instead the erection of
garrisoned posts wherever needful.33 No haste was
shown to act upon the suggestion, partly because
Indian raids, the main cause for the necessity of such
method of defence, had been practically checked.

As a partial substitute for regular troops, reduced
under the economic reconstruction of 1848, was the
militia, now reorganized and made to embrace every
able Mexican between the age of 18 and 55, with the
requirement for six per mille of the population to serve
in the mobile division, liable to be called beyond the
state for short periods.34 This laudable measure met
with a serious check, from the lack of public spirit
among the classes from which the best example and
support should have come. Indolence and race feel
ing are too strong for certain elements to overcome

32 The Oriente line being less exposed to Indians, the most easterly colonies
were not founded, but those of Chihuahua and the Occidente were either
definitely or provisionally established, the former by 334 soldiers, with 38
officers, and 322 settlers, possessing 78 houses, 18 wagons, and 100 yokes of
oxen; the last by 345 soldiers, 38 officers, and 200 settlers, with only 4
houses, 4 wagons and 50 yokes. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1851, doc. 3-5. See also
references in Hist. Mex., v. 574, this series. The report for 1852 gave the
Chihuahua colonies 347 men, with 95 horses. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1882, 5 doc. 2.

33 This was still under consideration in 1882-3. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1881,
136, 1882, p. ii.

34 For particulars, see Hist. Mex., v. 571-2, this series. In the northern
states a special mobile force of 34 companies was decreed exclusively for
Indian warfare, of which eight were for Durango, and 4 each for Chihuahua
and Sonora, to be enrolled and equipped by the states at federal expense, the
cost of each company being calculated at $18,252 a year, with $1575 for
equipment. Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon and Zacatecas had 4 comps each,
Coahuila 6. Mex. Legis., 1849, 218-22.

614 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

their inertia or repugnance to stand side by side with
the humble Indian. Hence a disgraceful shirking of
duty, facilitated by criminally indulgent officials. 3a

During the American invasion savage inroads were
less frequent, but in 1848 they were resumed to such
an extent that the Mexican authorities were influenced
to frame the military colony project, appropriating
$200,000 to aid the states in this campaign,36 and ap
pointing a committee of congressmen from the in-
invaded region to report on the best measures to be
adopted for joint action against the tribes.37 Mean
while several of the states, including Chihuahua and
Durango, had recourse to scalp-hunting, assisted
by American riflemen; but notwithstanding the stimu
lating prize of $200 for each token,38 the hunters
failed to obtain much profit, or leave any marked im
pression on the savages, while from the southern states
not so afflicted, came a howl of indignation against
such blood contracts.39 But almost any measure was
permissible under circumstances so distressing, when
a large part of Chihuahua lay desolate, and the east
ern half of Durango was overrun, and thousands of
families being ruined, and thousands more in daily
apprehension of a similar fate/9

3jRubi in Sin. Mem. Gob., 10, 27, shows that the guardia nacional of
Sinaloa in 1867 was 7,387, with 11,835 exempts, who to a great extent avoided
paying exemption fees by pretending absence, etc. For amount see also
Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 228. Comments in Chih. Mem. Gob., 1850, 8-10.

™Mex. Col. Ley., 1848, 458-9; Correo, Nac., Oct. 1, 1848.

37 Many views were submitted. Plan para dcfcnsa de los Estados Invadidos,
1-28; Dictamcn, Id., 1-20; Pap. Var., Ixxxix. The decree calling this com
mittee is dated Apr. 24, 1849. The government claimed the right to sup
press the comandaiicias generals, and dispose of 4,000 guardias nacionales.
Max. Leyis., 1849, 80-2.

38 Or §250 for each warrior brought in alive. Universal, June 21, 1849.
Several contracts were made with Americans and Mexicans, but they could
not be relied upon when most required, even after advances of money and
arms had been made. Chih. Mem. Gob., 1850, 11-13. Kirker lost so many of
his men as to fail; Glanton massacred a friendly tribe. Mex. Scraps, i. 15;
Froebel, Cent. Amer., 350; Sonoreme, Aug. 22, Sept. 14, 1849; several sharp con
flicts occurred between the hunters and the Indians. Universal, Sept. 18, Oct.
4, 9, 26, 1849; the former rescuing a number of captives. They had some
trouble in obtaining payment for their services. Polynesian, vii. 152; vi. 139.

39 See Hist. Mex., v. 579, this series. A law of Durango for safely dispos
ing of Indian captives was annulled by the congress. Correo, Nac., Sept. 23,
1848.

40 Scalp-hunting continued for many years, even after the French ex-

CONFEDERATION OF STATES. 615

With the aid of the government a large number of
troops opened the campaign of 1850, with the resolve
to grant no peace to Indians coming from the United
States.41 The chief operation was directed toward
Laguna de Jaco, the savages yielding, as usual, to the
pressure, either by evacuating the country, or by sub
mission on the part of those claiming it as their home.
Watchfulness, with regard to the observance of agree
ments, was trusted to the newly established military
colonies, one station being located within the borders
of Durango/2 Political turmoils leaving the states

O o

once more to their own devices, a coalition project
came into operation; Jalisco, Zacatecas, San Luis
Potosi, and Tamaulipas joining by sending in sub
scriptions. The general government also promised
subsidies; but soon this union of states, to which
rumor had already ascribed a desire for independ
ence 43 created alarm, and steps were taken to break up
the arrangement.44 One result of this was an increase
of raids and devastation, until Chihuahua in 1856 ap
pealed for aid 4D to Durango, although the latter was
then writhing under the same affliction. Three of her

pubion in 1807, although the superior governments sought to oppose it. Chih.
Mem. G)b., 1850, G-7. For details of outrages see Universal, June, Aug. 11,
Sept. -Nov. 1849, Jan.-Nov. 1850. Hayes1 Scraps, Ind*, iii. 11-67. A writer
in Putnam s Mag., iv. 415-16, refers to entire valleys devastated. U. S.
Gov. Doc., cong. 31, sess. 2, 77. Ex. Doc., i. pt ii. 18-67; Heraldo, Oct. -Dec.
1848, Jan. -Mar. 1849; Sonoreme, 1848-50, passim.

"Mex. Mem. Guer., 1851, 15-16, doc. 2; Pinart, Doc. Cldli., MS., ii. 43.

42 At Pelayo, at a cost of $25,000. It was hinted that commanders
profi ted l>y furnishing supplies. Atalayn and Sonorense, Nov. 3, 1848. Among
plans for obtaining and assuring peace is Castaneda's Plan Defensa, 1-27.
See also 8. F. Pac. News, Dec. 7, 1850; Mex. Legia., 1849, 80-2; Arnllaga,
Recop., 1849, 125-6.

43 Dicta men Coalition; Pap. Var., ccvi. pt4; Mex. In forme Pesquis., 80-1.
*4 Chihuahua deputies objected in Oct. 1852 to the coalition on the ground

that it would create another centre of government. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1852,
48-52; Universal, Aug. -Dec. 1852. The committee on frontier defences saw
no danger or prospect of excesses through contracts, with due supervision.
Mex. Comis. Gucr., Dictamen, i. 3-14; ii. 3-8. Nevertheless the Centinela,
Sept. 29, 1855, and other journals raised an outcry against the slaughter of
peaceable Indians by scalp hunters. U. S. Ind. Aff.; Joint Com. Re.pt, 1867,
328. In Durango a joint stock comp'y was formed to hunt scalps. Universal,
Oct. 9, 1852. In 1863 Chihuahua paid 8500 for a chief's scalp, and $200 for
ordinary ones. Estrella Occid., June 5, 1863. This prize was publicly offered
•in 1867. Occidental, Aug. 4, 1869; U. S. Commerc. Bel, 1867-8, 726.
., Jan. 10, 1857; Eco Nac., Jan. 10, 1857.

616 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DUPANGO.

partidos alone reported at this time 102, 68, and 34
murders respectively, with, robberies and ravages in
proportion/6

The extent of the desolation may be readily under
stood when it is borne in mind that the district of
Papasquiaro, though in the centre of the western
half of Durango, was repeatedly visited, and that
every scalp secured was at the cost of many lives/7
The state authorities can hardly be blamed for buying
a precarious peace from different tribes, although
aware that it would be broken the first opportunity/8
The ubiquitous robbers took advantage of the disorder
to exact their share of the spoils, especially in Du
rango, appearing disguised as Indians, and more
frequently in the safer garb of political guerrillas/9
Shortly after the American invasion drought and
cholera came to swell the evil,50 while the gold excite
ment in California lured away a large number of the
most desirable citizens.61

46 Cuencame district reported in 1856 68 murders, and the destruction of
52 ranchos; Papasquiaro, 34 murders and 12 ranches destroyed, while El

/~\«^ «l^^-~> 1 J-l J .L FP ' ~\T • -KT r* -in«-/-» i-r . -, -.-r-

Feb.

Correo,

last author gives a harrowing account of the devastation; and alludes to

wanton destruction of live stock by Indians, and to mutilated bodies of

women and children in revenge for defeats. Consult also Mex. Scrap*, i. 15;

Alta Gal, Oct. 18, 1853; Von Tempsty, Mitla, 77-105. In Feb. 1857, 48

persons were killed in a northern district of Durango. Diario Avis., Mar.-

May, 1857; Tiempo, Aug.-Sept. 1857; JRazon, Jan. 9, 1858; Paz, Jan. 8,

1858.

47 ' For every fifty soldiers killed but one or two Indians die, ' says a
foreign writer. Mex. Scraps, i. 39. Yet it was boasted that 16 Comanche
chiefs had fallen between Sept. 1853 and Feb. 1854. Eco Esp., March 4 11,
April 22, 1854.

48 A treaty in April 1855, for instance, with a tribe of 288 Apaches was
procured for rations to the value of $8,724 annually. Correo Esp., June 9,
1855. ' A criminal and imbecile action,' rails the Mex. In forme Pesquis., 86,
for the tribes continued to plunder with greater security.

49 Correo Esp., Jan. 10, 1853; Estandarte, Nac., Aug. 26, 1857; Eco Nac.,
Diario Avis and Tiempo, especially in 1857-8. Yet the term robber is fre
quently applied by political parties to any opponent.

50 In Durango the famine gave rise to several riots, fiivera, Hist. Jal, iv.
236, 267; Voz Mej., Feb. 21, 1878. Cholera broke out at Durango in July
1849, and carried off by Sept. 2,498 victims, or fully 50 per cent, of the
stricken. Soc. Mex. Geo;/., BoL, v. 46. Details in Sonorense and Universal,
July-Nov. 1849. Small-pox followed in Nov. Id., Dec. 14, 1850. Ramirez,
Hist. Dur., 36.

61 Exploring expeditions from the U. S. at first tended rather to promote

REVOLUTION-. 617

The frontier provinces had entertained great ex
pectations from the restored federal system under
Hcrrera and Arista, only to be disappointed. The
military colonies were allowed, to fade away, and the
presidios were left in a worse condition than ever. This
in itself sufficed to sour loyalty. The revolution in Ja
lisco, reestablishing the dictatorship under Santa Anna,
found therefore ready endorsement in Durango as
well as Chihuahua, where Trias himself gave the
signal by deposing the not very popular Governor
Cordero52 in December 1852, and reassuming the
gubernatorial power; as did M. Morett, the military
chief of Durango.53 The sale, however, to the United
States of Mesilla Valley, to which Chihuahua had a
certain claim, turned the current of good-will. "When
Governor Lane of New Mexico announced his preten
sions to that strip of territory, Trias bravely marched
to the front with a respectable force, but was obliged
to submit to the formal transfer, and to a narrowed
limit of state lands.54

Both states rallied promptly in favor of the plan of
Ayutla, and issued federal constitutions in 1855.
That of Durango was threatened with certain modifi
cations, by the claims of Sinaloa and Coahuila, to
certain tracts on either side.55 The ensuing war of
reform, so called, in behalf of the new constitution,

this exodus. Col Hays, Life, MS., 60-9, sought to open a route Ly way of
Presidio del Norte. U. S. officers explored the Rio Bravo in 1850 for navi
gation, ooo. JUlex. Geog., Bol, iii. 38; Hayes' Scraps, Ind., iii. 324-9; and
Lieut, Couch made a geographic and botanic tour in 1852-53. Smithsonian
Kept, 1854, 86-7.

52 Who had succeeded Trias upon his resignation in 1850. Universal, May
10, June 6, July 5, Dec. 9, 1850.

53 Governor J. M. del Regato being deposed. Universal, Dec. 4, 6, 22, 28,
Dec. 1852.

54 The correspondence between the two governors is given in Universal,
April, May, 1853; Rivera, H'tst. Jal, iv. 402-3. Domenech points out that
little benefit was derived from the $7,000,000 passed through Santa Anna's
hands. Hist. Max., ii. 262-6. Trias went to the frontier with 500 men and
6 or 8 guns. This second encroachment rankled in the hearts of the citizens,
who came to blows more than once, with settled and travelling Americans.
Nacfon, Feb. 12, 1857. Alta Cal, Oct. 18, 1853.

55 The former claiming Tamazula, the latter the mining region of San
"Juan. Pensamiento Nac., April 26-30, 1856.

618 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

extended throughout the north. Chihuahua suffered
less, owing to the wide prevalence of liberal senti
ments. The conservative movement of 1858 failed,
though L. Zuloaga, a brother of the great leader at
Mexico, occupied the state capital, in June of the fol
lowing year deposing the governor. Two months
later, however, he was forced to seek refuge 5G in Du-
rango. There the plan of Tacubaya, one of the con
servative reactions against the constitution,57 had been
adopted in April 1858 by General Heredia. He re
placed the vacillating J. de la Barcena 58 as governor,
and held out against the liberals till July, when
E. Coronado captured the city, assumed the chief
magistracy and retaliated upon the clero-conservative
faction by imposing heavy contributions.59

The contest continued in the interior, aided in
part by the fugitive Zuloaga, and in 1859 the
conservatives and liberals alternately rose to the
summit, signalizing the occupation of the capital and
other towns by executions and plunder. Toward the
close of the year Cajen entered from Jalisco with a
large force. After a brief campaign in Chihuahua,
which resulted in a temporary reestablisment early in
1860 of the conservatives, he advanced upon Durango,
routed the liberals under Ortega and Patoni, and took
possession of the capital, as governor.60 Toward mid-

5GZuloaga marclied from Corralitos at the head of 1000 men and occupied
Chihuahua and Parral. He failed to obtain a footing in Sonora. In
August his army, partly equipped at his own expense, yielded oo an. inferior
force under Orozco, doubtless because it was liberal at heart. Details in
Diario Avis, Dec. 1, 1858, June 24, July 23, Sept. 22, 1859, etc.; Eco Nac.,
Feb. 12, 1858; Alta Cal, June 9, July 16, 1859.

57 See Hist. Mcx., v. 722, etseq., this series.

58 Elected under the new constitution in June 1857, as successor to
Heredia. See vote in Ettandarte Nac., July 12, 1857. Wddner Cerro Mercado,
3. Barcena at first declared for the plan and then wavered. He was
charged with American sympathies. Heredia created a council and reorgan
ised the court. Diario Avis.. Jan. 23, March 6, May 16, 1858; Eco Nac.,
April 26, May 2, 1858.

59 See above journals, June- Aug. 1858, passim. Voz Son., Aug. 13, 1858.
The bishop was imprisoned for refusing to assist in collecting the $ 40, 000
clerical share of $116,000 forced contribution.

6J According to Diario Avis., March 13, 21-4, I860, the defeat at Gallo re
sulted in the death of 74 liberals and the capture of 134, out of a force placed

EFFECT OF FRENCH INTERVENTION. 619

summer he found it expedient to seek fresh forces in
Chihuahua, in order to meet the gathering liberals.
He gained, indeed, a few advantages ;61 but his defeat
soon after in Sinaloa, and death by treachery'62 has
tened the triumph of the opposite party.63 The victors
of Durango as well as Chihuahua hastened to clip
the wings of clerical power, by enforcing the confisca
tion of their enormous wealth, as decreed by the
president.64 This measure drove the opposite party
to protract the struggle, although with little success,
and General Patoni was rewarded for his success by
being confirmed, in 1861, in the position he had as
sumed at Durango as governor,65 while in Chihuahua
General Luis Terrazas was chosen.66

Supremacy was not long continued however, for in
the following year the French intervention infused
fresh spirit into the conservatives. Their first efforts
were not encouraging, for the entry of foreign armies
stirred the liberals to greater zeal. As the danger
increased, the energetic Patoni was invested with the
civil as well as military command of the more exposed
Durango,6' and subsequently given control also over
the forces in Chihuahua. At the same time a
supreme decree of April 1864 proclaimed martial law

at 2000. In combination with S. Ramirez, Cajen overcame the column of
P. Hinojosa, killing nearly 400, as he claimed, and taking 150 prisoners, but
was in turn checked by M. Campos. This revived the spirits of the liberals.
Estrella Occid., July 13, Aug. 3, 1860. Herrera was ordered in from Siiialoa.
Cuadro Sinop. , 5, in Vega, Doc.

61 Some of his partisans carried banners witn the inscription, ' sangre,
esterminio y robo. Coalition Chih., June 30, 1860.

62 At the hand of one whom he had spared and befriended. Opinion Sin.,
and Estrella Occid., Feb. 1, 1861.

63 Potoni assumed control in Durango. Herrera, Vindic., p. xxxiii.

64 In Chihuahua, J. E. Munoz carried out the decree, and applied a portion
of the funds to the amortization of copper coinage.

63 Buenrostro, Hist. Prim, y Leg., cong. 435, 261. B. Silva acted a while in
1832-3; Veya, Doc., i. 85; Trait <P Union, Jan. 15, Sept. 23, 1861.

C6/7., Feb. 16, Nov. 17, 1861. He also had to continue the task of sup
pressing guerrillas. Bol Notic., Feb. 14, 1861, Estrella Occid., April 12, 1861.
Rivera, Hut. Jal., v. 434, indicates that the guerrillas were growing more
numerous, baffling all efforts at suppression.

. °7 Partly owing to a revolutionary movement by Col Borrego in the
spring of 1863. Hex. Col Ley. Dec., i. 47.

620 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

in this state, and appointed J. J. Casavantes, gov
ernor. The legislature objected so strenuously to the
removal of their favorite, Terrazas, that Patoni felt
bound to march with a force to sustain the president's
order. The local authorities yielded, and the com-
mander-in-chief prudently made a partial concession
by installing the popular Trias as governor and as his
military second.68

By this time the French had overrun the central
provinces of the republic, and prepared to conquer the
north, and drive out the fugitive liberal government
then at Saltillo. To this end General L'Heriller ad
vanced with his brigade from Zacatecas into Durango,
occupied the state capital on July 3d unmolested, and
entrusted the administration to Prefect B. Sarabia,
whose efforts for the recognition of Emperor Maxi
milian met with a most flattering response.69 Detach
ments were thereupon sent out to extend possession, a
task facilitated by the engagement at Estanzuelas on
September 21st, wherein the combined forces of
Patoni and other leaders, under direction of Ortega,
received a check that compelled them to retreat
northward.70 The supreme government, which in
August had been driven from Saltillo into the district
of Nazas, was therefore obliged to retreat into Chi
huahua. Juarez was received with the most loyal
demonstrations by the people, headed by Governor
Trias.71 Chihuahua on October 15th was declared
the provisional capital and steps were taken to collect
fresh resources and men.72

™Mex. Col Ley., 1863, ii. 50-1; Estrella Ocdd., June 3, July 22, 1864;
Voz Mej., Aug. 20, 1864.

69 Acting governor Mascarenas on July 1st placed the city under martial
law, supported by Gen. Ochoa; but Patoni failing to come up, resistance
was considered useless. Estrella Ocdd., and Period. Imp. Mex., Aug. -Sept.
1864, are most complete on campaign operations for their respective sides,
during this and the following years. Corona was surprised in July 19th.

70 Details in Hist. Mex., vi., this series.

71 He had indignantly rejected a proposal to join the imperialists from
Langberg, a Dane, formerly a general in republican service. Estrella Occid.,
Aug. 12, 1864. He had been equally firm in 1861, when ramors came of
confederate advances or invasions. Trait d' Union, April 26, Dec. 4, 1861.

™ Castro Cuextion Estranyera; Mex. Col Ley., 1863-67, ii. 124-5. In im
pressing men some outrages were committed. Id., 159-62.

JUAREZ IN THE NORTH. 621

In November the French had penetrated to Rio
Florido,73 but the diversion of troops into Sinaloa pre
vented them from sustaining the advance. In May
1865 Patoni began to advance, and shortly after
Carbajal ventured to besiege Durango.74 Their hopes
were frustrated, however, by the arrival of reenforce-
ments under Brincourt, who moreover had orders to
enter Chihuahua, and drive the republican president
from this his last state capital. The French moved
forward 2,500 strong, pressing back the liberals, and
leaving detachments at Rio Florido, Allende, Parral,
and Santa Rosalia. The bodies commanded by Ruiz,
Aguirre, Villagran, and Ojinaga offered no opposition
and the republican authorities fled to El Paso. '° Brin
court took possession of Chihuahua on August 15th,
and appointed T. Zuloaga, prefect.

It would have been easy to continue the march and
oblige Juarez to cross the frontier, but fearing a col
lision with United States troops, Bazaine had ordered
the French to return to Durango after advancing not
further than a day's march beyond Chihuahua city.
Brincourt asked permission to retain 1,000 men, with
which the state could readily be held. The orders
were repeated, however, and the invaders departed on
October 29th. The republican government reoccu-
pied the capital, and conciliated the popular Terrazas
by restoring to him the governorship. This had just
been vacated by the death of Ojinaga, a valiant gen
eral who fell in August while endeavoring to suppress
an Indian revolt at Guerrero.76 Maximilian was
deeply incensed on hearing of Brincourt's abandon-

73 Their cavalry obtained some advantages at Guadalupe, but Quesada
approaching, they fell back. Voz Mej., Jan. 28, Mar. 24, 1865. Col Borrego
claimed a victory at San Juan del Rio. Extrella Octid., Oct. 14, Dec. 23, 1864.

74Marquez de Leon states that he was appointed governor of Durango
about this time, and prepared to organize forces. Then Juarez gave the post
to Carbajal, and Marquez retired in disgust, objecting to his rival as a robber
chief. Mem. Pol, MS., 243-6.

75 Juarez carried away $400,000, 'sacados de Chihuahua,' says Rivera,
Hist. JaL, v. 654.

76 Ojinaga was collecting contributions there, which gave rise to a tumult
in which he was shot. VczAfej., Dec. 2, 9, 12, 1865.

622 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

ment of an expedition on which hopes had been
founded of driving Juarez from Mexican soil, and
Bazaine ordered 500 men under Billot, to reoccupy
the capital, which they did on December llth.

Juarez returned to El Paso,77 while his officers fell
back to harass the enemy's communications. Aguirre
hovered in the desert to the south-east, and Yillagran
created enthusiasm on the western side by the defeat
of a French detachment a1'. Parral.78 This served to
sustain the ardor of the liberals, and when the
menacing attitude of the United States induced
the French to concentrate their forces for retreat, the
patriotic spirit cast aside the last restraint to join in
pursuit. No sooner had the foreigners turned south
ward, early in February 1866, than the republicans
fell upon the scanty conservative columns left in pos
session of Chihuahua and other leading points. In
March the imperialists were compelled to evacuate
the capital,79 and although their remnants still strug
gled awhile, they yielded to the pressure, and followed
close upon their foreign allies, who slowly fell back
from one point to another.80

In the middle of 1866 the liberals were able to de
clare Chihuahua free of enemies, and now joined their
brethren of Durango, who had maintained the struggle
under circumstances even more adverse. Corona,
from Sinaloa, assisted Patoni and other leaders to
harass the imperialists, and even ventured to threaten
the capital, capturing in January 1866, the impor
tant base at Nazas, after defeating Ay mar.81

77 He was greeted with festivities, which displayed at least a cheering
devotion to his cause. Legac. Mex., Circul, 443-4, 455-7.

78 On Aug. 8th. It consisted of 66 men under Lieut Pyot, who fought
desperately, and lost 17 killed and 24 prisoners. The Juarists lost Gen.
Meoqui. lylesias Tnterv. , iii. 466. Billot inflicted some blows, however, and
Gomez and Casabantes were routed in Jan. 1366, near Guerrero. Diariolmp.,
Feb. 22, Mar. 8, 1866.

79 Half the garrison pronouncing for the liberals. Voz M<*j., Mar. 31, May
5, 24, 1866, estimates its total at 700; a sortie shortly before had proved
disastrous. Diario Imp., of Mar. 20, 1866, still claims a victory at the close
of Feb., for Carraneo.

8jThe last position abandoned by the French in Chihuahua was Parral.
81 Who fell in the battle. Voz Mej., Feb. 1, 1866. For fuller details on
the northern campaign see Hist. Mex., vi., this series.

POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 623

In July the French abandoned the Nazas line, and
on November loth the city of Durango was evacuated,
every point beyond having been seized by the repub
licans. On the 17th Colonel Perez entered the city,
and in the following month Juarez arrived from Chi
huahua, making a triumphal entry on the day after
Christmas.82 At the general election of 18G7, this
resolute supporter of the liberal cause received an
overwhelming majority of votes, especially in Chi
huahua. Durango showed less devotion, partly be
cause of her stronger clerical faction, and partly
through the influence of Patoni, who favored General
Ortega's aspirations to the presidency, after Juarez's
term expired in 1865. To avert trouble during the
heat of election, Patoni and Ortega were arrested.
Nevertheless party spirit displayed itself on more
than one occasion,63 but was counteracted by Governor
Zarate and his successor, F. G. Palacio.84 Luis Ter-
razas was confirmed as ruler by the people of Chi
huahua.85

The Juarist administration received another blow
in this quarter by its supposed implication in the
murder of Patoni by the military chief, General
Canto, in August 18G8.86 The growth of this feeling
was revealed in the following year, by an outbreak of
so widespread a nature, that the government prepared
to suspend the constitutional guarantees.87 Hostili-

82 Durango became the national capital for a while. Dublan and Lezano,
Ley. Mex., ix. 750.

83 Indications of a pronunciamento by T. Borrego, led to his arrest at
Durango on Nov. 1, 1807; yet his followers made an attack on the govern
ment officers. Estrell'i, Occid., Dec. 13, 1867; Diario, Ofic., Nov. 28, 1867.
They were punished for it. Estado, Sin., Nov. 15, 1867.

84 M. Balda, J. M. Pereyra and Olvera acted in 1868-69. Gallardo, Cuadro
6-7.

85 Ik. , see also Derccho, iv. 38, for judges.

86 Who caused him to be dragged from his house at Durango, and sum
marily shot at Analco on Aug. 18. Correo, Pac., Aug. 26, 1868; Estre lla Occid. ,
Sept. 1, Oct. 2, 1868. Canto was arraigned and his command transferred to
D. Guerra. He was condemned to death, but the sentence was changed to
ten years easy confinement. Details in Rer/en. Sin., Aug. 21, 25, Sept. 11,
1868; Nayarit, Pueblos del, 12; Derecho, i. 12, 57; ii. 59, 336-7; Mex. Recap. t
iii. 200-8, 343-4; Diario, Ofic., Aug. 24, 1868, Nov. 5, 1869.

*\ To which the governor objected. Mo-nit. Rep., June 16, 1869. Other
details in Occidental, Mar. -May, 1869. The conservative feeling was dis-

624 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

ties were maintained during the following years, until
the reelection of Juarez in 1871, which, being declared
to be fraudulent, gave rise to pronunciamientos in
favor of the revolution started by Porfirio Diaz, the
popular candidate. The movement proved successful
at first, under the leadership of Donato Guerra, who
overran Durango and gained the mastery in Chihua
hua; but the death of Juarez in the middle of 1872
caused adherents to fall off; Diaz relinquished his
aim, and peace was restored.88 In Durango the suc
ceeding period of repose was inaugurated by Governor
Carrillo; and in Chihuahua, where Terrazas had re
signed in 1872, A. Ochoa assumed the control.89

The elections of 1875 again afforded just cause for
the Porfiristas to renew hostilities.90 The well-known
leader Trias headed this new movement at Chihuahua
in June 1876, and held his ground till September,
when the government partly gained possession of the
capital and captured Donato Guerra, leader of the
revolution in the north, who was seeking to join his
brothers in arms, having been driven from Sinaloa.91
In Durango also the Porfiristas succeeded no better
at first; but in November 1876, a diversion was
made by Carrillo, who proclaimed Iglesias president,
and himself governor of the state. The ousted Gen
eral Fuero, successor to Hernandez y Marin, recov
ered the command, however, but was obliged to sub-
played by the persecution of protestants by mobs. Reyen. Sin., June 19, 1869.
The revolution was still active in 1870. Diario Ofic., June 13, 1870: Constit..
Mar. 29, 1868.

88 See Hifit. Mex. , vi. , this series.

89 He entered upon office in Nov. 1873. Federal, Nov. 18, 1873. Carrillo
did so a year earlier. Fenix, Oct. 24, 1872. Terrazas had been urging elec
toral reforms. Mex. Mem. Gob., 1871, app. v. 62; Monti. Rep., May 18, 1872.

90 The Chihuahua election was brought before congress as fraudulent.
Diar. Debates, cong. 7, iv. 10, 38; cong. 8, i. 46-56; cong. 9, i. 766-71. In
October numerous points were occupied by rebels, yet the government
claimed shortly after to have practically mastered the situation. Diario Ofic.,
Nov. 25, 1875.

91 Guerra is said to have been killed by the guard at the camp at Avalos
where he was imprisoned, during an attack made on it by Trias. Diario Ofic.,
Sept. 29, Oct. 1, Nov. 7, 1876; June 20, 1878. The capital fell Sept. 18.
Diar. Debates, Constit., 8, iii. 116-19. An American banker complained
that 13 forced loans had been exacted from him within six months. Diario
Ofic., March 17-18, 1879.

REVOLUTION. 625

rait in the following January to the victorious Porfirio
Diaz; whereupon the people elected General J.'M.
Flo-res ruler. Caamano of Chihuahua had also to
yield, and Trias was rewarded for his staunch though
not very successful struggle by election to the vacated
post.92 The northern states had still to endure a final
though feeble attempt made by the expiring Lerdist
party, manoeuvred from their retreat in the United
States. It resulted in a little more, so far as Chihua
hua was concerned, than a temporary armed occupa
tion of El Paso, in the middle of 1877.93 Partial
failures of crops also supervened during the following
years in both states, creating such distress that a
serious riot took place at Durango.9'

The opposition availed itself of the feeling for politi
cal purposes, Trias being accused of misdirection of
funds and other maladministration, and Flores of
holding office in violation of certain requirements of
the state constitution. The result was revolution,
headed in Chihuahua by G. Casavantes, who in
August 1879, from Guerrero, proclaimed the removal
of Trias, and succeeded, after a brief campaign, in
gaining possession of the capital. The approach by
request of federal troops under Trevino, brought
about his ready surrender ; yet he achieved his aim,
for Trias was impeached and deposed. Terrazas was
called in November to replace him,95 and ruled till
1884, when General Fuero received the popular vote.
The leader in Durango, J. Valdespino, succeeded in

92Muiioz holding the office prior to election. Voz Mej., March 24, Apr.
14, June 18, 1877; Dlar. Delxites, cong. 8, i. 28.

93 By Machorro. Diario Offic., June 18, 20, July 4, 1878; Revista Cat., 1877,
302.

94 In which a few of the mob were shot. The legislature offered relief by
reducing the price of corn from six to two cents per pound. Foz M&j., May
10, Aug. 27, 1878. The supreme government granted aid in money, reduc
tion of duties, and purchase of grain and seed. Mex. Recop., xxvii. 815-17;
Diar. Debates, cong. 9, iv. 397; cong. 10, iii. 868. Aid was also given to
sufferers from floods.

95 Reports of plans and movements in Mex. Mem. Gob., 1879-80, 27-8, 83-
6; VozMej., Sept. 23, Oct. 7, 12, Dec. 5, 21, 1879; Diario 0/c., Oct. 10, Nov. 5,
1879. Observations of U. S. counsel in U. S. Gov. Doc., cong. 46, sess. 2;
ff. Ex. Doc., xxv., pt i. 427. M, sess. 3, i., pt i., 722-4. Casavantes met
with several reverses before he gained the capital and captured Trias.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 40

626 LATER HISTORY OF CHIHUAHUA AND DURANGO.

stirring a more troublesome outbreak, which after its
practical suppression early in 1880, with the aid of
Trevino, gave more than one disturbing throe,96 until
the assumption of office by the able F. Gomez del
Palacio brought a lull.97

Meanwhile disputes had arisen between the two
states, as well as with Coahuila concerning border
tracts. In the latter case water rights proved a
feature of the quarrel which manifested itself in
virtual invasion, and obliged the interference of federal
troops.98 In order to settle the trouble, which as re
gards Sierra Mojada, with its late gold development,
affected also Chihuahua, it was proposed to form here
a federal territory. Durango's claims received such
support, however, as to overrule this plan. Finally
an amicable arrangement was effected.99

Under the more energetic efforts of the govern
ment of Diaz, and the cooperation of the United
States, raids by savages were for the most part
abated. The United States proposed more than once
a joint campaign against hostile Indians, as well as
an agreement to the effect that troops of both repub
lics might cross the boundaries in pursuit. This
course Mexico hesitated to adopt, as the object of the
northern republic was more the chastisement of Mexi
can cattle-? tea] ers than Indian marauders. The gov
ernment could not allow foreigners to deal with her

96 It had not the same success as the Casavante movement. The legisla
ture in 1878 rejected a proposed impeachment of Flores. VozMej., Oct. 26,
1878. Details of movements in Diario Ofic., Oct. 8-15, 22, Nov. 10, 20, 1879,
Aug. 18, 31, 1880. Plan and official comments in Mex. Mem. Gob., 1879-80,
28-9, 88-91.

9i In 1883 Flores assailed Palacio's administration, to which end El Tra~
buco journal was issued on Nov. 29, 1883. He succeeded in 1885 to the gov
ernment. Meanwhile Zulnria had acted temporarily from Nov. 1882 till
Feb. 1883, and during 1884 Pereyra, Flores and Parra administered the
state.

98 The Rio Nazas question, or that of Santa Rosa dam, so-called, was appar
ently settled in 1878, Diario OJic., July 2, 10, 1878, but rose again in 1879,
also in connection with Sierra Mojada mines, and continued to agitate the
people for several years. Id., Sep. 10, 1879, June 10, 14, July 8, 1881. Mex.
Mem. Gner., 1883, 29-31.

"Chihuahua protested in 1880 against the favor shown to Durango. Voz
M&, May 27, 1880, Mar. 8, 1879. Diario OJic., Oct. 13, 28, 1879.

INDIAN DIFFICULTIES. 627

offending citizens, while the exaction of a similar
privilege in pursuing Texan robbers would have
created difficulties.100 This hesitation reacted on
Mexico's claims for damages by injured settiers in
Texas, which continued to increase and had to be
finally recognized,101 while Indians found a convenient
refuge on the other side.10'

Mexico in vain proclaimed against the culpability
of the United States in not guarding better their
Indian reservations from which the raiders mostly
sallied of late years. Finally she was induced, in
1882, to agree to the mutual introduction of troops,
her neighbor being restricted to the pursuit of Indians
only. Joint campaigns were also arranged, with
speedy effect in reducing the number of outrages.
Durango had for some time been almost relieved of
the scourge, and Chihuahua regarded herself as hav
ing passed the crisis, with every prospect of extending
settlements into the hitherto desolated regions east
and north. Indeed, schemes for colonizing such dis
tricts in both states were being rapidly formed, fos
tered by a stimulating extension of railroads.

100 The U S. pressed the matter with such determination on Diaz' first
accession to the presidency, that there was a prospect of war. See Hist. Hex.,
vi., this series.

iui For awards made by the joint commission, see indexes.

lo'2Mcx. In forme Pesqiiis., 1874, is a detatled inquiry into ravages com
mitted between 1848 and 1873. See also Mex. Mem. Rel., 1875, 25-69; Voz
Mej., 1877-83 passim, and DiarioOfic., Id., PinartCol, MS., no. 1196. Mom-
tor Rep., and La Republica.

CHAPTER XXIV.

UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA.
1800-1830.

PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENTS — INVASION BY HERMOSILLO — CAPTURE OF
ROSARIO— DEFEAT OF HERMOSILLO AT SAN IGNACIO DE PIASTLA— CAM
PAIGN AGAINST THE APACHES— LAST COLONIAL RULERS— UPRISING OF

THE OPATAS — THE EMPIRE WELCOMED — SONORA AND SINALOA NEG
LECTED—PETITION FOR REFORMS — FEDERALISM FAVORED— SEPARATION
OF SONORA IGNORED — FORM OF GOVERNMENT — GRIEVANCES AND REVOLT
OF THE YAQUIS— OPERATIONS OF BANDERAS— SUPPRESSION OF THE UP
RISING—EXPULSION OF SPANIARDS — HARDY'S VISIT — SEPARATION OF
SONORA AND SINALOA— POPULATION.

THE opening of the century was marked by the ex
tension of settlements toward the northern regions of
Sonora, entailing the more rapid absorption and sub
jugation of the Indian element, under the joint efforts
ofpresidio forces and ecclesiastics. At the same time,
however, encroachments and other abuses roused dif
ferent tribes to a more or less hostile attitude, while
the development of resources attracted the marauding
Apaches, Seris, and cognate Indians. The Seris had
a retreat on Tiburon island;1 and as the security there
served to encourage other tribes, it was found
necessary for the military commander to bestir him
self and inflict a lesson.2 Mexican military com
manders, as a rule, were not very active in their
operations against the savages when there was noth
ing to be gained by it.

!Qn more than ono occasion, notably in 1802 and 1807, expeditions were
nroiected against this robber band, but were frustrated by circumstances
arising out of tho war of Spain with England and France. Imtruc. Vireyes,
187-8; Vclnsco, Son., 132. .

2 In 1810 the governor congratulated the people on the conclusion of peace
with the Seris, Tiburones, Tepocas, Coyote Apaches, and Yumas. Gac. Mex.,
1811, 390-3.

(628)

MAP OF SONORA AND SINALOA.

G29

MAP OF SONORA AND SINALOA.

630 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA.

The constant presence of revolt and irruption nat
urally confined progress to narrow bounds, as did the
policy of exclusiveness against foreign intercourse,
settlers being expected to buy at exorbitant prices
the limited range of supplies brought through the
southern provinces from Spain. The effect was to
check production, discourage industry and enterprise,
and lower the social standard. Nevertheless, the
temptation held out by foreign traders could not be
wholly resisted, and the government was obliged to
permit occasional dealings in order to secure a portion
of the revenue sacrificed by strict exclusion.3

But the colonial regime was soon to end. The
scene of Hidalgo's exploits lay too near not to create
sympathy, and the intendente, Alejo Garcia Con.de,
sent his brother and Sub-Intendente Merino with
some troops toward Guadalajara to join the royalists;
but they were surprised on the way by the revolu
tionists, and carried prisoners to San Miguel tl
Grande/ So encouraged were the victors that they
followed up the advantage by an invasion.

The leader of the uprising in Nueva Galicia, J. A.
Torres, had, at the close of 1810, gained control of the
entire province, and turned his attention to the north,
assisted among others by Gomez Portugal, who
planned an expedition into Sinaloa. The command
was offered to Jose Maria Gonzalez Hermosillo, asso
ciated with the Dominican, Francisco de la Parra,
who was the directing mind, though keeping himself
in the background,5 and was assisted by J. A. Lopez,

3 Viceroy Marquina informs his successor that a strange vessel sold its
cargo at Guaymas in 1802 for $300,000 in bullion. Instmc. Vireyes, 181. An
American ship touched at the same port in August 1804. Cal Prov. Rec.,
viii. 64-5. Capt. Little visited it in 1808, in the Dromo, and traded by per
mission, paying 15 per cent duty on $140,000 sales. Calicoes sold at from
$4 to ,$7 per yard. Irish linens at $80 or more per piece. Life on Ocean, 1 10-
14. The chief article of exchange at first was gold and silver, and later
hides, tallow, cheese. Pike's Explor., 358.

*&*-. Mex., 1811, 390-3.

5 Indeed, Hidalgo, who had reached Guadalajara in Nov., appointed him
brigadier and commander of the party, but as the friar objected to pub
licity, Hermosillo figured as the chief. Documents in Hernandez y Davalos,
Col Doc., i. 379,

REVOLUTION. 631

lately in the royalist service.6 The expedition left
Guadalajara on December 1st, with 1600 infantry and
200 cavalry, a force which was swelled on the way by
large numbers.7

On the 17th the revolutionists arrived before the
mining town of Rosario, occupied by Colonel Villaes-
cusa with 1,000 men and 6 guns.8 After reconnoit
ring it was resolved to carry the place by assault,
which was effected on the following morning by two
columns of 1,000 men each. The royalists, driven
from the entrenchments into the houses, surrendered
unconditionally late in the afternoon.9 Hermosillo
then occupied San Sebastian and Mazatlan, and col
lected funds, especially by seizure of property belong
ing to European Spaniards,10 in order to advance upon
Cosala.

Now came a turn in affairs. Villaescusa had been
generously released on parole, but breaking his word
he fortified himself in San Ignacio de Piastla, with
the aid of loyal inhabitants,11 and there awaited the
arrival of the intendcnte with troops from Sonora.
Hermosillo promptly advanced upon the stronghold
before the reinforcements should reach it, his com
mand by this time being increased to 4,125 infantry
and 476 cavalry, strengthened with the acquisition at
Rosario of artillery and arms.12 He came in sight of
Piastla on January 29, 1811, and took up position on

6 Ensign of militia cavalry, and soon made col in this new service. Zama-
cois, Hist. Mex., vii. 271.

7 The first body had only 68 muskets and 40 pair of pistols. At Magda-
lena, Parra joined with 500 men, of whom 140 were cavalry, with 36 mus
kets and 100 pistols. They had some artillery, however.

8Villaescusa was captain of the presidio San Carlos de Buena vista of
Sonora and brev. col. Akin) an, Mcj ., ii. 91.

9 Villaescusa is said to have shed tears on appearing before Hermosillo,
who, moved by compassion, let him depart. Bustainante, Cuadro Hist. , i. 177-8.
Elermosillo was promoted to a full colonelcy, and promised a brigacliership if
he should take Cosala, where large funds were expected. Almnan, ut sup.

13 Hidalgo received a portion. He acknowledged the receipt of fourteen
mark? of gold by letter of Jan. 14, 1811.

11 Most of the royalists captured at Rosario are saic to have rejoined him.
Conde had been advised of the danger.

lj He counted 900 muskets and 200 pairs of pistob. The body included
the mulatto garrison of Mazatlan. Hernandez y Davalos, Col. Doc., i. 381.

632 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA.

a hill commanding it, on the southern bank of the
river/3 till a ford could be found. While searching
for this, the friar, Parra, was surprised and captured,
and taken in irons to Durango. Fortunately he had
been able to destroy the compromising documents
which he carried, and aided, moreover, by brethren of
the robe, he managed to escape.14

Hermosillo discovered a ford half a league from
camp, and crossing with his men and artillery, Feb
ruary 8th, advanced to the assault in three columns,
wholly unaware that the intendente had just arrived
with the reinforcements.15 These troops, moreover,
had been posted in ambuscade along the line of the
left column, which was permitted to approach into
the outskirts of the town, while the other two columns
were checked by well-directed batteries. At an op
portune moment the ambuscaded party open fire
upon the unsuspecting left with such withering effect
as to place three hundred revolutionists hors de com
bat within a few minutes. The rest fell back in dis
order upon the main line, creating a confusion which
Hermosillo could not overcome. As it was evident,
besides, that the garrison had been strengthened, he
thought it prudent to retreat. The royalists followed
up the advantage by capturing the neglected camp,
with its baggage and stores, and pressed the pursuit
so closely as to regain possession of the entire prov
ince, including Mazatlan and Rosario, and to force the
larger proportion of the fugitives to surrender, and
sue for pardon. The rest dispersed on learning of
Hidalgo's defeat in Nueva Galicia, which crushed for

13 A conflict occurred on the bank between some detachments, and Villaes-
cusa claims that 40 men fell. Gac. Mex., 1811, 1172-8. During a parley be
tween them, the insurgent lieut was assassinated. Alaman, Mej., ii., app. 64.

1 ' Under cover of a pass, to which had been forged the name of the iiiten-
deiite, Boiiavia Hernandez y Davalos, Col Doc., i. 383.

15 Villaescusa states tb : t his own force numbered only 283 men. Gac. Mex.,
1811, 1176-7. Conde io said to have brought 400 Opatas, well armed with
muskets and lances. Velasco, Son., 152, places his men at over 1,000. Ala
man assumes that he had not over 600 men at Piastla, with 5 four-pounders.
Mej., ii. 147.

OiJATA OUTBREAK. 633

years every revolutionary aspiration in this quarter.16
Although these provinces were thus spared further
ravages by war, they escaped not altogether its bur
dens, for they were frequently called upon to contrib
ute toward the support of the royalist cause,17 and to
pay besides a special war tax, while industries suffered
from the interruption of traffic and supplies,18 and the
settlements continued to be threatened by Indians.
In 1813-14, Captain Narvona and other officers car
ried on a regular campaign against the Apaches, and
claimed to have inflicted considerable chastisement,19
yet the readiness with which peace was proffered and
leniency shown served only to encourage hostilities,20
arid the campaign continued with brief intermissions,21
under the direction of the successive intendentes,
Alejo Garcia Conde, Echegaray, and Cordero, who
closed the line of colonial governors.

More startling than these chronic irruptions was an
uprising of the Opatas, the most civilized of the
Sonora tribes, and also the most loyal." Their sub-

16 Among the earliest to accept pardon was Lopez, Hermosillo's lieut. The
royalists pursued their opponents into Acaponeta. Garcia Conde 'a report in
Gac. Mex., nos 24, 27, 28, 1811, p. 1136. Alaman is followed by Zamacois,
Hist. Mex., vii. 267-71, 393-4, 593, Arrangoiz, Mex., i. 122, and most other
writers; yet several of his statements and dates are disproved by the docu
ments collected in Hernandez y Davalos, Col. Doc., i. 376-83, with reports
from Parra and Lopez, as well as letters from Hidalgo.

17 Lnrcto Miss, Rec., MS., 12-15, 24; Pitiart, Doc., Hi»t. Son., i., no. ix. 22;
Notic. Gen., Aug. 26, 1816. The northern part of Sinaloa did not altogether
escape the revolutionary infection, for Capt. Pidalla reports the defeat of a
Land in March, near Charay, capturing 44 and killing 49 out of 200 to 300.
Gac. Mex., xxiv. 1197.

18 Quicksilver being kept back, for instance, to the detriment of mining.
Pinart, Doc. Son., i., no. xxvi., 18. The war tax decree appeared Aug. 7,
1813. Id., no. xiv., 22.

19 In one of the numerous encounters, 29 Apaches were killed. Gac. Mex. ,
1815, 196-7.

20 In 1817, the noted chief, Chiquito, was taken. The intendente treated
him with great consideration, and other chiefs coining at the time to arrange
for peace, he at once released the prisoner. The party thereupon killed the
guard, and ran off with some weapons. Velasco, Son., 241-2; Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Bol, xi. 85.

21 In April 1818, the intendente at Arizpe reports naving driven the sav
ages beyond the rivers Salado and Colorado, peace being also made with sev
eral tribes. Gac. Mex., xxxvii. 550, 623. 644; xxxix. 568; xl. 950; Noltc. Gen.,
June 14, 1819.

22 For an account of this brave and interesting people I refer to my
Native Races. L; Escudero, Not. Son., 140-3; Zuniya, Mem., 1835. This chief

634 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA.

niissiveness was due greatly to want of harmony
among themselves which the government fostered,
while employing them as soldier and frontier ' guards.
They had frequently complained of the loss of privi
lege by their vassalage, but little heed was given to
them.

In 1820, about thirty of them returning from ser
vice, found their families neglected and their own pay
withheld. Their denunciations became so threatening
that the commandant sent them under guard to
Durango. On the way they killed the sentinel,
routed the escort, and returned to rouse their breth
ren.23 A few hundreds joined them to descend for
pillage upon San Antonio de la Huerta and adjoining
settlements. Those who resisted were killed, and
several detachments sent against them were defeated,24
notably one under Colonel Lomban, at Toniche, said
to have numbered 1500 men, while they mustered
not over 550. Aided by Chihuahua a force of over
2,000 men was raised against them, and a battle was
fought near Arivechi. Finding themselves over-

O O

matched, the Opatas, reduced by losses and desertion,
withdrew to the church, where they held out for two
days, and surrendered only when their last shot had
been fired. The two leaders Doraine and Espiritu
with seventeen adherents were condemned to be shot,
the rest being released."5

The measures taken to suppress Indian rebels, after
Hermosillo's defeat, checked any active participation

received an allowance from the government, with the title of general of the
nation.

-a One account refers to them as revolted presidio soldiers sent to Durango
for punishment. Cal. Archbish. Arch., iv. pt i. 26—7.

24 Capt. Simon, who led one, was captured; at Arivechi they annihilated
Capt. Moreno with 60 men in the church. Velasco, Son., 117-19.

'^Consult Soc. Max. Geo<j.,x. 705-7; Gac. Mex., 1820, 1230, 1821, passim;
Zuni'jn, Son., 5; Pap. Far., 168, no. 13; Son. Faction., 9, in Pinarfs Col.;
Cal. St. Pap., Sac., vi. 24, 36; Escudero, Not. Son., 140-3. The usual
difference with regard to numbers and particulars is observable in these
authorities. Steps were taken to remove the cause for similar outbreaks by
checking the arbitrary conduct of officials. Pinart Col., Doc. Son., MS.,
i. no. xii. 40, no. lix. 25.

THE INDEPENDENCE. 635

in the war of independence, and it was only when the
, Spanish yoke was thrown off that Sonora and Sinaloa
' joined quietly in the revolution. A fore-runner of
the change appeared in 1820, in the new liberal con
stitution granted by Spain. Sonora and Sinaloa ob
tained under it their diputacion provincial, which was
installed at Arizpe, thence to hold sway also over the
Californias.26 Ayuntamientos were also established,
and deputies were sent to the cortes in Spain.27

Not long after, in September 1821, independence
was celebrated throughout the provinces;28 yet not
under the supervision of Brigadier Cordero, who with
other aims in view had departed for Chihuahua, leav
ing his subordinates to manage the different depart
ments,29 till an order came from Bustamante y Velasco,
chief of the treasury, to assume his duties, and pre
pare for the election of members to the national con
gress,30 as well as to observe that the privileges of
local self-rule were duly enjoyed even by the natives.31
In the following year the people welcomed the empire
in paying eager homage to Iturbide.

The attention evoked by this fervor amounted to little
more than to cause the creation of a comandancia de
annas, or military department, with the same limits as

'2GThe latter being annexed to the intendencia at Arizpe. Cortes, Diario,
1820, 22-3.

27 Quiros y Millaii and Delgado del Fuerto. Among the deputies provin-
ciales are named Espinosa de los Monteros and Marcelino de Batis. Gac.
Mex., xlii. 1289. A deputy to the cortes had been chosen in 1810, in the
person of M. M. Moreno.

28 At Arizpe on Sept. 6th, at Guaymas on the 27th, and in the south of
Sinoloa, somewhat earlier. Guacl. Gac. Gob., Oct. 3, 20, 31, Nov. 7th. An
order had arrived from Generalissimo Iturbide to conform to the new
imperial army plan. P'mart, Doc. Son., MS., i. nos. 68-9, 28-9.

•9 Capt. Narvona as military gov., who signs the independence proclama
tions, Raf. Morales as political ruler, and Ig. Bustamante as minister of
finance. Quad. Gac. Gob., Oct. 20, Nov. 7, 1821; Hex. Mem. Rel, 1823, 58.

"u The choice fell on the presbyter Salido of Alamos and F. de Iribarren
of Cosala, with Riesgo as suplente. Gac. Mex., xliii. 522. The latter was
called to sit for the absent proprietary, and was chosen to write out the
declaration of independence. He figured as an obsequious flatterer of Itur
bide. When his term expired he obtained a lucrative appointment. Busta-
mante, Hist. Iturhidc, 21.

31 Certain judges, justicias constitucionales, were ordered to be replaced
by newly elected men from among the Indians. Pinart. Doc. Son., MS., i. no.
Ixvi. 27.

636 UNITED SONOKA AND SINALOA.

the intendencia, yet subject to the comandante general
at Chihuahua.32 This neglect roused the hitherto defer-

O

ential deputy, Monteros, to an attack upon the central
government, for ignoring many reforms proposed. He
raised objections to so large a region being ruled by
an intendente residing in the distant Durango. The
audiencia was also too far removed, and he urged
that Sonora and Sinaloa should be separated, an
audiencia being established at Alamos to serve for
both provinces, while diputacion provincial should be
accorded to each.33

Monteros' words were the echo of a wide-spread
discontent with the centralized administration, which
savored too strongly of the colonial system. The idea
of a republic embracing a federation of states with
distinct local governments had become too firmly
rooted during the revolutionary war, especially among
the out-lying provinces, which cared not to be ruled
from a distance by men who were only too ready to
sacrifice them to private aims. The pronunciamiento
of Santa Anna against the empire in December 1822
was based on this provincial desire for semi-indepen
dence, and the hitherto passive north-west depart
ments rallied quickly in support of it,34 General Eche-
varri pronouncing on February 1st, at Durango, in
favor of a sovereign congress.35 The bishop of Sonora
exerted himself openly against the movement, but the
agitation in Sonora for separation from Sinaloa pro
voked a strong feeling in favor of the revolution, and
its success was warmly greeted.

The new authorities, however, had weightier con
siderations in mind than the wishes of a remote
border population, and it was not until a menacing
agitation was exhibited that they deigned to give at-

32 Mex. Mew. Guer., 1823, 25; Pap. PoUt., ii. doc. xv. 140.

33 To reside at Culiacan and Arizpe, respectively. Monteros, Expos. Son.,
0-18; Pap. Vai\, cxl. pt xiv., cxli. pt 6.

34 For an account of this revolution I refer to Hist. Mex., iv. 788 et seq.,
this series.

Doc. Son., MS., i. nos. 85-6.

ESTADO INTERNO DE OCCIDENTE. 637

tention to Monteros' bill for separation,36 which de
manded also a number of concessions, such as the es
tablishment of a mint at Alamos, a tobacco factory
and treasury at Culiacan, an assay office at Arizpe,
and the restoration of the Jesuits for the purpose of
promoting education and controlling unruly tribes.37
On July 19, 1823, the separation was decreed with
diputaciones provinciales, to meet at Culiacan and
Ures respectively, the latter residence not being obli
gatory. This measure was hasty, however, and
ignored. A decree of February 4th of the following
year, alluding to the two provinces under the title of
Estado Interno de Occidente, ordered the formation
of a joint constitutional legislature, composed of six
members for Sinaloa, and five for Sonora, which should
convene at Villa del Fuerte,38 and there discuss the
project before submitting it to the people. The
deputies dallied over it ; the Yaqui revolt, which fin
ally drove the assembly from Fuerte to Cosala, made
the Sonorans less eager for the severance, as they
needed the aid of the wealthier Sinaloa. This aided
the decision in favor of maintaining the union, and a
constitution was prepared in accordance October 31,
1825, the Occidente state, as its title now appeared,
being divided into five departments, Arizpe, Horcasi-
tas, Fuerte, Culiacan, and San Sebastian.39

36 During the agitations the archives at Arizpe were to a great extent de
stroyed ; hence the many gaps in history which cannot L>e satisfactorily cov
ered. There were also troubles at Cosala. Biss, in Soc. Afex. Geog., ii. 62-3;
Son. Notic. OJic., 7 et seq.

37 Project presented Feb. 29, 1823; text in Monteros, Expos. Son., 36-9;
Pap. Far., cxl. no. 14.

38 At Fuerte the alcalde was to join the first four legislative members and
preside at the preparatory meeting. Id. , iii. 25-6. In the federal Acta Con-
stitutiva of Jan. 31, 1824, Sonora and Sinaloa are termed provinces, of the
e^tado interne de Occidente, and this union is affirmed in the constitution of
Oct. 4. Sinaloa was called by many Baja Sonora.

"'The constitution, which is considered elsewhere, covers 319 arts, with
numerous sub-divisions. It was signed at Fuerte by M. Escalante y Arvizu,
as president. L. Martinez de Vea, C. Espinoza de los Monteros, F. de Or-
rantia, I. T. de Escalante, F. Dominguez Escobar, and I. F. Velasco and A.
Fernandez Rojo, secretaries. Governor Nic. Mana Gaxiola, and secretary
Ig. Lopez, countersign on Nov. 2. Col. Consttt., iii. 1-103. Both legislature
and governor issued congratulatory addresses. Pinart, Dw. Son., i. nos. 9,
15, 19, 40. A supplementary election law appeared Nov. 8th in 75 arts, cov-

638 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA.

The first governor under this constitution was
Simon Elias Gonzalez, a most popular man, who was
elected simultaneously for Chihuahua and Sonora.
His family residing at the time in the former state,
he preferred to remain there, but was finally per
suaded to come to Fuertes,40 vice-governor F. Iriarte
was soon called upon to act for him, and in 1827 fig
ures Nicolds Maria Gaxiola,41 the predecessor of Gon
zalez, who continues in charge during the following
years. The first regular legislature met at Fuerte in
March 1826,42 and a month later the supreme court
was installed.43 The state had now its special coman-
clante general, in Jose Figueroa, residing at Arizpe."
His force consisted of nine cavalry companies num
bering about 45 officers and 747 rank and file, costing
nearly $200,000 per annum. They garrisoned the
nine presidios of Tucson, Fronteras, Santa Cruz,
Altar, Buenavista, Horcasitas or Pitis, Bacoachi, Ba-
bispe, and Tubac, besides a few other points, as Guay-
mas, Alamos, Fuerte, while at the escuadron de
Mazatlan guarded the district of that name. Two
other companies of active militia in Sonora could be
called upon when required. Of local militia very few
bodies were organized.45

ering all voting. Deputies were to receive $3,000 a year and mileage. A
decree of Jan. 13, 1830, fined absent electors $25 to $100. Persons who had
neglected to take the oath to the federal constitution, or to illuminate in
honor of the event, were fined $5. The title senoria was accorded to most
of the higher officials, and to the vice-governor that of excellency. Pres.
Escalante is praised for his services, in Buelna Camp., 100.

40 He had received four-fifths of the votes, and the legislature voted $1,-
500 for bringing his family from Chihuahua. Actas Cony. Constit., i. 58-61;
Pinart, Doc. Chili., ii. 6-7.

41 In P'mart, Doc. Son., i. no. 62, the name is writt3n Jose Maria, while
Kic. Maria is classed in Id., no 52, as treas. gen. Buelna, Comp., 109. I. M.
Almada appears in 1828 as vice-governor.

42 With deputies Thomas Escalante, Jose Esquero, Ignacio Arriola,
Mariano Pando de la Granda, who failed to be recognized, Ig. Verdugo,
Juan Elias Gonzalez, Jesus Gaxiola, and Jose Manuel Estrella. Actas Cong.
Constit., i. 58.

"Under Mig. Domingucz, as president. Rules issued in 1828. Pinart,
Doc. Son., no. 130. The circuit court which opened at Rosario had jurisdic
tion over the Calif ornias. Mex. Mem. Sec. Estad., 1828, 14. Actas Cong.
Constit., i. 49. The district court at Guaymas also covered the Calif ornias.

^ Actas Cony. Constit., i. 74-5. His pay was $4,000 and his adjutant in
spector, a lieut-col, received $3,000.

45 For further details see the special chapter on this and cognate topics.

INSURRECTION OF THE YAQUIS. G.^9

While the organization was progressing, a serious
affliction fell upon the state. The independence of
the country had been hailed by the Yaquis with de
light, in the expectation of privileges to be gained,
such as equality, with the right to participate in
elections, and the enjoyment of independent local gov
ernment. All this proved a delusion. The local ad
ministration was unchanged, remaining in the hands
of padres and alcaldes controlled by the state authori
ties. Moreover, exclusion of intruders was no longer
enforced, and settlers began to encroach upon their
rich soil. Nor were they even exempted from the
payment of taxes as heretofore; and when, in 1825,
assessors made their appearance to measure land and
vr.lue property for taxation, their patience gave way.

A representation was sent to the authorities, based
on immemorial exemption, the answer to which was
the arrival of troops to enforce the assessment. At
Rahum the Yaquis fell upon the soldiers, and drove
them off, with the loss of seven men/6 Then they
proceeded to wreak vengeance upon obnoxious persons,
among whom was Father Arglielles, of Torin, who
was murdered, together with several citizens. A de
scent was next made on the adjoining districts, attended
with pillage, and all the horrors of a savage outbreak.

Their leader was Juan Ignacio Juzucanea, usually
called Banderas, from a banner carried by him, which
he had obtained from a church, and represented as
belonging originally to Montezuma. Although small
of stature and unprepossessing in face, he wielded an
immense influence by means of rare eloquence and
decided administrative ability. But for his persuasion,
the outbreak would probably have assumed no impos
ing form, owing to the lack of unity among the tribe,

46 Garcia Cuba*, Escrit. Diver., 15. The cura of Cocori urged them to re
sist. Velasco, Son., 80. The deieated force, under Capt. Mier, Soc. Mex.
Ge.og., BoL, viii. 301-2, is said to have numbered 200 men. In Mcx. Mem.
Mm. Rel., 1827, 13, the first outbreak is said to have been suppressed in be
ginning of 1825. The comandante-general was on his way with 400 men to
explore the mining region when he was recalled to fight the greater uprising.
•JBttrella Occid., Oct. 19, I860. Col Dcpt. St. Pap., Ivii. 18-19.

640 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA.

fostered by the intrigues of religious and political offi
cials. Indeed, some of the Yaquis were induced to
side with the whites,47 and the Mayos, the adjoining
tribe on the south, held aloof. Banderas went to the
latter, and harangued the chiefs of their sixteen vil
lages with such effect that they allowed a large num
ber of their tribe to enroll under his standard.48 His
success so far, especially in the matter of booty,
proved, perhaps, the main inducement, while not a
few felt impressed by his claim to being inspired for
his acts by the virgin herself.49

The alarmed legislature invested the governor with
extraordinary power, and steps were taken to organize
militia forces to support the troops, for which re en
forcements were demanded from Chihuahua.50 The
Pimas and other tribes were likewise enrolled, partly
for local defence, partly for campaigns/1 while the mis
sionaries received special injunctions to soothe the
natives to the north and east, for it was rumored that
the Yumas and Papagos, among others, had shown a
hostile disposition.

Meanwhile the Yaquis and Mayos had jointly over
spread the territory southward to Fuertes, and north
toward Ures and Guaymas, routing several detach
ments, such as Guerrero's at San Vicente. Banderas
himself led a force of three hundred men, armed
mostly with clubs, slings, and bows, and raided one
hacienda after another, sending back cattle and other
booty to enrich his villages.52

Arriving at Santa Cruz, held by a strong body

47 The people of Tepagui and Batacora joined the govt troops to chastise
their kindred. Soc. Mex. Geoy., Bol, xi. 91.

48 In May 1826, according to the Correo Fed., Mar. 10, 1827.

49 The most noted of the Mayo chieftains was Mig. Estevan, astute and
audacious, who subsequently assumed the leading place in a war among the
whites. FWttxco, Son., 76, 83.

50 Those failing to respond to the temporary militia enrollment were to be
condemned to serve for the full term fixed by law. Pinart, Doc. Son., i. no. 32.

51 At Cienegiiilla alone, 159 men gathered. More than 200 Yaquis offered
their services, and Pimas joined readdy. Pinart, Doc. Son., no. 27.

52 He passed through Caxon, Bacatete, and Punta de la Agua, through
Cootes, the reales de San Marcial and San Jose de los Pimas, the 1

of Chibato and Subiate, and through Los Angeles and Tepague, near Pitic,

MOVEMENTS OF BANDERAS. 641

under the Indian chief Cienfuegos, he worked so per
suasively upon the garrison that when the chief issued
orders for defence, he was beset and compelled to
flee, severely wounded. Shortly after, hearing of the
execution of some captured Yaquis at Alamos as rebels,
Banderas retaliated by court-martialing and condemn
ing to death a number of prisoners in his power, as
abettors of tyranny, and usurpers of Montezuma's
authority, a formal notice of their execution being
sent to the comandante general, Figueroa, with a
warning to avoid unnecessary cruelty, and the inti
mation that he himself would be guided by the exam
ple set him by Christians.

Early in August, 1826, Banderas arrived before
Pitic, the headquarters of the comandante general
Figueroa, who was advancing from Alamos. On the
6th a battle was fought between San Lorenzo and
Santa Rita, which was hotly maintained till night
intervened. Banderas then departed in quest of
reinforcements, leaving the chief Guiscamea to hold
the ground. The absence of the leading spirit proved
fatal to the Yaquis, who were defeated on the follow
ing morning, with a heavy loss in prisoners and dead.
Those who fled encountered Captain Mier, who
speadily scattered them with additional slaughter.53

The Yaquis, however, soon reunited, and Banderas
was again in the field with fresh forces. The mer
chants of Guaymas, believing that the enemy was
hemmed within their own territory sent into the in
terior for the long delayed caravans ; but Banderas
surprised the Pitic consignment, valued at fully
thirty thousand dollars. A series of successful raids
now followed, in numerous directions, all attributed
by rumor to the personal direction of Banderas.

53 Figueroa reported that this episode, which took place at rancho de la
Mesa, Aug. 18th, resulted in the death of 300 Yaquis and the capture of
200 women and children, besides the recall of 90 citizens, who had been
taken prisoners. Pinart, Doc. Son., I MS., no. 23. Mier had 300 men. The
loss to the Yaquis in the encounter with Figueroa is placed at 130 dead for
•the two days. Palanca, Sept. 21, 1826. All exaggerated as may be supposed.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 41

642 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA.

Dismay spread over the country, and had he followed
up his advantages by attacking the larger towns it is
difficult to say what may have been the result;54 but
he confined himself chiefly to petty raids and attacks
on the smaller detachments, sustaining by this seem
ing forbearance the declaration that he desired only
to obtain redress for his people. To this end also he
sent a commission to the government, offering to dis
band his men whenever their grievances received
attention.55

Meanwhile he relaxed his ravages, only to direct
his efforts to preparations for renewing hostilities;
notably in making powder, preparing arms, drilling
men, and in seeking further alliances, a number of
white soldiers being secured to aid in disciplining and
leading the Yaquis. These doings greatly alarmed
the inhabitants, and his force, which amounted to
about two thousand, was swelled by rumor to ten and
twenty times the number.56 The legislature and
other authorities had fled in affright from Fuerte
and sought refuge at CosaM, and General Figueroa
began to be abused as inefficient.57 The house of
representatives had meanwhile been considering the
appeal, and after lengthy discussion an act was passed
offering amnesty and granting some aid to reestab
lish order.58 Moreover strong reinforcements arrived
from Chihuahua, and as the late inaction of Banderas
had cooled the war spirit of many followers, Figueroa's

5i Hardy maintains that he could readily have captured any of the towns.
Trav., 397-400, 409.

55 The commissioners were sent on to Mexico and treated with an impres
sive attention. Palanca, May 10, 1827.

56 Among his plans, say 3 Escudero, Not. Son., 136-8, was to crown him
self king and combine the different tribes, under a native govt, for war upon,
whites. The tribes were not in accord, however, and his messages failed.

57 Unless reinforcements came all Sonora would be lost was the cry.
Palanca, Oct. 19, 1826. 'No estaban muy tranquilos,' observes Bustamante
quaintly, Voz Patria, ii. no. 17, p. 4, invaded as Sonora was by seven tribes
of savages.

58 On Nov. 30th. Pardon to be granted ' con las circumstancias que cree
convenientes. ' Ramirez, Col. Doc., 205-6. Prisoners were to be clothed and
their travelling expenses paid. Gac. Mex., Oct. 17, 26, 1826; Oorreo., Fed.,
Nov. 9, 17, 1826. Governor's appeal to congress in May, etc. Actas Cong,
Comtit., i. 116-17.

EXPULSION OF THE SPANIARDS. 643

overtures with partial concessions found hearing.
The less tractable were awed into submission, among
them Banderas, who on April 13, 1827, came with
two hundred men to renew his fealty,59 though some
held out a while longer. A few lawless members re
tired to the mountains, the rest being satisfied with
what they had secured in arms, cattle, and merchan
dise, all of which they were permitted to retain, the
weakness of the government being displayed in the
concessions granted.60 Among the steps taken to
appease as well as obtain control over them was a
law of September 1828, by which Indians were con
firmed in their rights as citizens, with obligation to
organize into militia bodies, to educate children and
distribute land among individuals. Official intrigue
and neglect as usual reduced the law to little more
than a dead letter.61

No sooner was the Yaqui affair settled than another
threatened to arise from the edict declaring the ex
pulsion of all Spaniards in the republic, including
nearly all the padres. More than two thirds, how
ever, of that nationality were exempted, owing to
relationship by marriage with natives, and to services
rendered;6" but ere this became known the excite
ment ran high, aggravated by rumors of a Spanish
invasion. The missions displayed an attitude so
threatening that military steps were taken.63 Noth-

£9As early as Dec. 1826, a number of Yaquis had come to plead for par
don, and in Jan. large numbers laid down tlieir arms. Correro, Fed., Jan. 23,
Feb. 7, 1827. Padre Davalos exerted himself as mediator, to judge by his
letters in Pap. Var., 141, no. 11, p. xviii.-xx.

6J The war cost 3, 000 victims. Estrella, Occid., Oct. 19, 1860. A number
of the escaped Yaquis under the leader of Virgin, an Opata, kept Arizpe in
alarm during Feb. 1827. Virgin, however, was captured and shot with a
do^en followers. Correo, Fed. , May 9, 1827. Apache inroads had continued
and the Papagos were complained of. Soc. Mex. Geog., x. 708-9; Pinart, Doc.
Sin., i. 32.

"Text with rules in Pinart, Doc. Son., nos. 121-3.

62 Under law of Ap. 25, 1826, 37 were expelled and 7 more under art. 9.
By the state 65 were exempted and by the gen.-govt51. Mex. Mem. Sec.
Estad., 1829, doc. 1. Those who had rendered service to the Spanish cause
in 1821, were especially seized upon. Pinart, Doc. Son., i. nos. 70, 221.

03 In April 1828, several orders were issued to detachments and local au
thorities. Priests who abetted the movements were to be expelled.

644 UNITED SOITOHA AND CINALOA,

ing came of it, save an increased stringency toward
foreigners with regard to passports and surveillance.64
Among notable visitors of late years had been
Lieutenant Hardy, who in 182G made explorations
from Guaymas along the gulf shores, and far up the
Colorado, for pearl beds and gold.65 The latter at
tracted in the same year Colonel Bourne, who in
spected the chief mining camps of the two provinces.66

Although the union of Sonora and Sinaloahad been
decided upon in 1825, the divisionists continued to
agitate their project, and gain adherents by different
manoeuvres, such as the choice of capital, which ex
cited rival towns in no small degree. Arizpe natur
ally claimed its long preeminence, and resisted with
armed force the removal of the deputies to Ures, in
accordance with the separation decree of 1823. In
order to stop the quarrel the legislature met at
Fuerte, which might be considered a border town.
This encouraged the Sinaloans to strive for a still
greater advantage, and Culiacan pressed her claim,
rousing the jealous Sonorans to vigorous counter-
efforts which resulted in a decree of October 26, 1827,
declaring Concepcion de Alamos the capital.67

These proceedings added fuel to the party-spirit
which became so violent in the legislature, that the
assembly was fora time virtually in a state of dissolution.
Vice-governor Iriarte made himself so conspicuous by
advocating division that the unionists succeeded in
passing a decree December 20, 1828, declaring him
removed and ineligible for reelection.68 Both sides

64 Circulars of Jan. 20, 1827, July 21, 1828. A list had to be kept of
foreign residents or visitors.

to In the vessels JFoZ^and Uruja, during July and August. Hardy's Travels
in Mex.

66 Three years later the English war vessel Sapphire came to gather infor
mation on trade and condition, Comtier, Voy., 184-90, 345-64, and the F&icie
traded here in 1829-30. Btnard, in Soc. de Gtog., xvi. 36-40.

07 All officials being ordered to meet here on Jan. 10, 1828. The congress
ordered the necessary public buildings to be erected. Decree of Feb. 12,
1828. Pap. Far., no. Ixvii. 117; no. Ixviii. 119.

68 See Nouv. Annales Voy., xliv, 352-4; debate in Ac.tas Cony. Consttt., ij

PRONUNCIAMIENTOS. 645

appealed to the supreme congress, which declared in
valid the decree against Iriate. The legislature and
Governor Gaxiola, nevertheless, failed to obey the
decision,09 whereupon several districts in Sonora and
Sinaloa, pronounced against them 70 in March 1829.

This movement was over-awed for a time by a
counter-pronunciamiento at Pueblo de los Seris, sup
ported by Yaquis and Opatas;71 but the decided posi
tion assumed by the militia colonel, Escalante, in Au
gust, at Buenavista, gave fresh courage to the ces-
sionists, especially as the comandante general held
aloof, alike unwilling to disobey the supreme govern
ment or to proceed against the state authorities,72
and consequently evoking sharp comment from all
quarters.

Appeals for the consideration of dividing the state
became so strong that the legislature gave it serious

O O O

attention.'3 Their committee reported adversely, on
the ground that it was a party measure, centring
upon a strife for disposing of the revenue. Neither
province had sufficient income to support a distinct
existence. Separation would weaken Sonora, and
expose it to fiercer savage irruptions than ever, to the
danger also of adjoining territories. Union was alone
identified with progress.74 The report failed to satisfy;

Pinart, Doc. Son., no. xxxiv. 68 et seq. Velasco, in Soc. Mex. Geoy., Sol.,
viii. 286.

*ArriUag€, Recop., 1829, 42-3. Heated discussion of the decree in the
legislature, Son. Acta Sesion, 3-11.

70 In Sinaloa, Culiacan, Cosala, and San Xavier, which had been roused
greatly by the removal of the capital to Sonora; and in the upper province,
Guaymas, Hermosillo, Horcasitas, Oposura, and Mocteuzoma. Pinart, Doc.
Son., i. 147-8, 167-78.

71 To the number of 700 men on June 13th. Opin Pub. Occid., July 9, 30,
1329.

rz He appealed to both parties in behalf of peace, proclaimed his impar
tiality, and offered to appeal to Mexico. /(/. Pinart, Doc. Son., i. nos 48-50,
and pp. 165-74.

73 The merchants of Hermosillo represented the paralyzing effect of the
disturbance, and urged that the feelings of the majority be ascertained.
Son., Petition Ciud., 1-8.

74rihe revenues for 1825, 1826, and 1827 had been $104,212, $186,310, and
$108,814 in Sinaloa, and $23,895, $52,065, and $37,028 in Sonora. June 24,
1829, Son., Manif. de la Comision sobre Division, 1-52. Some of its statements
are doubtful. Comments in Espir. Pub., Jan. 7, 1829; Correo, Fed., Mar. 9,
1828.

646 UNITED SONORA AXD SINALOA.

and in August the legislature, convoked in extra ses
sion, agreed so far as to issue a general amnesty, and
to request the resignation of Governor Gaxiola, add
ing subsequently that the division question should be
entertained and Iriarte reinstated. <u This result was
mainly due to the spread of Escalante's movement,
with whom Figueroa now concluded a treaty.76

In January 1830, the decree for division was passed,
and a commission was appointed to carry it out,77
while congress considered the subject. After several
promptings,78 ctn approval of the division was issued,
on October 13th,79 and in the following month appeared
the proclamation for elections for legislatures, which
were to be installed in March 1831.80 The boundary
between the states was drawn through the Mesquite
rancho, eighteen leagues south of Alamos, on the
road to Fuerte, and down Rio Alamos to the gulf,
presenting a breadth of territory of forty leagues.
Rio de las Canas remained, as heretofore, the border
for Jalisco, while Sonora stretched to the Colorado
and Gila. The eastern line was less satisfactory,
owing to the extension of Chihuahua and Durango

75 J. M. AlmacH assumed G-axiola's place when he obeyed the order to
resign. Son., Cos/is por iin Tnpado.

70 On Sept. 17th, in 8 arts, whereby Figueroa offered to instate Iriarte by
force if necessary. Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 194-5, 204.

77 It had also to make inventories of furniture and other public effects for
division. Decrees 180-1, in Id., i. 211.

78 On Aug. 3, 1830, the diputacion permanente sent an appeal. Dissatis
faction arose with Deputy Monteros, and on June 7th his powers were
revoked. An extra session of the legislature was resolved on Axig. 2d for
promoting the division and electing a senator.

79 And on the following day were issued rules for the act. General assem
blies were to be convoked as soon as possible at Pitic and Culiacan. rj_he
three departments of San Sebastian, Culiacan, and Fuerte, forming Sinaloa,
were assigned three electors each; those of Arizpe and Horcasita;, forming
Sonora, four and five respectively. The junta general of Sonora should des
ignate eleven deputies to form its state congress, Sinaloa likewise, and they
should proceed to frame election laws, and choose senators. Decree in 19
arts, in Dublin and Lozano, Ley. Mex., ii. 291-3. Arrillaga adds the election
acts from the Occidente constitution of 1825. Recop., 1830, 499-513; Mex.
Col. Ley., 1829-30, 127-9; S. Mijuel, Rep. Mex., 5; Hernandez, Geog. Son., 24.

^Pinart, Doc. Son., i. no. 228-33. Some difficulties occurred, which re
quired legislative orders to smooth with fresh election decrees, and an am
nesty appeared on Dec. 20th. The final date of installation was to be March
13th. Provisional regulations were issued for the treasuries. Comisario
Gen. Riesgo found a strong opposition from Herinosillo,

OCCIDENTS AFFAIRS. 647

over a wide tract along the western slope of the sierra
which, by position and intercourse, pertained to the
Occidente.81 The population of the new states was
estimated at one hundred thousand each,82 with the
prospect of a rapid natural growth for the compara
tively protected and peaceful Sinaloa, and a strong
counter-attraction for Sonora, against Apache raids,
in the mines, and in the wide area, which should
bring immigration. Indeed, in 1839, the population
of this state was reported to be one hundred and
twenty-four thousand,83 from which a formidable mil
itia could be formed for defence against irruptions if
the local authorities would only enforce the decree
passed for this purpose.84 The last acting governor
of Occidente was Leonardo Escalante, a powerful
promoter of the separation.85

81 Velasco, Son., 15-16. In colonial times, Sinaloa extended from Rio
Rosario to Rio Fuerte; Ostimuri, really belonging to it, continued to Rio
Mayo, and then Sonora. Hiitnboldt, Eased Pol., i. 295-7. In Cortes, Diario,
1820, xi. 25, Sinaloa is said to extend even to the Yaqui, and Monteros
stretches Sonora hence to lat. 36. Espos., Son., 5. The name Sonora being
applied also to Sinaloa, as Baja Sonora. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., viii. 214-15;
Caballero, E*tad. Son., 4; Pap. Far., cxl, pt 14.

82 By official report. Mex. Mem. Sec. Estad., 1832, doc. i. 9. Yet Riesgo,
Mem. Estad., i. 96, placed the population of Occidente in 1828 at considerably
more than 200,000, while Caballero estimated it in 1825 at 179,316. Estadist.
Son., 4, with details on p. 15.

83 Mex. Mem. Min. Eel, 1847, 112, and so far the preceding year in the
estimates of Cortina and others. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ii. 6, 19; vii. 138-9;
ix. 272. Stone seeks a partial cause in the Altar mining excitement of 1837.
Hi*t. May., v. 164. Miihlenpfordt, Mej., ii., pt ii., 419, allows only 101,900
for 1833. Humboldt gives the intendencia of Sonora 121,400 in 1803. Essai
Po£,vi. 155, 300. Navarro raised it to 135,385 seven years later, 38,640
being Spaniards, 35,766 mixed, and 60,855 Indians. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol.,
ep. 2, i. 291 . In Cortes, Diario, xi. 26, it was then made 130,000. Cancelada
assumed 144,640 for Sonora alone in 1808. Ruina N. Esp., 73. Velasco, who
excludes the uncivilized Indians, has only 58,396 for Sonora in 1828. See,
also, Ward's Mex., i. 583; ii. 606; Mills Hist. Mex., 190. The Yaquis alone
numbered about 12,000, and beyond Arizpe lived few whites.

84 As late as June 5, 1830. Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 213-14. Official appoint
ments had to be made under recommendation from municipalities. The
exemption fees, modified by decree of Dec. 14, 1830, were liberal enough to
allow of wide evasion.

85 Pres. P. Sanchez issued in Feb. 1831 the congratulatory address to the
new states on behalf of the dissolving legislature. F. Escobosa acted as gov.
in the earlier part of May 1830. Buelna, Compend., 109. Lack of funds
caused the suppression of the subordinate jefes polf ticos in April. Accounts
for settlement were still pending between the two states in 1834.

Lieut R. W. If. Hardy, R. N. Travels in the Interior of Mexico in 1S25,
1826, 1837, and 1828. London, 1829, Svo, pp, xiii. and 540, Illust, with map,

648 UNITED SONORA AND SINALOA,

This writer was engaged in the capacity of a commissioner by ' the General
Pearl and Coral Fishery Association of London,' and was occupied for some
time in exploring the gulf of California in search of pearls. His work con
tains a great deal of valuable information, not only as regards matters con
nected with the object of his visit, but also on historical events which occurred
at that time. Being in Sonora when political schisms were rife, he is able to
siipply many interesting particulars as regarded by a foreigner, among which
may be mentioned his description of the panic which prevailed in Fuerte on
the occasion of a false alarm being given that the Yaquis were approaching,
pp. 188-92. Hardy, moreover, supplies much information about the habits,
customs, and character of the Mexican people at that time, as well as con
cerning the Indians of Lower Cal. The Quarterly Review charges this author
somewhat too severely with indulging in 'a certain allowance of stale jokes,
bad puns, and small wit '; but in view of the really valuable and varied in
formation he affords, he may readily be pardoned this weakness.

CHAPTER XXV.

SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.
1830-1851.

SONORA'S FIRST LEGISLATURE — LEADING TOWNS — INDIANS VERSUS WHITES —
BANDERA'S SCHEME— His DEFEAT AND DEATH— WAR WITH THE YAQUIS
— EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE APACHES — PARTY STRUGGLES — GOVERNOR
GANDARA — URREA PROCLAIMS FEDERALISM — HE is RECOGNIZED BY
SINALOA — GANDARA'S COUNTER-REVOLUTION — THE YAQUIS Rous*. BY
GANDARA— WAR BETWEEN FEDERALISTS AND CENTRALISTS — ALIJ-:R-
NATE SUCCESSES — CHANGES OF RULERS — WAR WITH THE UNITED
STATES — GUAYMAS BOMBARDED — AMERICANS TAKE POSSESSION — MAZAT-
LAN CAPTURED — MIGRATION FROM SONORA TO CALIFORNIA — TROUBLES
WITH APACHES — CHANGES IN THE ADMINISTRATION.

Ix 1831 was installed the new legislatures1 of
Sonora and Sinaloa, with Manuel Escalante y Arviga
as governor 2 for the former, and Agustin Martinez de
Castro for Sinaloa. A bond still remained between
the states in the office of comandante general which
embraced both, though located at Arizpe, as the best
centre of military operations. In 1835, however, the
president created a separate officer of this denomina
tion for Sinaloa.3 Another reminder existed in the
constitution of both states which differed little from
that adopted in 1825/ The capital, as designated by

1 Under protection of N. Sra. de Guadalupe, as patron saint. Pinart, Doc.
Ron., ii. 31, 05. Deputies were to receive $3,000 per annum and mileage.

2 Escalante represented as a kind-hearted and accomplished young man,
and the qualities of Castro approved by reflections to office. Buelna, Cornp.,
110; Vclasco, Son., 71; Cal. Dcp. St. Pap., iii. 62. An auditing office was es
tablished in May 1834. All public employes were to be held responsible.
Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. nos. 289, 301.

3 Lower Cal. remained under Sonora in military matters. Cal. Dcp. St.
Pap., iv. 51-5. The pay was $4,000. The final military separation of
Sonora and Sinaloa took place in 1842. Dublan y Lozano, Ley. Mcx., iv. 115.

4 That for Sinaloa, adopted Dec. 12, 1831, contained an art. against prop
erty being held in mortmain. The gradation of tribunals, with courts of

(649)

650 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

the separation decree, was Hermosillo, lately known
as Pitic,5 and formerly as Horcasitas presidio, a town
with a population of about eight thousand inhabitants.
It owed its progress to the proximity of Guaymas,
which made it the point of distribution for central
and northern Sonora,6 or about a third of this popu
lation. Alamos ranked as the most prosperous city
in the south owing to the proximity of mines.7

Culiacan, the capital of Sinaloa, was one of the
oldest settlements in the state, an episcopal seat, with
a population of about 11,000. Next to it ranked in
importance the mining towns of Cosala and Rosario,
the latter being made a city in 1827.8

Many of the rising towns were ex-missions, for
secularization had been steadily practised since colo
nial days. The change from this fatherly regime to
republicanism led to unscrupulous inroads upon the
remaining missions, until only a few missionaries were
left to witness the rapid decadence of their charge in
ruined buildings and dispersing congregations. This
applies rather to Sonora. One way of spoliation was
to purchase or seize as loans cattle and other effects,

first instance in canton towns, courts with asesores in departmental head
towns, and a superior court at the capital, of nine judges, was never
strictly followed. Comments in JBuelna, Comp., 14; Mex. Zustande, i. 231-3.
Press restrictions appeared in Sinaloa in 1833. Decree of Dec. 6, in Pinart,
Col., no. 272.

u Name changed by decree of Sept. 5, 1828.

fl On the east side of the town is a lime-stone hill, called La Campana from
the bell-like sound emitted when struck near the summit. Ward's Mex., i. 565,
ii. 595. Most of the opulent merchants resided here. Hardy's Trav., 95;
Pinart, Doc. Son., i. no. 424.

7 For descriptions of the leading towns I refer to Riesyo y Valdes, Mem.,
passim; Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 104-12, 145, 167, etc.; ComUer, Voi/., 173-6
204-9, 216-32; Velasco, Son., 17 et seq. By decree of July 5, 1830, each city
was entitled to two leagues of land on every quarter, and villas, one league
and a half. Pinart, i. 220. Several changes of name were made in course
of these years. In 1837 the state was divided into four districts; Arizpe,
Horcasitas, Hermosillo, and Loreto. /(/. 83. The harbor of Guaymas was safe,
although vessels drawing more than fifteen feet had to anchor some 500 yards
from the landing. Nouv. Annales Voi/., xcv. 307-8, 316.

8Mazatlan was almost unknown till 1818, when a presidio was established
there. In 1824 a customhouse was added, and after 1838 a decided impulse
was given to the port. Description of this and other toAViis in Rkxyo y
Val'k'z, Mem., 45 etseq.; Ward's Mex., i. 559-60, 583-6; ii. 607-8; Monicros,
Espoa. Son. y Sin., 15; Pap. Var., cxl. pt 14; Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 92 et seq.;
Buelna, Comp., 31-3; Soc. Mex. Geo<j., Bol, ep. 2, iv. 65-6. Mazatlan suffered
frequently from storms, notably in 1839, and 1855.

MISSIONS AND PRESIDIOS. 651

and then withhold payment.' The decline of the
presidios, also, hastened that of the northern missions,
and the special securalization decree in 1833 almost
completed the destruction. By this time missions that
a decade before could sell 8,000 head of cattle in one
lot had a mere remnant left. Of the eight Queretaro
Franciscan missions, and some under Jalisco Francis
can management only a few had resident ministers.
With such poverty, and exposure to irruptions by
savages, there was little inducement for curates to ac
cept the charges offered, and about half the population
received no regular religious care. As far back as 1822
there were only 74 priests in the state, each required
to tend an average of from three to four establish
ments, embracing over 450 square leagues.10 On the
frontier the districts were four times larger, and the
consequent neglect by ministers had led to a partial
relapse into paganism.

The relapse among the aboriginal tribes was the
more dangerous, as they lived in comparative isolation,
which fostered the prejudice against the whites. True,
a large proportion of the natives came to serve in the
white settlements, and so maintained a bond of inter
course. The numerous Pimas were more scattered,
and the advance of settlers tended to keep them under
control ; but the Seris kept aloof on the west to foster
their marauding instincts, and the Opatas, to the
east, while ever the most loyal, and the very bulwark
against Apaches, frowned at any encroachment upon
their rich tracts. The Yaquis and Mayos were more
restless owing to their position along the very highway
of the obnoxious whites, occupying, as they did, the
lower course of ^he rivers bearing the same names.11

9 To the Pimeria Alta missions alone were owing in 1829, $4, 456 by pre
sidio companies, $27,000 by private persons, and $30,000 by the govt, in
stipends. Vclasco, Son., 147-9; Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 30-1.

10J/ex. Mem. Sec. Estad., 1831, app. 8. According to fd, Hac., 1832,
Doc. N., the eight Queretaro missions were supposed to receive $2,800 in
stipends, while the 29 Jalisco missions in Sonora, Nayarit, and Tarahiimara
obtained $9,400.

11 For an account of the d'flferent tribes, I refer to tny Native. Races, i-, iii.

652 SO:NTORA AND SIXALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

The success of the Yaquis in the revolt of 1825-7,
and their subsequent practical independence, had not
failed to raise their self-importance, and to make them
disloyal on the least pretence. They had imbibed a
taste, also, for easily acquired spoils, and it needed,
therefore, only a slight provocation to rouse them anew.
This came in a decree suppressing the offices of gen
eral/2 which affecting the leader of the late revolt,
Banderas, brought him at once to his feet. He had
made good use of his authority by maintaining the
efficiency of his people as warriors, and acquiring
arms, and dreamed of a vast Indian confederation in
Sonora, with himself as king, to which end he had
sent messengers to different tribes to gain support,
particularly from the brave Opatas. The latter gave
promises that satisfied Banderas, who thereupon, to
ward the close of 1832, marched at the head of nearly
1,000 warriors toward their territory, whence he pro
posed, strongly reenforced, to fall upon Ures and ad
joining towns, in conjunction with Pima allies. His
preparations did not escape the whites. Leonardo
Escalante, promptly headed a body of citizens from
Hermosillo, which strengthened by accessions from
other towns enabled him to meet the Yaquis at So-
yopa with about 400 men. Either this promptness,
or second sober thought, had caused the Opatas to
hold back, a few alone joining. Banderas, neverthe
less, accepted battle, which, after three hour's obsti
nate fighting, resulted in the total rout of the tribe,
and the capture of the chief himself. He was quickly
tried and shot at Arizpe.13 The Yaquis had gained
too much confidence, however, from former achieve-
passim. See also Zuniga, Son., 40 et seq. ; Pap. Far., clxviii. pt, 13; Nouv.
Annales Voy., xciii.; Riestjo, Mem. Extad., 1-6.

li Oct. 30, 1830. The eight Yaqui pueblos were ruled by one director, one
alcalde mayor, one capt.-gen., two lieut-generals, and one regidor for each
pueblo. Nearly the same system applied to the nine Mayo pueblos. Escudc.ro,
Son., 100-1. The Yaqui population was about 12,000. The captain -general
had been granted an allowance after the former revolt. Riesyo, Mem., 27;
Pinart, Doc. Son., i. 85, 223.

13 By decree of Jan. 23, 1833. Pinart, Doc. Son., MS., ii. no. 59.

INDIAN TROUBLES. 653

ments to be disheartened "by this defeat, and aided by
the Seris, continued the struggle, nor was it until
after nine months, with varying success, that the
local authorities managed to restore peace. Insa Ca-
meca, the successor of Banderas, seems to have been
in sympathy with the reforms which followed,14 for
when a revolt occurred at Tori, in 1834 he suppressed
it with great firmness, declining Mexican aid.10

The watchful Apaches never neglected such oppor
tunities for pursuing their inroads. Most dreaded
were the Coyoteros and Pinaleros, in southern Ari
zona, who, joined frequently by the Chiricagiiis, Gi-
leiios, and Mescaleros, made devastating inroads,
killing, robbing, and driving off herds of cattle through
the difficult passes of Coriejos, Batavi, Papera, Turi-
cachi, and Las Animas, while their tactics of dispers
ing in small bodies and drawing attention from the
bands carrying off booty, made pursuit of little avail,
and the recovery of stolen property generally impos
sible. The result was the gradual depopulation of the
northern portion of the state, the disappearance of the
missions and settlements, and the abandonment of
the mines which had attracted thousands.16 The
raids extended beyond Arizpe, and around Ures and
Hermosillo.

When the Yaqui outbreak was suppressed, expedi
tions were sent against the marauders, only to meet
with disastrous repulse, the main bodies being sud
denly assailed while hampered by the difficulties of
hard mountain passes. The savages were well provided
with good fire-arms, in the use of which they were far

11 It was sought to ensure peace by restricting the sale of liquor, by en
forcing the distribution of land, so as to reduce the community spirit, while
promoting the desire for order that springs from increased possessions. Pro-
tectores were appointed to watch over these enactments. Pinart, Doc. Son.,
ii. 26-7, 64-6. All Indians to be made land-holders in their towns. *

1( Because he prided himself on his authority, says Zufiiga. Nouv. Annaks
Vay., xciii. 241.

16 Over 100 ranches and pueblos have been abandoned, says Escudero.
'Sonom, 76-7. \

654 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

more expert than the Mexicans. Following up their
advantages, the Indians advanced close to Arizpe,
spreading consternation through the state. The peo
ple were now roused by very fear to greater exertion ;
inducements were offered to volunteers, a coalition of
the northwestern states was formed, and by the
autumn of 1834, several victories had been gained
over the Apaches, who had grown over-confident by
their recent successes. The famous chief, Tutije, was
captured, and executed at Arizpe. After this, a large
portion of the volunteers returned home, leaving five
hundred men to pursue the scattered bands. This
being a less successful system, peace negotiations were
opened, at the instance of Comandante Mora, which
met with disapproval on the part of the civil authori
ties,17 who maintained that extending peace to such
treacherous foes was only giving them time to recup
erate for fresh inroads, while the governor informed
Mora that he might conclude treaties, but the citizens
would again go forth and exterminate every Apache
found with arms in hand.

The legislature approved his determination, and on
September 7, 1835, proclaimed a war of extermination,
a prize of one hundred dollars being offered for each
scalp taken.18 A campaign of fierce determination
followed, which lasted till August 1836, when the
ardor of the volunteers having at length abated, peace
was once more concluded, to last, as heretofore, only
till the Indians felt themselves strong enough to renew
their raids.19 The general government had given
little heed to appeals for aid, the disorder in the cen
tral states, and the Texas question, which arose at

this time, being; too absorbino; to admit of border

«... .

districts obtaining much consideration.

o

17 Correspondence on the subject in Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. 49-56. For par
ticulars of these campaigns, see Id., i. 235; ii. 18-19, 26; Id., nos 305, 315,
%345, 373; Arrillacja, Recop., 1830, 310-11; Cal Dept. St. Pap., Ben., C. cD T.,
iii. 63; Vdasco, Son., 112.

l*BartktfaNarr., i. 322-3; Foster's Angeles, MS., 12-14.

19 In Sept. and Oct. 1836, several raids already took place. Pinart, Col,
no. 480.

POLITICAL STRUGGLES. G55

Notwithstanding the agitation caused by Indian
troubles, Sonora did not escape the curse arising from
the struggles between political parties. The plan of
Zavaleta caused turmoil, and after several minor pro-
nunciamientos, the people of Arizpe, in August 1833,
proclaimed against it, whereupon the comandante-
general, Arregui, inarched with four hundred men to
suppress the revolution. The legislature, moreover,
issued decrees inflicting death upon those who joined
Arizpe, decrees which were fulminated by the general ;
yet Hermosillo and Horcasitas did not hesitate to
denounce the legislature. Arregui was personally
obnoxious to the troops, and deputations from the pre
sidios having met at Arizpe, he was deposed Septem
ber 30, 1833, and J. M. Elias Gonzalez installed in
his place.20

The agitation found further encouragement in the
great struggle of the conservatives and clergy against
the liberal principles advanced under federal rule.21
The legislature declared its position by assuring the
people that no reforms attacking religion would be
countenanced.22 Though Santa Anna was recognized
by the popular spirit, pronunciamientos at Vera Cruz
and other points affirmed, as it were, the dawning
centralism, under which relief was hoped for from
growing evils. A change might remedy the existing
disregard of the authorities for the frontier districts,
especially in the way of satisfying the troops with
more regular pay.23

The new era was. marked by the transformation of

20 A list of charges with documents was forwarded to Mexico. Son.
Rcpres., 1-44. Gonzalez was lieut-col and adjutant inspector. The governor
recommended him to the legislature. Son., Contest., hahida, 642; Pinart,
Doc. Son., ii. 3-14, 68-73, 80, 181-96; Cal Dept. St. Pap., Ben., C. and T.,
ii. 51-4, 59.

21 Consult Hist. Hex., v., this series. In this connection see also Oposidon,
Dec. 25, 1834; Tlempo, Aug. 15, 1834; Bustamante, Voz Patria, MS., viii.
483-8.

22 Proclamations of July 8, 15, and Oct. 24, 1834, in Pinart, Doc. Son., ii.
38-45.

23 Some of the troops were in actual revolt on this account. The state
authorities were charged with absorbing the funds applied for defence.
• Official statement in Cal. Sup. Gov., St. Pap., xxi. 9-10.

656 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

the state into a department, with four prefecturas,24
Manuel M. Gandara being the first governor. Gen
eral Jose Urrea was made comandante-general. The
appointment of Urrea was singular. He was recog
nized as a stanch federalist, and his appointment was
due only to President Bustamante's personal regard.
No sooner had he arrived at his headquarters,
Arizpe, then he proclaimed, December 26, 1837, the
restoration of the federal system, and secured from
the Guaymas custom-house over one hundred thou
sand dollars. 25 Disappointed in the prospects of amelio
ration, and caught by the very magnitude of the
project, troops and citizens responded in different
directions, notably at Arizpe, Ures, Hermosillo, Tepic,
Mazatlan, and Culiacan, till Urrea not only had men
enough to meet the departmental government, but
was able to send bodies to oppose the central corps
advancing upon him from Sinaloa, and support the
pronunciamiento made in Mazatlan. Gandara joined
the movement, was declared provisional governor, and
a congress was convened to reform the federal constitu
tion in furtherance of the self government of the
states. On March 14, 1838, the congress assembled,
Urrea being governor-elect and L. Escalante vice-
governor. The legislature confirmed Urrea as com
andante-general, general of the federal army, and
protector of Sonora and Sinaloa,26 conferring upon
him full powers to raise armies, and form alliances.27
This privilege he quickly availed himself of by offer
ing lands, pensions, and other inducements to attract

24 The pay of the prefects was from $1,800 to $2,000. Mex. Mem. Hoc.,

1838, pt 2.

25 It is related that the house of liiigo provided the first funds to start
the movement on condition of being favored at the custom-house; where
upon the firm ordered a cargo of goods from Europe, which arrived in Feh.

1839, after Urrea had been ousted. Charges were brought against the gov
ernor for complicity in fraud. Conde y Herrera, Repres., 1-38; Pap. Far., lv.
110. 2, Ixxviii. no. 8.

26£ow. Faction., 106-7; ftestauradorFed.,Ja,n.30, Mar. 13, 1838. Urrea's
name with appropriate inscriptions was ordered to be placed on public build
ings. Farias and Viezca were offered an asylum with land. Pinart, Doc.
Son., ii. 133-4, 139-40.

27 Plenipontentiaries were to be sent to other states to form a coalition.

PKONUXCIAMIENTO.

G57

followers, the legislature assisting him in different
ways, notably in issuing a provisional constitution.23
In Sinaloa the formal proiiunciamiento was first

MAP OF SINALOA.

28 On March 27th; after which the body closed the session, and left a
comision permanente to act from the 27th. An amnesty to opponents was
passed. Lucero Sin., Nov. 24, 1837. Tamasula hastened to petition for
.the federal system. Pinart, CoL, no. 472.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 42

658 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

made on January 12, 1838, at Culiacan, by Colonel
Cuevas, seconded by Orrantia, acting governor.29
This was followed by the capture of Rosario and
Cosald,30 while Urrea came down with a Sonoran force
in April in two vessels, and took possession of
Mazatlan, which added greatly to his resources by
sea and land.31 These were not of much avail how
ever. By this time the government had been able
to take steps to check the movement. On the 20th
General Paredes appeared before Mazatlan with a
strong column, and reminded the garrison that its first
duty was to join in opposing the French, who were
then threatening the republic. This appeal to
patriotism shook the allegiance of several of Urrea's
officers, so that Paredes found little difficulty in car
rying the town by assault on May 6th.32 Urrea fled
to San Bias, and failing to rouse this place, headed
the campaign in the interior of Sinaloa. This, how
ever, languished, owing to the call for Urrea's presence
elsewhere, and a small force sufficed to give the final
blow to the movement.

Meanwhile Gdndara changed his veiws with re
gard to the expected political formation and fell back
upon his former position as centralist governor, as
suming the lead in the counter-revolution which was
promoted at Horcasitas. He proclaimed it his duty
to suppress the movement in favor of the federal sys
tem, and profited by the reaction of fear among wav-

29 Who on the 16th recognized Urrea as protector of Mexican liberty and
placed the resources of the state at his disposal. Restaurador Fed., Feb. 6,
March 6, 1838. A cause for this lay in the dissatisfaction with the govern
ment for closing Mazatlan to foreign trade at the close of 1837, on the
ground of smuggling. Sin. Propos., 3-20. Changes in Comerc. de Quad.,
E*pos., 1-8; Pap. Var., Ixxvi. pt 10. The port was ordered to be reopened
by decree of Feb. 22, 1838. Arrillaga, Recop., 1838, 61; and now again
closed on account of rebellion.

30 By Cuevas and Carrasco, the latter sacking Cosala taking at least
$50,000 in silver bars, besides jewels, etc. Budna, Comp., 14; Pinart, Doc.
Son., ii. 119.

3lDiario, Gob., June 21-22, 1838; Lotvenstern, Mex., 401, 424-30. Busta-
mante writes that of $70,000 duties and other effects, seized partly at Quay-
mas, he sent 170 silver bars to New Orleans in his own name. Gabineta, i. GO-1.

3aHe took the place in quarter of an hour. Id., 59-60; Buelna, Comp., 14;
Mies' Reg., liv. 336.

CIVIL WAR. 659

ering federalists to obtain recruits. Not content with
these, he appealed to the Yaguis, his former foes, and
to still worse northern tribes; nor did he scruple to
pander to their propensities for plunder, which re
sulted in the Papagos' ignoring his authority, as did
the Yaquis to a great extent. Both factions added
to the burden of the people by enforcing contributions.

Several encounters took place, the first of note be
ing at Chino Gordo, on May 22d, followed by the
taking of Hermosillo and the capture of Vice-governor
Escalante. Urrea now appealed to the people, call
ing upon them to redeem their pledges of support.
Entering Alamos with 700 men, he afterward advanced
against the Gandaristas, and in August gained a
brilliant victory, followed by successes at Belen and
other points, which culminated in the capture of
Arizpe in October.

These successes were neutralized by centralist pro
gress in the south, and Urrea's opponents, taking ad
vantage of his temporary absence, gained a crowning
triumph, November 19th, at Opodepe.33 Gandara
was exultant, but avoided mention of the loss of life
and destruction of property,34 which was aggravated
by the Yaquis and Papagos, who rose in 1840 and
committed serious depredations, though the Yaqui
general, Juan Maria Insa Camea lost his life in assist
ing to quell the movement.35 It required a close
campaign to reduce the rebels, who assisted by the
Apaches left a wide track of devastation in the dis
trict of Horcasitas.36

33 Consult Zuniya, Contest., 20-1; Pap. Far., 185, no. 3; Bustamante, Gobi-
ncte, MS., 249-53.

34 Pap. Far., 153, no. 10; Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. no. 530; Cat. Dept. St.
Pap., iv. 130; Mosquito, Mex., June 19, 1840; Hist. Mex., v., this series.
Among the towns sacked were Saguaripa, Batueo, Matape, Hermosillo, and
Adivino. A*lamos escaped pillage by paying $50,000, Altar, $16,000, and
Hermosillo $70,000 without being exempt. Zuniya, Carta and Contest.,
passim; Pap. Par., 150, no. -32; Gandara, Espos., 65-6; Pinart, Doc. Son.,
ii. 154-8.

35 Mex. Mem. Guer., 1841, 36; Zuniga, Contest., 110; Soc. Mex. Geog., x.
709.

36 In 1840 they penetrated to Mazatlan and Cocospera. Velasco, Son.,
253-6, 283; Soc. Mex. Geoa., Bol, xi. 92-3, 98-9; Mex. Mem. Guer., 1841, 36;
'Pinart, Doc. Son., ii. 82-4, 131, 137, 142, 150-1, 166; Pap. Far., civ. pt 4.

660 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

Gcandara made himself rich by the war, and sur
rounded himself with stanch adherents. He retained
the comandancia general for some time, and removed
the capital from Arizpe to San Jose de los Ures, in
spite of supreme orders to place It at Hermosillo.
His tenure of power, however, did not last long. In
1841 Urrea again agitated Sonora, not with success,
but its aim — to raise Santa Anna to the dictatorship
—was supported by Paredes in Jalisco. Gandara
failed to catch the import, and Cuerta, second military
chief, more clear-sighted, seconding the movement,
compelled him to retire, the government being left to
the management of J. L. Pico. A flood of long
pent-up complaints now burst forth, resulting in the
reappointment from Mexico of Urrea to both the
civil and military commands. The new ruler was
eagerly welcomed in May 1842, and at once took
steps to suppress the inroads of the Apaches. Al
though these measures were most necessary, Gandara
resuscitated the political agitation by inciting the
Yaquis and Mayos, who were devoted to him, against
Urrea's administration, securing also the cooperation
of other tribes.

The first outbreak occurred in May, and was soon
suppressed by Urrea. Supporters of the movement,
nevertheless, increased in numbers, and, on July 24th,
they attacked Hermosillo, suffering a repulse. On
August 26th, they were routed with great loss at
Norias de Guadalupe ; 37 but sustaining themselves by
plunder, gained possession of a few minor towns, and
several ranches. But this source of supplies natur
ally failing, negotiations were followed by a formal
peace of the usual kind which only led to further
depredations.38

37 Urrea attacked 1,500 insurgents with only 239 men and one gun. He
killed 200, sustaining a loss of 9 killed and 17 wounded. Voto Son., Sept. 2,
1842, no. 36; Id., Sept. 21, Dec. 21, 1842; Mex. Mem., iii. doc. 3; Voto
no. 21.

38 In June 1843, Huerta, Armenta, and some others were Caught — *
shot. Voto Son., June 8, July 27, Aug. 10, 17, 31, 1843.

GOVERNOR PONCE DE LEON. 661

In September 1843, Gandara again came on the
scene, and several skirmishes took place in the neigh
borhood of Ures, Gandara claiming the advantage.
Urrea, however, having received reinforcements from
Sinaloa, inflicted severe blows upon his opponent at
Guayinas, Tepepa, and Opodepe, the battle at the
last-named place being won on November 27th.39
Nevertheless, the war continued with alternate suc
cess until, in 1844 the assembly, now installed at Her-
mosillo, invested Urrea with extraordinary powers,
which he used to such good purpose that the rebellion
was nearlv extinguished at the close of March.40

e/ O

The Gandaristas had carried on a double contest
with Urrea, one in Sonora with arms, the other at
Mexico with charges against him, accusing him of
maladministration and infringement of the laws.
While it was not evident that Urrea performed his duty
as ruler, it cannot be denied that Gandara was culpa
ble in rousing semi-barbaric tribes to sustain his
cause ; nevertheless, the government, being weak, de
termined to make a concession by replacing the ob

noxious governor.41

Notwithstanding the protests of Urrea's party,
Brigadier F. Ponce de Leon assumed charge as ^ov-

O O O

ernor and comandante-general in April 1844, and in
August the reestablishment of peace was announced.

Urrea remained in the department, and prepara
tions were resumed to defend the frontier against
Apache inroads, as well as curb the Seris with whom
a peaceful arrangement was made, which only resulted,

39 Urrea claims to have defeated 1,500 rabble, causing them a loss of 200.
Pinart, Col, no. 678. Son. Bol., Nov. 28, 1843; Pinart, Doc. Son., iii. 164;
Soc. Mex. Geo<j., viii. 527.

40 Urrea Rcsena, 3-7. The Gandaristas were closely pressed, and driven
into the Yaqui region. Son. Sol., Feb. 29, 1844.

41 Gandara was rich and influential, and made a plausible defence in his
Espos., 1-8; Mex., MS., 32; also Vindication, 4 et seq. The assembly and
leading official men supported Urrea. Voto Son. Dec. 28, 1842, Jan. 26, 1813;
Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iii. 164 et seq. The feelings of white settlers is not
clear. When the removal became known, deputies and others protested,
and sought to persuade the successor to resign. Son. J3ol., Oct. 26 1843;

' Pinart, Doc. Son. iii. 171-SO.

662 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES

in a renewal of robberies and murders. No less un
successful action attended the attempts against the
Apaches/2 Toward the close of 1845 some vigor was
infused into the operations, but when the war with
the United States broke out in 1846, the tribes,
though badly scattered, escaped pursuit and again
combined.

The campaign of 1844 was interrupted by the revo
lution of Parades, in Jalisco, for the overthrow of
Santa Anna, and Urrea was requested in November
to reassume command. He complied, but on May
15, 1845, surrendered the power to the eldest mem
ber of the assembly, who was presently succeeded by
J. M. Gaxiola, who took the oath June 25th.43

In Sinaloa the movement of Parades had been sup
ported, November 7, 1844, at Mazatlan, by Lieu
tenant-Colonel Brambila, who, however, surrendered
his assumed civil and military command to F. Duque/4
three weeks later.

Urrea, having been elected to the national senate,
seems not to have paid any attention to the summons
by a not over-friendly administration to present him
self at Mexico, and remained in Sonora managing to
control the local government. The Gandaristas, how
ever, on August 29th, caused a pronunciamiento to b
made at Horcasitas, demanding his expulsion. (X.
November 25th, an engagement took place near Her-

42 In Feb. 1844, 500 of the so-called peaceful Apaches, under Maiigas
Coloradas, boldly attacked the presidio of Fronteras, and carried off stock
and captives. In April a party defied the pursuing force at Tepuchi. In
August Elias started northward from Fronteras, and inflicted several blows,
particularly in Sept. 1st, when over 100 Apaches were captured or killed.

VotoSon., Sept. 5, 12, 1844. Account of outrages, in Pinart, Doc. Son., iii.
190-226.

43 Voto Son., March 27, June 26, 1845; 8. Mic/uel Pep. Mcx., 40, 72.
44Duque had been comaiidante-general of Sinaloa and Sonora in 1883.

In Dec. 1842, the council of Sinaloa protested against a central military gov
ernment. Bustamante, Diario Mex., MS., xlvi. 25. The disorder extended to
assaults on foreigners, notably on two French subjects, in Sept. 1844 on a
sailor, and in June 1845 on a baker, which nearly brought about a bombard
ment, and a breach of international relations. Details in Tassi&re, Expedient".,
1844, 1-27, relating to cruel mutilation; PaMlon Nac., Oct. 31, Nov. 2,
1844; De'ensor Intey., Sept. 11, 21, 1844; Masson defends the French. Olla
Podrida, 55-61; Bustamante, Mem., Hist. Mex. MS., ii. 122-3, with account
from Siglo XfX.

POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 663

mosillo, in which the government troops were routed.
Urrea fled southward and his influence for the time
was lost.43 Cuesta having joined the movement, as
sumed temporarily the chief military command.46
Gandara now returned and be^an to agitate his

O O

plans by bringing the governor and the comandante-
general, Elias Gonzalez, to loggerheads, through the
medium of Cuesta. On February 20th the ayunta-
mi^nto of Hermosillo declared the departamental coun
cil dissolved, and Cuesta installed as governor,47 which
appointment was confirmed at Mexico. This move
ment having been effected in a great measure by the
aid of the Indians, the Yaquis felt disappointed at
the peaceful solution of the question, and assumed a
threatening attitude, which required the interference
of Gandara. Tranquillity was restored with some
trouble, and judicious closing of eyes.48

In September the supreme government appointed a
new governor in Rafael Ceballos, Cuesta being pro
pitiated with the comandancia-general. Simultane
ously, however, came news of the federalist
pronunciamiento at Mexico and Cuesta, still in power,
hastened on September 6th to give in his adhesion.
He knew this would be acceptable to the majority of
the inhabitants, for the hopes once centred in a cen
tralist regime had proved illusive. The Apache in
roads had increased to an alarming degree, and the
state had, moreover, been the scene of almost constant
civil warfare. It seemed better, therefore, to resume
the semi-autonomy of a state, with its many privileges,
since affairs in other respects could hardly become
worse. Yet many still warned against the additional
evils of increased party agitation and strife for local

* Andgo del Pueblo, Oct. 21, 1845; Sonorense, June 26, 1846; Pinart, Doc.
Son., in. '116-17, 244-250, 266-7.

**Mcx. Mem. Hist., Jan. 24, Feb. 4, 17, 1845. J. M. Gonzalez succeeded
him. Tiempo, March 21, 1846.

47 Gaxiola and the deputies being declared accomplices of Urrea.

48 El Tiempo, May 23, 1846, points out that Sonora was ruled by savages,
for Yacjui and Opata garrisons held the chief towns, even of the Pimas, who
guarded Ures. In Sept., Gandara reported peace restored among the Yaquis
and May os. Sonorensef July 24, 31, Aug. 16, 1846.

664 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

offices.49 The change was affirmed, however, by the
cessation under the supreme decree of departmental
councils, prefecturas, and other centralist represen
tation, and the call of electors to choose a legislature
and governor under the long suspended federal con
stitution of 1831. 50 These powers were installed with
the opening of 1847, atUres,51 and Gandara found him
self rewarded for his promptness and foresight by the
governorship.52 Among the first tasks was to reform
the constitution of 1831 to suit the change of ideas,53

O

and the government was shortly divided amono- nine

O «/ O

prefecturas, with ayuntamiento bodies for the leading
towns, smaller places being directed by justices of

49 Deputy Monteverde argued that remote Sonora, with a sparse and less
cultured population, and strong family factions, was not fitted for stateship.
Dice. Univ., x. 420. Cuesta controlled the forces and had the means to check
any remonstrance.

50 In Sept. R. Palacio acts as governor, at Ures. Sonorense, Sept. 25, 1846.
Primary elections began on Oct. 4th.

51 As the capital, a previous decree being annulled which declared Arizpe
the seat of government. Gaxiola had insisted on residing at Hermosillo,
which by decree of Aug 19, 1843 had been affirmed as capital, Duhlan, Leg.
Mex., iv. 523, while the contemporary assembly remained at Ures. Cuesta
followed his example. Pinart, Doc. Son., iii. 177, 190-2; 297-311, iv. 1, 4.

5-With Luis Redondo for vice, and I. M. Mendoza for treasurer. Ce-
ballos did come, but found it prudent to resign in Oct. , leaving Cuesta to
continue in charge till the election. Sonorense, Oct. 30, Nov. 6, Dec. 4, 1846.
Pinart, Doc. Son., iv. 1. Bustamante, Hist. Invasion, \\. 110, has a poor
opinion of Cuesta.

53 A provisional governor or the chief justice was to replace the regular
governor, the vice, gubernatorial office being abolished. The state was de
clared to embrace nine partidos. This organic law was signed at Ures on
May 13, 1848, by F. N. Lopez, president, J. Martinez, J. Erevan
Milla, M. M. Encinas, R. Eiicinas, F. J. Aguilar, M. Campillo,
and R. Buelna, the latter two acting as secretaries. It was issued
by M. M. Gandara on the 15th, countersigned by Secretary C. Na-
varro. Sonora, Constit. Reformado, 1848, 1-48, with 103 arts. On May 26th
elsction laws were issued in 42 arts. Text in Correa Nac. , July 14, 1848.
During 1847 the government council had been abolished. Deputies received
$1,800 pay, and $2 per league for mileage. Sonorense, June 16, 23, July 16,
1848; Pinart, Doc. Son., iv. 29-46, 71-2. Velasco, Sonora, 24-33, comments
adversely to the power to increase suplentes in the legislature, on lack of
government council, etc. In June 1847 three prefecturas were decreed,
Ures, Hermosillo, and Alamos, with salary of $1,400, subsequently $1,600,
and the municipal government was graded according to four classes of set
tlements, cities, partido capitals, places of 500 inhabitants and over, and
places with less. Rules in Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iv. 33-5, 38-40. In 1848,
however, the above partidos were converted into prefecturas. Velasco gives
the extent of each. The chief cities received ayuntamientos, the next grade,
three justices of the peace, and smaller places, one, who supervised the
police of haciendas. Certain sales of church property were annulled by
decree of June 30, 1847.

THE TEXAS QUESTION. 665

the peace, in proportion to their population. The
new constitution was not issued until May 1848,
owing partly to the war with the United States.

The Texan question had given early premonitions
of danger from the neighbor republic, and here as
elsewhere Americans had become subject to suspicion
and restrictions. In September 1846 came the news
of impending war, with an order to send militia ree'n-
forcements and other aid to Chihuahua; but the no
tice of blockade by United States war vessels made it
apparent that Sonora would need all she could raise
for her own defence. On October 5th, indeed, ap
peared the Cyane, Commander Dupont, preceded by
the war sloop Dak, with a demand for the surrender
of Guaymas and the two small gun-boats, or the al
ternative of bombardment. Commandant Campuzano
sio'nallin^ his refusal by applying the torch to the

O O v Lit/ O

boats, Dupont opened fire on the 7th, and inflicted
considerable damage on the town, besides cutting out
the war brig Condor** This much accomplished, ag
gressive operations were suspended, a blockade being
decided upon. New fears arose, however, from the
unexpected appearance on the northern border at the
close of 1846, of a large expedition under General
Kearney, which crossed from New Mexico to Alta
California, through Tucson, this place being tempor
arily occupied. Preparations for defence were, there
fore, continued, and the legislature joined in the effort
by granting the governor extraordinary powers, call
ing out the militia, and forming an arrangement with
the adjoining states for mutual aid. Subsequently all
able-bodied Sonorans were summoned to take up
arms,55 an appeal to which more than 1,000 men re
sponded within the day.

., Nov. 11, 1846.

55 By decree of April 22, 1847. Sonorense, Jan.-June, passim; Pinart, Doc.
Son., iii. 323, iv. 2, no. 824 et seq.; Son. Ley. FIrwVw_, 9. An appeal from
California received official attention. The bishop joined in stirring up the
people. JEcoiiomista, July 7, 1847.

666 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES

NEW MAP OF SONORA

FOREIGN VESSELS. 667

Little could be done to strengthen the frontier,
when all available troops were demanded for active
operations in the centre and north-east of the invaded
republic. While the presidio seemed protected by
the wilderness beyond, the coast lay exposed to a
threatening squadron. Attention was, therefore,
mainly directed to fortifying Guaymas, as the port of
the state; to which end the garrison was increased in
March to four hundred men; a fort was constructed
on Casa Blanca hill, and additional guns were
mounted."

On October 1G, 1847, the frigate Congress, Captain
Lavallette, appeared before Guaymas, followed by
the sloop of war Portsmouth and the prize brig Argo, 7
from which a thirty- two pounder and some smaller arms
were landed on Alraagre island and another point
under cover of night. This accomplished, a summons
for surrender was made on the 19th, and Command
ant Campuzano refusing, fire was opened on the fol
lowing morning with such effect that in less than an
hour the white flag was hoisted. Persuaded that re
sistance would only entail useless destruction of prop
erty, Campuzano had withdrawn to Bacochivampo,
there to guard the approach to the interior, leaving
the municipality to make terms for the town.58 Most
of the inhabitants had fled, and foreign traders and
others who remained were permitted to leave in boats
for a village some distance to the north, owing to
the cutting off of water and food by the Mexican
corps of observation. The fortifications were blown
up and a guard posted, partly for the protection of

56 Owing to the active participation of citizens, Campuzano reported that
work valued at over §10,000 had been performed at a cost of less than
$1 ,000. The government, however, was slow in granting supplies. Sonorense,
March-April, Oct. 22, 1847.

57 Claimed by J. Robinson, U. S. consul at Guaymas, who had long resided
there, acting also for England. Mofrax, Or., i. 182. The two war vessels
were rated at 44 and 20 guns respectively, yet both carried a few more,
although not 60 and 34 as Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iv. 50, has it. Arco, Iris.,
Dec. llth.

58 Campuzano's retreat was approved. Sonorcme, Oct. 22, Dec. 31, 1847.
Frost places the retiring force at 400. Hist. Mcx. , 457.

668 SOXORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

property; yet some pillaging took place.59

Lavallette was instructed merely to take possession
of the fort, and as a smaller force seemed sufficient
for the task, he departed on the 23d, leaving the
Portsmouth, Commander Montgomery, to hold it, with
orders to permit legal commerce, and exact duty under
the tariff established for the coast by decree of April
3d.60 The sloop Dale, Commander Selfridge, joined
her shortly after, and was for a time left in sole
charge. This diminution in the blockading force en
couraged the Mexicans to reenter the town on No
vember 17th; but they were forced to retire before
the attack of the marines, supported by lively broad
sides.61 Several other skirmishes took place later at
Cochori and Bacochivampo,62 and farther south. An
exploring and reconnoitring expedition passed in Feb
ruary 1848 down the coast, touching at Tiburon
island, and at the Yaqui settlements to conciliate this
powerful tribe, which was readily accomplished.63

Nothing resulted from this occupation, save a small
gain to Americans from custom-house revenue, and

O

considerable ]oss to the Sonorans from interrupted
trade and destruction of life and property, the treaty

59 Sonoreiise, Nov. 5, 1847; and so mentioned also in ^files' Register, Ixiii.
295. The bombardment, with 500 shot and shell, it is said, inflicted great
damage, though but little loss of life. S. F. Calif., Feb. 2, 1848; Findley's
Direct., i. 297.

60 Consul Robinson was made collector. In the proclamation to the town
of Oct. 20, Lavallette assured protection to all citizens, subject only to cer
tain modifications in the civil administration. Report and correspondence
in U. S. Govt Doc., cong. 30, sess. 2, //. Ex. Doc., i. pt ii. 70 et seq. At
first duty was fixed at 15 per cent ad valorem. Montgomery's force was
placed at 300. Hex. Arch., L. Cal, ii. 5; Niks' Renter, Ixiii. 295; Wise's
Los Gringos, 136; Ripleys War Mex., ii. 603-4.

61 Selfridge being wounded during the first fire, Lieut W. T. Smith led
the land party, numbering 65 men. The Mexicans were estimated at fully
800, and their loss at about 30. Reports in U. S. Govt Doc., as above, 97-
100. Campuzano claimed, with 106 men under Capt. Jurado, to have driven
back the Americans; loss, one killed and five wounded. Sonoreme, Nov. 26,
1847. Ihe victory was celebrated by Mexicans even in Lower Cal. Mex.
Arch., Lower Cal; Frost's Hist. War, 457; Cal. Star, Apr. 8, 1848, devotes
an entire column to the skirmish. Polynesian, iv. 146.

62 U. S. Govt Doc., as above, 128-33. Trade with Americans was inter
dicted by decree of Feb. 17. JPinart, Doc. Son., iv. 64-5.

63 The barracks at Bacochivampo were destroyed on Feb. 20th. A de
scent was also made on an outpost 12 miles from Guaymas. U. S. Govt Doc.,
53-4- Id., cong. 30, sess. 2, //. Ex. Doc., i, 1157-60, 1133-6,

INTERNAL DISCORD. 1369

of peace, signed in May 1848, causing the departure
of the hostile squadron.

In Sinaloa the invaders had been favored in their
designs upon the rich port of Mazatlan by internal
dissensions. In 1845 R. de la Vega and F. Facio
figured as governor and comandante-general, respec
tively, to the discontent of a growing faction,04 which
on January 5, 1846, pronounced against them, at
Mazatlan, and declared the civil and military author
ity vested in Lieutenant-colonel Angel Miramon, with
adhesion to the plan of San Luis lately issued by
Paredes.60 This was adopted at Culiacan and several
other places.66 Paredes chose to appoint other men
for the commands,07 but his own position being preca
rious Colonel Tellez, en route to California with troops,
seized the opportunity to remain at Mazatlan and
pronounce for Santa Anna, on May 7th under a fed
eral system, with himself as comandante-general and
governor. Both titles being disputed the latter by
Vega and another claimant/8 and the former by T.
Romero, Tellez marched against them, routed the
latter at Las Flechas, September 15th, and compelled
Vega to seek safety in flight.

Such demoralization favored the approach of the
Americans, and on September 7, 1846, the United
States squadron touched at Mazatlan, captured a
Mexican brig of war, and established a temporary
blockade, which was resumed in the following April,
and formally proclaimed in August. On November
10th, Commodore Shubrick demanded the surrender

64 Vega was charged with smuggling. Amirfo Pueb., Aug. 30, 1845, and
Monit-Constit. ; Mem. Hist., Feb. 10, 1846. Facio was declared incapable.

65 See Hist. Mex., v. this series; Tiempo, Jan. 29, 1840.
™Mem. Hist., Feb. 15, 23, 184G.

67 J. I. Gutierrez as comandante, and Martinez Castro as governor, who
assumed control in March. Id., Apr. 8, 184G; Gutierrez, Contest., 25; Pap.

Far., xli. pt 19.

68 G. Layja, appointed from Mexico in Oct. Vega controlling the elec
tion at the capital managed to declare himself chosen, regardless of the
votes. Raz^nador, Nov. 10, 1847. The legislature sustained him. Pmart,
Col, no. 854.

670 SONOHA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

of the port, which being refused, he landed some six
hundred men with four guns, and took possession,
Tellez retiring to Presidio de Mazatlan, eight leagues
distant. Shubrick left three hundred men in the
place, under the direction of Captain Lavallette, in
command of the Congress ; authorities were appointed,
and every precaution was taken to calm the people.69
Meanwhile Tellez and Ve«;a became engaged in

O o *n>

rival efforts to secure supremacy, Vega sustaining
himself at Culiacan as governor. After a feeble at
tempt at resistance on the part of Tellez, whose con
duct disgusted his followers, Vega was recognized as
governor. While his forces were engaged in observa
tions around Mazatlan, several skirmishes took place
with the invaders, little loss of life being incurred.70
In March 1848, news of the cessation of hostilities
arrived, and on June 17th the port was formally re
stored to Mexico.

While the war with the United States was
on, Apache invasions into Sonora caused great distress.
More settlements were destroyed, and even the sub
urbs of Ures were assailed, compelling the abandon
ment of the Tubac presidio. A war tax was established
in February 1848, and the supreme congress having
granted a portion of two hundred thousand dollars a
devoted to the protection of exposed states, several
expeditions were sent out, with no more result than
that, in the following years, Indian raids and outrages
were followed up with the same impunity. Extended
desolation followed, made wide-sweeping by the im
poverished condition of the national treasury, arid the
drain upon the population caused by the excitement
of gold discoveries in California. This lured away

™Correo, Nac., Dec. 14, 1847. Details in U. S. Gov. Doc., cong. 30, sess.
2, //. Ex. Doc., i., ptii.; Ramsey's Other Side, 428-9; Ripley's War Mex., ii.
601-6; Cindnnatus, Travels, 81-2; Mex. Treaties, vii., pt 11; CMifornian, Feb.
9, 1848.

70 U. S. Gov. Doc., ut sup., 1105-22; Correo, Nac., Dec. 14-15, 1847; Ra-
zonadnr, Dec. 11, 18*7; Arco his, Dec. 24, 1847, Jan. 28, 1848.

71 Sonora received $20,000. Mex. Col Ley., 1848, 458.

MILITARY COLONIES. 671

both citizens and troops, leaving the state in despair,
by withdrawing its stanchest defenders,72 and even
the heads of departments.73 Wages and prices rose
fast, and plans were discussed and tried in order to
arrest the exodus, but of no avail, — the fever had to
run its course.

As regards security of the frontier in 1848, five
military colonies were assigned for Sonora, to be located
probably at Babispe, Fronteras, Santa Cruz, Altar,
and Tucson. So dilatory, however, was the supreme
government that by the end of 1850 only that of
Fronteras had been properly planted, Santa Cruz
being in course of formation, while the rest were not
even located. The total force reached only three
hundred and thirteen men, and as troops were needed
to oppose the Indians, the state w^as ordered to equip,
at federal expense, four companies of national mounted
guards, each to consist of fifty men and four officers.74
This measure also languished, and the total force for
1850 was only five hundred and twenty-seven men.75
The state endeavored to attract foreigners by liberal
offers of land, on condition of being liable to certain
military duties, but the national government overruled
the measure as extravagant and dangerous.

Political factions continued their strife, and in
March 1848 a plot was formed to kidnap Governor
Giindara, and replace him by Redondo, with Elias

72 It is estimated that between Oct. 1848, when the first caravan left
Hermosillo, and March 1849, more than 5,000 persons departed. During the
first four months of 1850, fully 6,000 left, taking with them about $14,000
in beasts of burden. Velasco, Sonora, 289-91, places the exodus by March
1849 at not less than 4,000. Passports were required for departure, but
numbers left without the document. Poverty prevented a still greater emi
gration. Soc. Mcx. Geoij., xi. Ill, 126; ii. 59; Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iv. 118,
204 et seq.

73 A decree was passed authorizing the governor to fill vacancies in muni
cipal and other offices. Pinart, Col. Doc., ii., no. 1003.

74 At a monthly expense of $1,521 per company. Sonoreme, Nov. 2, 1849.

75 Of whom 132 belonged to battalion, 4 of infantry, 50 to the national
guard, the rest being classed as military colonists, including those in Lower
Cal. Hex. Mem. Guer., 1851, doc. 1, 3-4. For remarks on the decaying con-

. dition of the presidio and colony sites, see Velasco, Son., 104-23; Soc. Mcx.
., ii. 58, 63-5; viii. 522-7, 453-6; Zuni'ja, Son., 60-6.

672 SONORA AND SINALOA AS SEPARATE STATES.

Gonzalez as comandante-general, which office Gandara
also held.76 As it was, Redondo received the vote in
May for substitute governor, and Gonzalez succeeded
to military command in December.77 In the autumn
elections, Jose Aguilar was the chosen candidate, and
assumed the governorship in April 1849, Juan Bau-
tista, a brother of Gandara, ruling ad interim.78
Aguilar found his position so far from enviable that
he tendered his resignation on more than one occasion,
and was allowed to retire in October 1851, on leave tf
absence.79

In January 1851 anew comandante-general arrived,
the brave and energetic Colonel J. M. Carrasco. Un
fortunately, within six months he was carried off by
cholera,80 and his successor, General Blanco, failed to
meet the expectations formed. There was particular
need at this time for a firm military commander.
Wide-spread alarm had been created by rumors of
filibustering preparations in California, directed against
the rich and forsaken northwest, notably under Gen
eral Morehead, who, however, failed to obtain suffi
cient support.81

70 He had accepted it Feb. 25, 1848. Campuzano filled it until 1847.
Mireno, pref.; Sonorense, Mar. 3, 22, May 24, June 4, Aug. 16, 1848.

77 Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iv. 72, 99. Gandara threatened to press a claim of
$400,000 for advances and losses during the war of invasion, which induced
the government to recall an order for Gen. Urrea to interfere. Several
strong protests were issued by Gandara, who was in fear of his powerful
rival commanding at Duraiigo. Cremony's Apaches, 39-40; Sonorense, Oct. 13,
20, Nov. 3, 1848. Urrea died Aug. 1, 1849. Pinart, Doc. Sonora, iv. 159.

78 Aguilar resigned in Oct. 1851, the ad interim governor being M. M.
Gaxiola. When the federal system was overthrown, in 1853, Aguilar retired
from politics. Ayuilar, Vindic., 4.

79 Floods in Oct. 1848 had added to the distress. The governor's message
of March 1851 was more hopeful. Sonorense, Nov. 17, 1848; Pinart, Doc. Sonora,
iv. 297-8.

80 On July 21st, at Cochori. His death was a calamity, Voz Pueblo^, July
30, 1851, attributed by certain anti-Gandarists to poisoning. Carrasco's
condemnation of previous methods had roused Gandara and others against
him. Hall's Son., MS., 67; Mex. Mem. Guer., 1852, 45. J. M. Flores suc
ceeded him temporarily.

81 Morehead went to Mazatlan about the middle of 1851 in the Josephine,
but did nothing. Mex. Mem. Guer., 1852; Inform. Comis. Pesquls., 8.

CHAPTER XXVI.

FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA.
1852-1854.

RAOUSSET DE BOULBON'S EARLY CAREER— His SCHEMES — PINDRAY'S FRON
TIER COLONY— RAOUSSET'S GRANT — ARRIVAL IN SONORA — HOSTILITY OF
OFFICIALS— CAPTURE OF HERMOSILLO — RAOQSSET ATTACKED WITH
FEVER— RETIRES TO GUAYMAS — THE ADVENTURERS CAPITULATE— NEW
SCHEMES OF THE FRENCHMAN — THE COMPANIA RESTAURADORA — RAOUS-
SET GOES TO MEXICO — A SECOND EXPEDITION PLANNED — THE RETURN
TO SONORA — RAOUSSET DUPED BY YA$EZ — THE MEXICAN BARRACKS AT
GUAYMAS— PLAN OF ATTACK — ASSAULT OF THE FILIBUSTERS — THEIR
DEFEAT— DISPOSAL OF THE PRISONERS— EXECUTION OF RAOUSSET — His
CHARACTER.

SONORA at length received the aid in troops and
arms, which had been refused for defence against
more savage foes.1 These measures proved opportune,
for a really formidable expedition was fitting out at
the time in California. For three years adventurers
had b3en drifting into San Francisco from every zone,
lured by gold. Finding near realities below their ex
alted expectations, they strained their eyes for pros
pects rendered more glittering by distance and
vagueness. Stories of the precious mountains of
Sonera, the gold nuggets of the Gila, and the silver
bullets of the Apaches, so current on the Mexican
border, found ready acceptance among this class of
fortune-hunters, who dreamed only of sudden and
easy acquisitions.

1 Blanco brought in March 1852 sufficient resources to place 1,500 men
under arm?. Tanori and other friendly Indian chiefs received honors to en
sure their loyalty. Pinart. Doc. Son., v. 2, 16-17 Foreigners were now
"placed under greater restrictions, and their status duly defined. Those neg
lecting passports were to be heavily fined. National, Oct. 21, 1853.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 43 (673)

S74 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA.

Prominent among them was a French count, Gas-
ton Raoulx de Raousset-Boulbon, of an ancient but
decayed Provence family.2 Imbibed traditions and
manners had stamped him as a child with a haughty
determination that procured for him the appellation
Little Wolf; yet a natural generosity assisted his
Jesuit teachers of Fribourg to subordinate these
traits to lofty sentiment and regard for dignity. Re
pelled by the frigidity of an unsympathetic father,
he hastened, at the age of eighteen, to Paris, to yield
to the giddy whirl. Talented and handsome, he was
well received in society. To a graceful figure of
barely medium height was added an oval face of
strongly marked features, frank in expression, and
well set off by an incipient mustache and imperial of
blonde hue. The dreamy eyes fired upon slight
provocation. He was a dashing horseman and a good
fencer ; skillful with the sword and rifle as with the
pen and pencil, and shone equally in song and conver
sation/

With the decrease of a maternal legacy came sober
reflections on dissipation and idleness. Constrained
in the artificial and sordid atmosphere of the social
capital, his ambitious spirit began to sigh for some
famous field of action. He proceeded to Algiers,
there to mingle somewhat visionary colonist under
takings4 with eccentric hunting excursions and mili-
itary expeditions, latterly in the company of Due d'
Aumale. The revolution of 1848 assisted to crush
his projects, while involving the inheritance from his
father, yet he welcomed the movement, freed as he
was by this time from implanted royalism and re
ligion. His appeal for the popular suffrage of his

2 Born at Avignon Dec. 2, 1817. His mother was descended from Beam.

3 'Jo suis ne trop tot ou troptard,'he often exclaimed bitterly, when
roused from his dreams. Lackapclle, Le Comte de Raousset-Boulbon, 3. ' On etait
seduit par le charme de sa parole, par son regard imposant, par 1'elegance de
ses manicros.' Fossey, Hex., 188. He sketches his own life and feelings to
some extent in Una Conversion, 3-7 et seq., a novel printed at Mexico in
1854, full of vapid pride and crude paragraphs.

* As indicated by a pamphlet issued by him from there.

COUNT RAOUSSET DE BOULBON. 675

native place failed, however ; the journal he founded
was not successful.5 Disappointed and ruined, he
wished to leave France. The reigning gold excite
ment directed his attention to California, and thither
he hastened early in 1850 by way of Panama. Pen
niless, he engaged successively as hunter, lighterman,
cattle-dealer, and miner, without achieving more than
subsistence. This by no means accorded with his as
pirations. He still nourished chivalric fancies, and
sought for some coup d1 etat by which to retrieve his
fortune.6

The voyage to El Dorado had afforded him a
glimpse at Mexico, associated in his mind with the
romantic achievements of Cortes and the glitter of
a semi-barbaric court, now the scene of party strife
and the rise and fall of leaders, and seemingly drift
ing into absorption by a strong neighbor. On the
other hand, he saw in California a large French influx,
which, finding no congenial reception from the Anglo-
Saxon element, began to turn toward the sympathetic
Spanish races of the south, and embrace with partic
ular fervor the gilded stories of the Mexican frontier.

A year before Raousset's arrival another scion of
decayed French nobility had reached the coast in the
person of Charles de Pindray,7 a sort of Apollo-like
Hercules,8 with pronounced features and a singularly
fascinating glance, flashing and penetrating, renowned
a? one of the most cool and daring hunters that sup
plied San Francisco's markets. His vocation becom
ing unprofitable with increasing competition, he readily
fell into the tempting project for a gold-hunting col
ony in Sonora3 strong enough to resist the Apaches

5 La, Lil>ert6 proved too radical in spirit and ' fierte de langage.' Madeline,
Le Comte Raousset-Boulbon, 46-7.

G' J'ai resolu de chercher une de ces grandes aventures qui conduisent au
succes cm a la mort,' he writes to a friend. Lachapelle, 88.

7 A marquis of Poitou, Id., 54, 60, aged 35; others call him le comte,
and allude to him as leaving France for duelling and other less scrupulous
doings.

8'Comme celui du Giaour ou de 1'Esprit rebelle de- Milton.' Viyneaux,
Mex., 176.

9 Saint- Amant, Vr*y. CnL, 113, consular agent at Sacramento, wrote to
France about this prospect in 1851.

675 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA,

while sustaining itself and prospecting for metal. His
influence gave form to the idea, and in November
1851 he left with four-score companions for Guaymas.10
Others followed, and with nearly 150 men a colony
was established at the deserted mission in Cocospera
valley. The government failed to keep the promises
made in consideration of the services to be derived
from so valuable a frontier bulwark, a neglect that
must have been expected from its lack of means and
the disturbed condition of affairs. The consequent
privation and disappointment led to desertion.11 One
day Pindray was found shot in his room, by his own
hand, it was declared, although friends insisted that
he must have been assassinated.12

Pindray 's activity had given impulse to the move
ments of Raonsset, who seems to have been some
what jealous of his rival's superior influence and
reputation. Consul Dillon of San Francisco had ven
tilated the colonization schemes in letters to the
French minister at Mexico, and learnt of similar pro
jects there. At his advice Haousset proceeded to
that capital, and aided in the formation of the
Compariia Kestauradora, under the auspices of the
bankers Jecker de la Torre and Company, the French
minister, and several prominent Mexicans.13 The
government conceded the land mines, and placers to
be occupied; and Raousset bound himself to bring at
least 150 Frenchmen, fully armed, with which to dis
cover and hold possession of promising tracts, and to

13 In the Cumberland, bearing 88 men, each of whom subscribed $40.50,
//., 115-17. S. F. Herald, May 26, 1852, and Sonorense, Feb. 4, 1853, differ
a^ to the number. N. Pac. Kev. i. 18.

11 Sonoraiis subscribed more than ,$1, 100 for them. They captured horses
from the Apaches and received provisions, implements and beasts. Sono-
reme, May 14, 1852; Feb. 4, 1853. A writer in Alta Cal, Aug. 16, Oct. 5,
1852, denounces them as an idle ungrateful set.

12 Lachapelle believes by the hand of one of the many men hurt by his
haughty rudeness. Vigneaux, Mcx., 186, thinks by officials who became
alarmed at their lack of faith with such a man. Impelled by fever and des
pair, says Saint Amant, Voy., 118-19. 'Un mystere. ' Madelenc, 90. This
occurred within a few months after arrival.

1J Including President Arista and Governors Aguilar and Cubillas of
Sonora, according to Vigneaux, who accords the actual formation of the
company to Raousset, with Jecker & Co., for nominal heads.

THE EXPEDITION AT GUAYMAS. 677

protect them against Apaches, so as to permit the un
folding of agricultural and mining enterprises, in
consideration of receiving half of all the lands, mines,
and placers.14

Assured by contracts, ana provided with funds15
and letters to Sonoran officials, Kaousset quickly gath
ered a company at San Francisco of over 260 men,16
and reached Guaymas in the Archibald Grade on June
1, 1852, The people accorded an enthusiastic recep
tion, but the officials classed the party as rivals and
intruders about to encroach upon their privileges and
lower their prestige as military and civil guardians.
One cause for the change lay in the machinations of
another company, founded under the auspices of the
rich firm, Baron, Forbes, and Company, which had
won over with shares the leading men of the state,
including several of the shareholders of the Compania
Restauradora 1T and General Blanco, military chief,
and sought to delay, if not break up, its rival. After
many protestations of loyalty, and having assurances
from Mexico, the party was allowed to advance from
Guaymas, and disregarding the order for inarching

14 According to the MS. statutes of the Compagnie de Sonore formed by
Raousset for this purpose, at S. F. Of this company he declared himself
sole founder and chief, assisted by a council of officers partly chosen by
himself. It was to exist till Jan. 1, 1856. The discovery tour ended
tne company. ' The company shall select the point tor settlement. The
members need not work; this will be done by Mexicans, who pay them a
share of the yield in return for protection. This sum, as well as profits
from the trading monopoly, will be divided monthly, each member receiv
ing one share; squad chiefs, two parts; section chiefs, three pai-ts; and
Raousset such proportion as may be fixed by the company.' Equal shares
were subsequently agreed upon. Promotion according to merit. A list of
members follows, up to 271; then names of officers. Expcd. Son. Archives,
MS., 1-17.

10 The Restauradora Co. placed $35, 000 at the disposal of their agent, for
supplies, etc., with 825,000 more in prospect. Universal, July 15, 1852.

16 Out of twice that number, Americans being as a rule rejected out of
consideration for Mexican jealousy. The men had mostly served as soldiers
or sailors. Both French and Mexican consuls had to interfere to pass the
armament at S. F., the officials there objecting at first.

17 Wairen'* Dust and Foam, 204. Hall, Son., MS., 96, assumes prior for
mation to the former. Even Arista was bought, says Vigneaux, Mex., 190-1.
The contract with Raousset was declared illegal. Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 67-9,
and the land in litigation. Correspondence with officials and comments. Id.,
6) et seq.; Sonorense, Sept, 24, Oct. 1, 8, 1852; Alia Cal, Nov. 22, 1852;

e, 115 et seq.

678 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA.

through Arispe, the military headquarters, they
hastened on from Hermosillo to Saric, the ex-mission
on Rio del Altar, designated as abase for operations.18

The enraged Blanco now sent an ultimatum, requir
ing the French to take the oath of allegiance to
Mexico, and place themselves at his orders, retaining
Raousset for captain, or reduce their party to fifty
men, attended by a Mexican officer ; otherwise to
apply for cartas de seguridad as foreign residents, and
thereby renounce all right to take possession of lands
or mines. To renounce French nationality and be
come Mexican soldiers was generally objected to; to
reduce the force would be suicidal, and to abandon
the aim of the expedition was out of the question.
The terms were accordingly rejected, on the ground
that the contracts had been made under official aus
pices at Mexico, without any demand for such condi
tions or restrictions. They had undertaken a costly
enterprise, relying on the good faith of the Mexican
government, and would not at this stage be imposed
upon. They would appeal to the people,1* Blanco
threatened to hold them as pirates, arid sought to
undermine Raousset's influence. This roused the
latter to action. He made a tour through the dis-

O

tricts adjoining Saric, which were embittered by the
neglect of the authorities to protect them against the
Apaches, and obtaining promise of their support, he
sent ao-ents to San Francisco and Mazatlan for ree'n-

O

forcements and stores.

This effected, he started southward with 250 men,
ragged and half shod, and iour pieces of artillery,
including the remnant of Pindray's colony.'20 He

18 And where supplies had been collected. They arrived here early in
August, a delay which had already created discontent and called for firm
action by Raousset.

19 ' Je ne demande plus qu'au bon sens public un appui,' etc. Letters in
Lachapelk, 116.

20 Under Lachapelle, brother of the author quoted above. This addition
estimated at from 40 to 70 men, barely covered the loss by desertion and
death. The infantry, 8 sections of 23 men each, stood under Fayolle; the

CAPTURE OF HERMOSILLO. 679

kept his route secret, in order to surprise the impor
tant town of Hermosillo, with over ten thousand in
habitants, and with this advantage to dictate demands
for justice, as he declared to some, though really to
proclaim the independence of Sonora, sustained by
the frontier allies, and by the immigration to be in
vited. A love affair induced him to prolong his halt
at Magdalena, and enabled Blanco to anticipate him
in the occupation of Hermosillo; so that on presenting
himself here, October 14th, he found fully one thou
sand men prepared to defend the place/1 A com
mission from the prefect came forth to propose an
arrangement, evidently to detain Rim. Raousset's
reply was to draw his watch — it was eight in the
morning. "Tell the prefect," he said, in a sharp, de
cisive tone, " that within two hours I shall enter Her
mosillo, and by eleven I shall make myself master of
it, if opposition is shown." A deafening cheer behind
him gave endorsement to his words.

He placed his train within a building, under a score
of men, made his dispositions, and advanced to the
assault. The objective line presented the usual Mex
ican town front of one-story adobe walls, with muskets
protruding from windows and over roof parapets, and
with approaches barricaded, though not very strongly,
owing to the promptness of the attack. A shower of
bullets greeted the foremost body, but urged by their
officers they pushed forward, now at a run, and as
sisted by a ladder carelessly left against a dwelling,
they quickly carried it. The guns were brought up
to clear the streets with grape-shot, and under their
cover the French followed the retreating troops to the
plaza. Here the militia distinguished itself bv main
taining a firm stand until guns arrived to sweep its
rankc;. After this it was mere flight, led by Blanco

artillerists, 26 in number, were chiefly sailors; Lenoir led the 42 horsemen.
Madeline, 173-4. Fossey adds a few to the total; Vigneaux reduces it
greatly.

topinart, Doc. Son., v., no. 1,107. The supreme authority took steps to
support Sonora. Hex., Archivo, i. 145-6, 150; Warrens Dust and Foam, 205.

680 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA.

himself, and followed by the execration of the entire
country. Raousset had kept his word;, within the
hour he held undisputed possession, but at a cost of
17 killed and 25 wounded, the former embracing six
of the leading officers. The Mexican loss was placed
as high as two hundred killed and wounded, three
guns, a banner, a mass of war stores, and numerous
prisoners.22

The victory proved sterile. The supposed allies
failed to second the movement, as agreed upon, and
Gandara and other prominent Sonorans turned a deaf
ear to the invitation to join Raousset in plans for fol
lowing up the advantage in behalf of the state. The
intentions of the strangers were suspected, and few
dared to face the cry against them of aiming at foreign
annexation. This sufficed to rally national defenders,
with the assurance of speedy aid from Sinaloa and
other states.23 At this critical moment, moreover,
the count was stricken down with a long threatening
climatic fever, and despondency and discord pervaded
the camp. The only prospect centred now in the re-
enforcements to come from California, and as it ap
peared hazardous to remain in the interior, cut off
from supplies by the gathering nationalists, it was
decided to occupy Guaymas, whence communication
could be had with any point. The march from Her-
mosillo was seriously harassed.24 On nearing Guay
mas, the prostrated Raousset accepted an armistice,
and allowed himself to be carried into Guaymas for
treatment. No satisfactory news being obtained from
the chief, his demoralized followers entered into nego-

22 Blanco reduces the loss to a mere trifle. Universal, Nov. 17, 1852. Hall,
Son., MS., 97-8, has 39 killed. Rivero, Hist. JoL, iv. 317-18, speaks of
plundering, and so Giierena. French writers deny this. Lachapelle, 125-7.
Court-martial with severe penalties was invoked upon Blanco. See Espafiol,
Nov. 17, 20, 1852; Voz, Pueblo, Nov. 24, 1852; Sonorense, Dec. 24, 1852; Feb.
11, 1853; A Ita Cal, Dec. 7. 1852; 8. F. Herald, id.; Echo Pad/.; Haves' Scraps,
Iml, i. 203.

23 For defence movements, see Universal, Nov. 26, Dec. 3, 1852; Espanol,
id.; Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 105-10, 129. War vessels were to come from
Mazatlan; Guaymas was to be fortified.

24 At Arispe the Mexicans claimed a victory over the rear, with a loss to
it of six killed and four captured. Universal, Dec. 3, 1852.

POLITICAL ASPECT. 681

tiations with Blanco, acknowledged their error, and
consented to surrender their arms in return for an in
demnity of $11,000. Most of them thereupon de
parted.20 The comandante-general made so effective
a flourish at Mexico with this success that, although
soon replaced in command, he maintained both his
rank and influence.'6

Blanco's recall was hastened by the overthrow of
Arista's administration, by the allied Santannists and
church party, which led to the establishment of a dic
tatorship under Santa Anna, with centralist tendencies.
Like the other states, Souora was once more lowered
to the grade of a subordinate department ;27 the leg
islature, frequently inharmonious and inefficient, was
replaced by a council,28 and the elected governor,
M. M. Gdndara,29 after temporary suspension, was in
May 1853 confirmed as an appointee from Mexico,30
and honored with the order of Guadalupe, for which
he showed his gratitude by advocating the prolonga
tion of Santa Anna's absolute power. The dictator's
fancy veered, however, and in the following year
Yafiez entered as governor, Gdndara being relegated
to the rank of second.31 This course was suggested
partly by the spreading revolution of Alvarez in
Guerrero and the prospect of filibuster invasions,
which required the presence of a firmer and more reli
able military commander than the variable and influ
ential Sonoran32.

25 The capitulation, so called, was arranged on Nov. 4th. The indemnity
was mainly pressed from the frightened inhabitants of the port. Sonorense,
Nov. 12, 19, Dec 10. 1852.

*G Figuring in Oct. 1853 as president of the council of generals for the
pension department. Nachnal, Dec. 9, 1853.

27 Divided into eight districts, the Yaqui and Mayo pueblos being sub
jected to Criiaymas and Alamos. National, Dec. 16, 23, 1853. A ninth dis
trict was added in 1854.

w Names, etc., in Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 172.

29ChosenDec. 1852 with deputies; names in M, 134-5, 140, 150-1, 15.
The governor ad int. was M. Paredes Gaiidara took possession on Feb. 1,
1853. Odmlarn, Manif., 17.

30 Cubillas was in April selected to replace him.

31 Yanez took possession April 20th.

3- He promptly procured a formal disavowal of Alvarez' movement in
favor of his patron. Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 228-31.

oS2 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA.

Walker liad already started upon his expedition to
Lower California en route for Sonora, and excitement
here was wrought to a high pitch. So many well-to-
do citizens hastened away to escape the storm that
restrictive measures were issued.33 Every vessel
arriving was regarded with a suspicion and fear, that
led to more than one infringement of international law,
with consequent reclamations/4 The United States
consul found it prudent to leave.33 Everywhere
along the coast and frontier preparations were pushed
for defence, with assistance from the government
toward organizing the national guard and friendly
Indians as defensores.36

The name of Raousset de Boulbon was coupled
with nearly every rumor of aggression, partly as
associate of Walker; but this connection he objected
to, and had indeed declined. He had aims for his
own aggrandizement, which were hostile to the United

O O

States and depended on the good -will of the Sonorans,
who, like his own French supporters, disliked Ameri
cans.37 After his recovery in Jalisco from the Sono-
ran fever, he went back to San Francisco, there to
receive the flattering consideration evoked by the
achievement at Hermosillo, and to resume his plans
for the apparently easy occupation of Sonora. A
landing once effected with the aid of the numbers

o

33 Passports were enforced; servants had to be returned, and funds de
posited for maintaining a private soldier.

34 In Nov. 1853 the Caroline, and in Feb. 1854 the bark R. Adams were
boarded; also the Tryphenia, with some Germans on board; and in March the
two score of passengers by the Pctrita from S. F. were arrested and taken
to Mazatlan as accomplices of Walker, but had to be released in May.
Several obtained heavy damages. Ait-i Gal., March 31, April 1, May 25, etc.,
1854, Sac. Union, July 10, 1871. The interference of the British war vessel
Dido raised additional trouble Yanez, Defense, 31-40; National, May 20,
1854. Rivera's version, Hist. Jol., \v, 507-8, differs somewhat.

35 J. A. Robinson was driven to Mazatlan. Alta Gal, Jan. 3, April 1,
1854. R. Roman succeeded him.

36 Of whom over 700 stood armed before the end of 1853. Rivera, Hist.
Jol., iv. 451. In Nov. the garrison of Guaymas was estimated at 800. For
orders, rumors, and measures see National and Sonorense, May, June. Oct.,
Dec., 1853.

37 While Walker intended £ repetition of the Texan farce, Raoxisset openly
proclaimed ' quil, voulait foire venore democratique et nationale. ' Vi'jneaux,
Mex., 207, 212.

FURTHER MOVEMENTS. 683

that had offered themselves at the first news of his
victory, means must flow from the Guaymas custom
house and auxiliaries from the liberated state, ready
for wider movements.38 The projectors of the Com-
pania Restauradora were willing to avail themselves
of services such as he could render, and Levasseur,
the French minister at Mexico, had undoubtedly
political reasons for an enterprise that might, if suc
cessful, lead to great ends, with fame for himself/9

The strength of the federalists served to magnify
to Santa Anna the danger to 4:>e apprehended from
the young Frenchman, and when Levasseur sounded
him as to compensation or a renewal of the Sonoran
mining scheme, he was urged to invite his protege to
Mexico, through the equally interested Consul Dillon
of San Francisco. Raousset came in the middle of
1853, although with little faith in government assur
ances, and after being kept in suspense with promises
for about four months, received instead of grants and
contracts the offer of a colonelcy in the army.40 He
hastened back to California, in league with the fed
eralist rebels and thirsting now also for revenge.

O O

After chafing for awhile under the lack of means, he
obtained in January, 1854, liberal offers from several
capitalists,41 and at once took steps to carry out his
plans, by enrolling men, buying armament and secur
ing vessels.4'2 Just then came the rumor that Sonora
had been sold to the United States, and this, together
with the closer watch now placed by California au-

38 Letters in Madeline, 200-1, 215. A few promises from Sonoran
schemers, as glowing as they were unreliable, made him forget the deception
already suffered there; and the vague offers from a San Francisco capitalist
and from needy agents sufficed to give him food for formidable plan 5.

39 Without risk of being compromised. Napoleon's expeditions to China,
and later to Mexico, and his operations against Russia and other European
powers, afford ground for belief that he stood prepared at least to profit by
movements like the Sonoran.

40 Vigneaux, 199, and Duvernois, L'Interven., 37, swells it to the position
of general.

41 Three houses offered 8300,000. Madeline, 215.

42 Three vessels were chartered with aid of French merchants, reported
the Mexican consul. Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 223, 219; Rivera, Hist. Jai, iv

' 489.

684 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA.

thorities upon filibuster preparations, caused the with
drawal of timid capital. A perfidious agent at Mazat-
lan having moreover disclosed to the government the
correspondence of Raousset with its enemies, he was
placed beyond the pale of Mexican law, and even
Consul Dillon now turned the cold shoulder.43

Before Santa Anna became aware of the paralyz
ing effects of these happenings, he resolved to counter
act Raousset's manoeuvres by ordering the Mexican
consul at San Francisco to deprive him of his sup
port, by enlisting a few hundred of the aspiring fili
busters for Mexican service/4 with a view to distribute
them in small and easily controlled bodies among the
coast states. Raousset was delighted. He saw relief
for his stranded scheme in this offer of free passage
and maintenance for his followers, and urged as many
as possible to avail themselves of the unexpected
opportunity. He was not aware of the distribution
clause. In fact, about 700 were quickly enrolled and
packed on board the Challenge for shipment.45

This being a movement by foreigners, which, more
over, threatened the pet hero Walker, the authorities
suddenly awoke to the enormity of such infringement
of neutrality and enlistment laws, and arraigned the
Mexican representative as well as his abettor, Consul
Dillon.46 Nevertheless the Challenge was allowed to
depart, on April 2d, after a reduction of the passen
gers, under a resuscitated tonnage law, to barely 400,

43 The correspondence was given to Mexican journals. See National, Mar.
17, 1854.

44 At $1 a day, with privilege to elect their own officers. Order of Jan.
31, 1814. After the expiration of their term of service they were to receive
aid for settling. Americans were not to be enrolled. Diario Ofic., 20, Oct.
12, 1854.

45 They were sent in small detachments by successive steamers or other
vessels; but the consul overstepped his orders in the eagerness to handle
money. Vi//neaux, Mex., 20-1, 161.

46 For which exciting episode I refer to Hist. Cal, vi., this series. See
also S. F. journals of April-May, 1854. The persecution was favored by
supporters of Walker. Lachapelle, 171, assumes that the U. S. opposed the
enlistment chiefly because it threatened their designs on Mexico. U. S. Gov.
Doc., cong. 35, sess. 1, H. Ex. Doc., 38, x.; Id., cong. 33, sess. 2, Sen. Doc.,
16. 25, vi. The Mexican consul stupidly misunderstood orders. Diario Ojic.,
3-6.

YA^EZ AND RAOUSSET. 685

of whom fully four fifths were French, the rest Irish
and Germans. Among them were Laval and Le-
bourgeois Desmarais, the latter an ex-officer of the
French cavalry of little value, but whose pretensions
and imposing military bearing led to his election as
chief of the party. To them Raousset confided his
wishes and plans to hold the men in readiness for
sustaining him, when he should appear to initiate the
revolution.47

The increased watch upon his movements and the
lack of means prevented Raousset from following the
expedition as soon as he had hoped. The discomfiture
of Walker had much to do with this, and his ex
pected return to San Francisco, which threatened to
involve the count in legal toils, hastened his departure.
He had to content himself with buying a pilot-boat,
the Belle, of about ten tons burden, into which he
stowed himself with four companions and two sailors,
180 rifled carbines with sword-bayonets, and necessary
stores.48 After a voyage of 35 days, attended by
privations and partial wrecking, he arrived close to
jruaymas toward the end of June. Two companions
vvere sent to find Desmarais and instruct him, if pos
sible, to carry the town by surprise, disarm the Mex
icans, and collect resources. The messengers were
suspected and seized before entering the town; yet,
by concealing their identity, they managed to com
municate with the French commander. With little
taste for the enterprise proposed, he declared that a
better plan might be formed in alliance with General
Yanez, who stood ready to break with Santa Anna.49
Thus assured, Raousset sailed into the harbor on July
1st, transmitted the much needed armament to his
party, and hastened to interview Yanez.

47 According to Vigneaux, Dillon became friendly again and an agent was
sent to offer Santa Anna peace or war, when all seemed ready in Sonora;
she to arrange with Alvarez. Mex., 201.

•"•Vigneaux, who -joined, describes the crew and the trouble with sailors
and the difficulty in crossing the bar. J\Iex., 25-6.

49 Seemingly content to enjoy his pay and position. Desmarais had
neglected the former injunctions of Eaousseb to prepare his men for a
blow, to win over the citizens.

686 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA*

The latter had been instructed to break up the
formidable body of enrolled adventurers by sending
them hi detachments to different points, and so rem
edy the error of the consul. To this the French
naturally objected. They recognized that their
strength and, perhaps, safety lay in keeping together;
and with his inferior force Yaiiez could not well en
force compliance, although adding as little as possible
to their armament. He, moreover, felt it necessary
for the sake of peace and harmony to propitiate them
by prompt attention to their pay and comfort, until
the government at Mexico well nigh lost patience. He
succeeded, however, in fostering a local antipathy to
ward them by insinuations concerning their purposes,
and in provoking most of the Irish and Germans to
withdraw and form a separate company.50

The suave Yanez received Raousset's overtures for
joint action in the same spirit as Santa Anna, and
kept him in suspense until he should be able to sum
mon help against the outbreak that must inevitably
come. Two agents were placed at his elbows to re
strain his impatience with promises of Sonoran coop
eration, and to keep the general advised.51 Had
the count acted promptly he would, no doubt, have
gained possession of Guaymas at least, for his op
ponent was hardly prepared. Outwitted by the Mex
ican, he allowed the opportunity to slip away.52 The
Sonoran troops were daily increasing in strength, and
busily brininng in armament to strengthen their bar-

«y o o o

racks. Made confident by number, they naturally
raised their tone during frequent drunken altercations,

50 For correspondence between Yanez and the authorities, see Yanez, De-
fema, 20 et seq.; Pinart, Doc. Son., v. 228-35; National and Sonoreme, April,

185-i, et seq.

51 Promises were also received from principals, but Raousset should have
understood their value by this time. The battalion presented him at this
time with a sword. Guerena paints Yanez at firmly opposed from the begin
ning to the count, whom he warned by saying, *al ladodesuespada estauna
tumba y al lado de la mia esta una deber. ' Paginas, 9.

5- Vigneaux attributes the delay mainly to the intrigue of the French
officers to get rid of one who threatened to assume sole command and to ex-
chaiige their easy life for one of danger and privation, Mex., 216-17.

FRENCHMEN OR MEXICANS. 687

one of which led to a serious encounter on July 12th.
Yanez appeared upon the scene and managed by his
conciliatory language and influence in calming the
French. Those who had shared in the triumph at
Hermosillo were eager for the fray, however, and the
entry shortly after of large Sonoran reinforcements
roused the alarm of the others and impelled liaousset
to action. " If you are content to become Mexican
soldiers without pay or prospects, subject to the lash,
then lay down your arms ; but if you desire to be
worthy of the glorious appellation of Frenchmen, to
resist oppression, to vindicate your rights, to uphold
nationality, then raise your arms. Decide ; there is
no time for hesitation." Marchons! March ons 1 re
sounded on all sides.

Now came the cry that he should assume the com
mand. <; No," he replied, "you have worthy officers.
Let me not be the cause of disagreement. I join you
as a volunteer, whose sole ambition is to be foremost
in danger." It proved a sadly regretted modesty.
There were still those who hesitated ; and in obedience
to their scruples a demand was sent to Yanez for
hostages and guns as guarantees of peace. This being
refused, the French made their dispositions, and
marched from their quarters against the Mexican bar
racks in four companies of 75 men each. The barracks
in the northern part of the town formed a large par
allelogram, three sides of which presented one-story
brick and adobe buildings, and the fourth a wall
twelve feet high, enclosing the usual court -yard. The
flat roofs were provided with sheltering parapets.
Facing the barracks and extending to the bay-landing
was the Hotel de Sonora, one-storied like the other
dwellings.

The plan was for companies two and three to at
tack in front while company one drew attention to
the rear, and company four occupied the hotel and
the German quarters near by, whence sharpshooters
.could inflict serious damage until company three gave

688 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA,

the signal for a general assault. It was declared that
Mexicans could not face the bayonet, and an early
charge was moreover necessary, owing to the scanti
ness of the ammunition. The garrison was known to
be superior to the attacking body, and provided with
several pieces of artillery and an abundance of am
munition ; but Raousset spoke cheerily of the larger
conquered force at Hermosillo, and assured his men
that untrained militia and Indians need give no con
cern.

As companies two and three approached, tha Mex
icans opened with artillery and musketry so sudden
and galling a volley that a number were mowed down
at one sweep, including some of the bravest officers.
Desniarais completely lost his head and fell back, a pro
portion fled, and the rest hied into gateways and
houses, and beneath walls for shelter, while preparing
each for himself to sustain a scattering and useless
fire. Company one shared in the disorder, and neg
lected to follow given instructions ; company four
obeyed in taking possession of the buildings indicated,
partly because these afforded a retreat, yet its role
was secondary. Too late Raousset assumed com
mand, seeking to rally the men. He flew hither and
thither with fearless disregard of bullets, and imparted
an animation that roused many a one to valiant imi
tation ; but more than twenty men he could not gather
at a time.

For nearly two hours the desultory warfare had
continued, when the Mexican artillery grew silent.
Company four had done good service in picking off
the gunners. "Ala baionettel" shouted Raousset,
and led to the charge with a handful of men. A
shower of bullets met him, riddling his cap and cloth
ing, without inflicting a wound. "En avant!" he
cheered, rushing forward ; but only a few followed
him, and none seconded the movement. "Had only
fifty resolute companions sustained him the barracks
must have fallen/' declared Viimeaux. As it was,

DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH. 689

the count had to retire bareheaded, and with two
bayonet thrusts through his sleeve ; his eyes glisten
ing with impotent rage.

These raiders were not the men of 1852. Nor was
Yafiez a Blanco ; for on observing the silence of the
guns he rushed in person to fill the posts and reani
mate the artillerist in time to break the rally about
to be effected by Raousset. With ammunition gone
the French now raised the cry, " To the consulate,"
and thither their dejected leader mechanically fol
lowed, with the Mexicans in close pursuit. At tha
consulate the news came that company four was still
holding out in the hotel. Raousset made one last
appeal, and this passing unheeded, he sheathed his
sword, and withdrew into the house. Consul Calvo
then hoisted the white flag, and the firing ceased, a
circumstance to which the mutilated remnants of the
fourth owed their escape. As for the Belle, she was
already under sail, crowded with the earliest fugi
tives, whose shame she buried in the waters of the
gulf/3

It was now past six o'clock, about three hours since
the fight began, and the troops around the consulate
were clamoring for surrender. " All who lay down
their arms," said the consul, " shall be placed under
the protection of the flag, with life assured." " But
M. de Raousset?" came the enquiry. Calvo hesi
tated. " Unless he is included we resume the fight,"
cried several voices. "Well, his life shall also be as
sured," was the reply. Yanez declined to enter into
any formal or written capitulation while offering life
in return for a surrender of arms. Within an hour
the defeated participants in the struggle lay secured
within the two prisons of Guaymas, the property of
residents being placed under confiscation. The vic
tory was celebrated throughout the state in the usual

53 She was wrecked in the northern part, and all on board perished. La-
chapette, i. 97. Fossey, Mex., 201-2, leaves the impression that Raousset
sought her, to escape; but this is not entertained by others.
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 44

690 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA.

Mexican fashion, and the supreme government
conferred crosses and badges in commemoration. It
was dearly bought glory, however, for the Mexicans
lost some 50 men, with twice as many wounded, while
the French had 46 killed and three-score wounded.

During August the prisoners were disposed of. A
few joined the army, three-score were sent to San
Francisco, and the remainder transmitted to San Bias.
The government showed its disapproval of the leniency
and liberality accorded by imposing a sentence of
years in presidio, and marching them under great
hardships to Perote. At the intercession of the
French government, however, they were released to
ward the close of the year. The large forces gath
ered by Yaflez against the French made the govern
ment more ready to listen to the rumors concerning
his loyalty, and he was not alone suddenly replaced in
September by General Romeriz de Arellano, but an
attack was made upon his reputation by calling him
to answer charges for not carrying out his orders
against the French on their arrival, for subsequently
neglecting prompt measures, for ignoring the decree of
August 1853, which condemned rebels to death, for
usurping the pardoning power of the supreme author
ity, and for extravagant disposal of funds. He was ab
solved, however, and the indictment only served to
heighten his fame.54

Ten days after the battle Raousset's fellow-prison
ers were startled by his arraignment before a court-
martial, which upon the inculpating testimony of his
own officers, who sought to cover themselves at his

O

expense, condemned him to death as a conspirator
and rebel. Their indignation grew on finding that
the consul not only repudiated his promise at the
time of the surrender, but refused even to join the

54 The French addressed a letter of thanks to him and he was feted and
honored in different places. Correo, E*p., Oct. 21, Nov. 8, 1854. Pinart,
DJC. Son., v. 250-4. Santa Anna was driven to abuse Yanez by fear and
jealousy of his popularity. Santa Anna Rev., 130-2. His successor com
mended Yanez' conduct. Navarro, Leycs, 1855, 507-8.

MEXICAN TREACHERY. 691

United States representative in pleading for the pris
oner. The latter accepted the verdict calmly, arid
turned his attention to final letters and dispositions,
and to intercourse with the broad-minded curate of
the place, claiming that he fell for loyalty to a great
cause, untarnished by an appeal to bad passions,
which he might so readily and successfully [have in
voked. On the last morning, August 12th, he gave
special care to his person, and with a final brush to
Lis fine hair, and a twirl to the mustache, he followed
the guard. He passed with dignified step through
the streets, crowded with excited citizens and visitors,
and took position before the squad of soldiers at eight
paces, his back to the bay. The sentence being read,
he embraced the curate, and said to the men, " Allons,
mes braves ! Do your duty ; aim well — at the heart ! "
The next moment carne the volley, and the count fell
dead upon his face.

Raousset de Boulbon was a man in whom an ex
alted temperament, and a strong family pride height
ened by poverty, had fostered a bent for ambitious
though visionary projects which belonged to another
age. Circumstances presented a field, however,
wherein enterprise and daring procured for him in
1852 a certain degree of fame, dimmed by an unsus-
tained and ill-applied energy and a lack of general
ship that cost him many followers. He lacked the
clear, steady head required for planning and executing
a great undertaking, and his positive traits were not
sufficiently balanced or impressive to maintain a wide
influence over followers or patrons. Hence his com
parative failure to profit by the eclat of the victory
at Hermosillo, which he moreover had neglected to
follow up; hence his feeble control over the men at
Guaymas, of whom even the proportion that favored
his assumption of the command held aloof when he
finally called upon them. His prominent qualities
were an extreme but somewhat shallow courage, and a
certain fervor, united to a pleasing personal appear-

692 FILIBUSTERING INVASIONS FROM CALIFORNIA.

ance, and withal an indifference to a life, being now
without means or notoriety. He did not regard his
plans as wholly frustrated. Far from it. He by no
means disdained death as a sequel to the Guaymas
episode, and passed to the grave with the firm convic
tion that he had embalmed his memory with glory, if
not as a conqueror, at least as an unfortunate Sonoran
liberator and martyr. It was a glory, however, which
history largely dilutes with folly.55

55 Henry de la Madeline — Le Comte Gaston de Raousset-Boulbon, sa vie et ses
aventures d' apres ses papers et sa correspondence. Paris, 1876, 12 mo., pp.,
vii., and 322, is the title of the first edition of a work published in 1856,
which was rapidly disposed of, and a second, issued in 1859, which met with
a smaller sale. Suddenly the large portion of it remaining disappeared.
According to Madeline's statement, every copy had been bought up by the
banker Jecker, to whom the Mexican government was deeply indebted, and
who in 1861 went to Paris and was endeavoring to move the hesitating em
peror to enforce the payment of French claims by the military occupation of
Mexico, with the additional object of preventing that country from ab
sorption by the U. S. Jecker distributed the copies of 1859 edition, and its
author claims that its influence was such that the scruples and hesitation of
Napoleon were overcome, and the expedition against Mexico was undertaken.

Ernest Vigneaux, Souvenirs d' un Prisonnier de Guerre au Mexi({iie 1851^-5.
Paris, 1863, 8vo., 1 vol., pp. 565, was secretary to Raousset de Boulbon, and
was one of the passengers 011 board the Belle, which carried the leader of
the expedition against Sonora. His book opens with some description of
Cal., especially S. F. Being intimate with Raousset he was able to give con
siderable information about him.

A. de LacJuipelle — Le Comte de Paousset- Boulbon et V Expedition de la
Sonore, Correspondence — Souvenirs et Ouvres Intdites. Paris, 1859, 12 mo.,
pp. 318, portrait and map. The author of this work, the chief editor of the
Messayer de San Francisco, was yet more intimate with the unfortunate
count, whose history is the subject of this book — 'jusqu au point de con-
naitre ses projets les plus secrets,' as he informs us — and aided him in the
organization of his enterprises. The work opens with a biographical account
of Raousset's career before his arrival in Cal., after which his history is con
tinued down to the time of his tragical death. While engaged in his work
numerous documents were sent by friends of the count to Lachapelle, who
publishes his correspondence, as well as a number of his poetical pro
ductions.

CHAPTER XXVII.

FRENCH OPERA1IONS IN SONORA AND SINALOA
1854-1866.

EFFECT or THE GADSDEN PURCHASE— CRABB'S COLONY SCHEME— GANDARA'S
REVOLT AND DEFEAT — CRABB'S DEFEAT AT CABORCA— THE WHOLE
PARTY SHOT— JECKER'S SURVEY AND TROUBLES— CONSERVATIVE REAC
TION IN SINALOA — FREQUENT REVOLATIONS — TRIUMPH OF LIBERALS IN
SONORA— THE FRENCH OCCUPY GUAYMAS— GANDARA'S OPERATIONS —
SONORA HELD BY IMPERIALISTS— STRUGGLES OF THE LIBERALS— DEPART
URE OF THE FRENCH— TANORI SHOT— SONORA FREE — LOZADU BESIEGES
MAZATLAN— THE FRENCH CAPTURE THE PORT — VICTORY OF ROSALES—
CASTAGNY'S OPERATIONS— ALTERNATE SUCCESSES OF LIBERALS AND IM
PERIALISTS— Loz AIDS THE LATTER — THE FRENCH RE-EMBARK AND
RETIRE.

THE rumored sale of Sonora to the United States,
which had tended to frustrate the plans of Baousset,
proved not altogether unfounded; for by theGadsden
treaty of 1854 the northern part of the state, includ
ing Tucson, was transferred to the neighbor republic,
and the boundary pushed back from the natural line
of the Gila to between parallels 31° and 32°. The
loss of this fertile strip created none of the expected
local excitement, owing to the slight value placed upon
it as a mere Apache haunt. This closer approach of
the United States, though ultimately proving a bless
ing to the state, at first gave rise to more than one
complication, such as the Crabb expedition in 1855,
of which more anon.

Yanez had been succeeded by Genei^al Arrellano,
who, being summoned to Mexico in June 1855, left
Colonel Espejo in charge, the latter resigning in the
following September, when the people declared for the
plan of Ayatla against Santa Anna. Gandara then

(693)

694 FRENCH OPERATIONS IN SONOR^ AND SINALOA.

embraced the opportunity to seize the vacated seats
of governor and commandante-general, and when the
administration at Mexico assigned them to Jose de

O

Aguilar and P. Espejo respectively, proclaimed a rev
olution. Though obliged to } ield to Aguilar, Gan-
dara succeeded in retaining his position as chief-com
mandant with the aid of Yanez.

Shortly after Crabb's project to establish a frontier colony was brought
forward, being favored by A. Ainza, with whom Crabb wras connected by
marriage. Aguilar opposed the scheme, but because as governor he had to
communicate with the projectors, Gandara raised the cry that he was about
to sell the state to filibusters, and incited one Davila to pronounce against
him at Ures July 15, 1856. Aguilar was arrested and replaced by R. Enci-
nas, a creature of Gandara. Aguilar, however, found a champion in Ignacio
Pesqueira, colonel and inspector of the national guaids, who acting wi«h
promptness and dash, secured a foothold in Ures July 17th, and on August
8th compelled the garrison to surrender, securing the person of the reV/el
governor, Encinas. On the same day Gandara was routed; Altar fell,
Hermosillo was evacuated, and Guaymas had to yield. Thus within a few
weeks Gandara, whose power had seemed absolute, was overthrown. Ap
pealing in person to the Yaquis, and aided by the clergy, he was able to take
the field anew, but defeat following defeat, he betook himself to Mexico to
appease by diplomacy the wrath he had failed to avert by victory. Eia
brother Jesus continued the struggle, chiefly in guerrilla form, till in Jan.,
1857, he surrendered with his few remaining adherents.

The struggle had been watched with great interest by H. A. Crabb, who
during its progress became convinced that the strife between the two great
parties presented an excellent opportunity not only for carrying out the
proposed colony project, but for extending it to an actual conquest of the
state. If Walker and Raousset had so nearly achieved their object against
a united province, how much easier must it be to effect it against one so torn
by factions.

Enrollments proceeded well, and early in 1857 Crabb, as general, set out
with an advance of five score men, in three companies, by way of Los
Angeles and Yuma. Although well-armed, their scanty means did not per
mit the purchase of sufficient animals to mount the party. Toward the end
of March they appeared at Sonoita, on the Sonoran border, and learning
that the people were making formidable preparations for ousting them, as
filibusters, Crabb addressed a threatening letter to the prefect, declaring
that he had entered as a friendly colonist, and would continue his march
notwithstanding the hostility. 'If blood is shed, on your head be it.'
Leaving 20 men to follow more leisurely, he advanced with 09 to Caborca,
near the port of Libertad; where the main party of 900 men should by this
time have arrived by sea; but the lack of funds and the measures of the
authorities in California prevented their departure. In addition to this dis
appointment he was suddenly attacked on entering Caborca, April 2d, by a
company of troops, which, being'repuloed, took refuge in the convent church,
and there held out together with the frightened inhabitants.

Reinforcements soon arrived, increasing the Mexican force to some 703
men with field-pieces, which opened wide breaches in the walls and made
havoc among the inmates. The conflict lasted throughout the 5th of AprJ,
and was resumed on the following day with unabated vigor. The rifles of
the Americans were sparingly used, but with a deadly precision that ren
dered each member of the band a formidable adversary. Toward evening
oil the Gth the latter had been driven into tlic wing of one house, the roof

WARS AND REVOLUTIONS. 695

of which was set on fire with burning arrows. The stifling garrison en
deavored to blow off the superstructure, only to cause the explosion of their
powder kegs with deplorable results. Terms were hastily demanded, and
none being accorded, they marched forth and laid down their arms, to the
number of 59, many of whom were disabled by wounds and burns. The
Mexicans admitted £3 killed and as many severely wounded.

The prisoners were tied, and early the following morning brought out
and shot, in batches, all save a boy of 16 years, whose youth won sym
pathy. Crabb wao reserved for special execution, afcer which his head v.-aj
cut oif and preserved in mescal. Crabb '3 rear guard was surrounded and
slaughtered, and a reinforcement of about 30 men from Tucson had a narrow
escape. As it wa.j they lo^t four men before regaining the frontier. Much
ferment was caused among Americans bythe.e events, but calmed down
upon reflection. The Mexicans showed themselves very lenient to previous
fi.i'mstering parties, and clemency being found to be only an encouragement
to fresh undertakings, self-preservation demanded a severe lesson.

Like schemes were promoted by rumors of United States designs on the
Mexican border country in the form of purchase, which naturally caused at
traction to frontier grants. In August, 18,36, Jecker, of Raousset fame,
arranged with the government to survey the public domain of Sonora, in
consideration of receiving one-third of the land. A surveying expedition
was organized, under C. P. Stone, and proceeded with operations, despite
objections on the part of the state authorities, until expelled in Oct., 1SH9.
Appeal was made to the United States sloop of war St Mnry, and the com
mander interfering, sufficient satisfaction was offered to permit the matter
to drop, though Jecker maintained his claim to the land and damage 3.

The growth of conservative reaction in the republic, which opened the
long reform war, had induced the Gandarists to resume the struggle in
Sonora, assisted by the church. The Yaquis were again stirred in June,
1857; troop 3 were led to second the movement in Oct., and the war again
raged, the Pesqueira side meeting with reverses early in December. Recov
ering itself, however, the movements of the Gandaristas were practically
put to an end in May, 1858, only to revive soon after with co-operation from
Sinaloa, whither Pesqueira carried the war.

In this state the liberal-conservative ferment had assumed even wider
proportions, owing to ita proximity to the cradle of revolution, in Jalisco,
'ihe beginning appeared in 1852, when the people of Mazatlan were roused
by the heavy contributions levied by Gov. F. de la Vega. Protests becom
ing demonstrative, the governor marched upon the town with troops to en
force obedience, whereupon the people mustered under Pedro Valdez, at
tacked and captured him, and took back the extorted money. On being
liberated he retaliated by declaring the port closed, whereupon Yaldez, be
ing well sustained, marched inland, captured Culiacan, the capital, on Oct.
16th, plundered it, and routed Vega's forces. In Jan., 1853, however, Vega
again obtained possession of the city, only to be driven out in March follow
ing, taking his night to Sonora

Toward the close of the year the new administration thought fit to en
trust the civil and military control of the state to Yaiiez, who proved worthy
of the charge. By his energy and ability, he remedied the evih cf civil war
and introduced reforms tending to general prosperity. As these measures
were beginning to bear fruit he was removed in March, 1854, to Sonora,
leaving Valdez in command.

In Jan., 1856, P. Verdugo, recently appointed governor, proclaimed in
favor of the liberals, and though opposed by counter-revolutions prevailed
with the assistance of Yanez. In May, 1857. the federal constitution was
sworn to, both at Culiacan and Mazatlan. Early in 1858. however, Yanez
proclaimed his adhesion to the plan of Tacubaya, which proposed a consti
tution more favorable to conser'ratism. This caused a rising of the liberals,
Placido Vega pronouncing in Aug. At the close of Oct. siege was laid to
Mazatlan, which was raised at the end of Jan., 1859, owing to the approach

696 FRENCH OPERATIONS IN SONORA AND SINALOA.

of conservative reinforcements and the lack of ammunition. The liberals,
however, assisted by Pesqueira, retrieved themselves by a brilliant achieve
ment at La Noria, resumed the siege and carried the place by assault on
April, 3d, capturing 300 prisoners, six vessels, and a great quantity of stores.
Vega was now installed as provisional governor by Pesqueira who then ro-
turned to Sonora. Early in 1860 the state was invaded by Lozada, the Ind
ian chief of Tepic, bub the Sinaloans mustering from all points compelled
him to retire. Eight months later Cajen penetrated close to Mazatlan, where
hi,3 force was completely routed.

For some time men attached to other parties, longing for participation
i:i oulce, had been trying to set a oide Vega's authority, and tLe continued
threatening attitude of Lozada calling for operations on the Jaliaco frontier
under charge of Corona, Vega's lack of promptness in supplying funds led
to a quarrel between the tv,-o. The French intervention, however, pre
vented any outbreak; but when Vera marched early in 1CG3 to the relief of
Mexico, with 2,000 men, the plotters took advantage of his absence to re
new their intrigues. On his return he took the field against them, but
though victorious in arms, the supreme government -was persuaded to inter
fere, and during 1864, Morales took charge. The change was not satisfac
tory; Culiacan and Cosali rose, and at Rosario, in Oct., a plan was formu
lated by Corona himself, demanding the resignation of Morales, who refusing
to yield, Mazatlan was besieged and taken on the 14i,h, and A. Rosales
appointed provisional governor. The president sent Ochoa to assume com
mand, who induced Morales to resign and so allow Resales to resume the
position.

The frequent revolutions in Sinaloa were not without effect in Sonora.
On his return Pesqueira found that his old foe Gandara had roused his friends
the Opatas under their chief Tanori, joined by the Yaquis, to proclaim him
governor. This led to a protracted struggle, during which Pesqueira had to
seek aid of Vega of Sinaloa, until in May, 1861, the Indiana were compelled
to accept peace.

The liberal triumph over conservatism in the republic was commemorated
in Sonora by the adoption of a constitution conforming to the general one of
1857, which survives in its reconstructed form of 1872. Urea retained the
position of capital. Here as elsewhere, the church party accepted its defeat
for a time at least, and the Gandarists subsided, leaving the staLe to recover
from the disastrous effect of the prolonged civil war. The outbreak of 'the
confederates in the adjoining republic caused a bubble of excitement by
reason of efforts on the part of both belligerents, to obtain the good will of
the state for the transit of war material. William M. Gwin, moreover,
caused commotion by attempting to form an independent colony in Sonora,
a scheme apparently favored at one time by Napoleon, with designs for its
annexation to France. More serious wa3 the apprehension roused by the
opening of the French intervention in 1862, and when, in May and July
1864, war vessels appeared before Guaymas, a patriotic enthusiasm prevailed,
displayed in a call to arms and levying of funds. A large force was col
lected, but when in March 1865, the French naval squadron arrived before
the same port with several hundred troops and a section of artillery, Pes
queira thought it would be a useless waste of blood and property to resist at
that point, and after sustaining a night attack upon his camp, in which his
force was dispersed in confusion, retired to Hermosillo, where he collected a
mere remnant of his forces.

With the invaders came Gandara, who, after a futile effort at revolution
in Jan. 1862, and another attempt to inaugurate a movement in behalf of
the empire at the close of 1864, took refuge at the court of Maximilian, to
urge the occupation of Sonora. He now again appears on the scene, and
powerfully supported, once more roused his party and Indian allies, per
suading them that the time had come for a successful struggle. Pesqueira
retired from Hermosillo, thereby infusing despondency into the hearts of
the liberals. The French entered the place July 29, 1865, and the native

MISERABLE DOINGS, 697

imperialists extended themselves in all directions. Besieging Ures, they
were repulsed, but an advance by their foreign allies caused its evacuation.
Pesqueira, despairing of achieving anything for the time, crossed to the
United Scafce; to seek support, leaving Morales to maintain alive the smould
ering spark of the liberals in guerrilla fashion. The imperialists soon over
ran the central and northern districts, and extended themselves as far south
as Alamos, which held out under promise of aid from Sinaloa under the
direction of Ho sales. This leader entered with 500 men, but was defeated
by the superior forces of Almada September 4th, being slain with about one
third of his troops. By this time the French began to concentrate their
forces against the possible interference of the United States now freed from
civil war, and t'.ie force in Sonora was reduced in Oct. to a scanty battalion,
with instructions to limit itself to the occupation of Guaymas. This im-

S artel fresh courage to the liberals, who pronounced at Hermosillo in
jtober. I\i3 move-naab gainel strength in spite of the efforts of the native
imperialists, who were directed by Comandante-Geiieral Langberg, a Danish
sol.lier of fortune. With the aid of armament supplied by the Juarist agent
in California, Monies in December captured Arispe, and gained a victory at
Mitapa; but on January 3, ISb'ti, he met with a disastrous check, near
Na-cori at the hands of Ginlara an I Tanori. On the 7th, however, Alamos
wis rsta'csn by Coroni's fores; under Martinez, Patoni, and Correa. In
Marcli, Pesqusira reenterel the state, and on May 4th Hermosillo was cap
tured a ul saoksl by Martinez midst great slaughter. While the liberals
were thus occ'.ipiel in ruthless destruction, Langberg, Tanori, and Vasquez
appeared fromt!i3 direction of Ures with about 800 men. Martinez sallied
forth to meat t'.isin; a i I sustainla * a complete defeat, the imperialists re-
gii:i9l possession of Harmonllo. Martinez retired to San Marcial, where
Pe sqaeira was collecting the fugitives from the battle-field. Being reenforced
by Morales, after so n3 fruitier movements between Hermosillo and Ures,
Pesqueira an I Martinez retreate I to the south while Morales returned north-
war 1 for recruits.

In the rail lla of Aug. Martinez again gained possession of Hermosillo,
bub evacuate I it a few days later on the approach of Langberg. On Sept.
4:'i the latter, joinsl by Tinori, offered battle to the liberals at Guadalupe,
ii3ir U,-3s, and a bitter contest raged for several hours. Finally Langberg
fell in the front rank, an I demoralization seizing his men, victory remained
w.oh the liberals. T.iis wxs the turning point in the struggle. Ures sur-
r 3-1 larel two days liter, Hermosillo was evacuated, and on Sept. loth the
F.-eiuh girrison at Gnaymas embarked, abandoning to the tender mercies of
Mirt'uisz' followers the thousands of families who had adopted their cause.
Large numbers had hurried away before the impending storm, and a linger
ing few now joinel Tanori and Almada in escaping across the gulf in two
s .nail vessels. They were overtaken, brought back, and executed. By the
end of Sepb., 18 33, the whole state had yielded, save the Yaquis and Mayos.
T leir subje3tio;i was accompllshel by Morales in November, after a rigorous
cinpaig-i. Mtrtinez had been summoned before this to incorporate with
C >rona, amply appease I with gifts, and soon after Sonoran troops were sent
to assist in overthrowing the abandoned Maximilian.

Sinaloa had to sustain a somewhat longer and more direct struggle with
the French, who wer3 assisted by the notorious chieftain of Tepic. In
Mirch, 1864. a partial blockade of Mazatlan was established and fire opened
by the invaders on a portion of the fortifications; but the Mexicans re
plied so warmly as to compel them to retire. At the close of Oct. Lozada,
now an imperialist general, entered from Jalisco, and laid siege to the port
with nsarly 3,09.) men. On Nov. 12th the French squadron appeared and
offered the alternative of surrender or bombardment. As resistance offered
litfcle prospect of success, the garrison managed to escape during the night,
and on the following morning the French took possession of the place after
firing a few shots. Vasabilbaso was appointed prefect and assisted to install
local authorities.

693 FREXCH OPERATIONS IX SOXORA AXD SIXALOA,

After leaving 500 men to swell the imperialist garrison of the place,
Lozada sent the rest of his troops home to agricultural pursuits. The
liberals pursued, them for awhile and inflicted some loss; then, with their
headquarters at San Sebastian presidio mustering 2,000 men under Corona,
harassed the port, and maintained a guerrilla warfare against the movements
of the enemy. Several successes gained were encouraging; notably one
achieved by Rosales, who met the imperialists, 500 strong, at San Pedro,
near Culiacan, and after a contest of two hours routed them, capturing the
French leader, Gazielle, and 85 of his men. This victory, which gained
Rosales the title of brigadier, was widely celebrated and proved a severe
blow to French prestige, in this region at least. His success was partly ow
ing to the activity of Patoni, who had shortly before captured F. de la Vega,
the former ruler, and now entitled imperialist ruler.

The French having now overrun nearly the whole republic, it became
necessary for them to extend their s\vay on the west coast, and Castagny
was ordered to remove his headquarters at Durango to Mazatlan. He set
out in the latter part of Dec., 1804, with nearly 3,000 men, taking the direct
but rugged route by way of Durasnito. Corona occupied the mountain
passes, and meeting with a defeat at Espinazo del Diablo, followed in the
rear of tspagny. At Veranos he fell upon a detachment left there, capturing
50 men aud killing 17, but being severely handled by reinforcements of the
enemy which arrived, he imprudently, under excitement, hanged his prison
ers in reprisal for the execution of liberals elsewhere. The French general,
naturally of a severe disposition, took full vengeance in retaliation with
torch and sword. Thus was inaugurated in Sinai oa a warfare which, for
the time, seemed one of extermination.

The Mexicans were now only able to prosecute the war around Mazatlan
in guerrilla fashion, and though two flying squadrons were organized against
them, their superior knowledge of the ground, and the aid afforded thorn by
the people, enabled them to approach up to the very gates of the town. The
French, therefore, carried their operations into districts beyoiiu, and burnt
down San Sebastian, Mazatlan, Guacimas, and Copala, the estates and
ranchos of known adversaries being given to destruction. This only in
creased exasperation, wh'ch was severely felt by outposts. Greater numbers
were needed to clear the country, and Lozada was again invoked. He
brought in April 3,OUO Indians, and from Rio de las Caiias to San Ignacio the
country was swept of liberals. Corona was so discouraged that he departed
to join the campaign in Durango, and advised his adherents temporarily to
submit.

Meanwhile the liberals weakened themselves by partisan quarrels. A
revolt compelled Governor Rosales to resign in favor of Corona, who there
upon appointed Domingo Rubi, who was confirmed by Juarez. Then com
menced hostile proceedings between Rosales and Rubi, which were termi
nated by Rosales being summoned to aid the Sonorans, in whose cause he fell.

In August Corona returned and the struggle was resumed, Correa, Parra,
and Martinez being conspicuous as leaders. In the north the town of
Fuerte was captured and recaptured several times, Martinez finally passing
into Sonora, as alrea<ty narrated. Southward Rubi confined himself to
raiding the Mazatlan region, while Corona gained several successes, one of
which was the taking of Acaponeta with much booty. Operations were
now resumed against Mazatlan, where only a single battalion of Frenchmen
had been left, and as heretofore the aid of Lozada was implored. Cooperat
ing with this chieftain, who had returned to Tepic in the autumn of the
Erevious year, the French with about 1,000 men captured Presidio de Mazat-
m, March 19, 1886. Corona, with over 2,000 men, now placed himself be
tween them and Mazatlan, and then assaulted the enemy with such perti
nacity that he finally compelled him to fight his way back with heavy loss.

Lozada, who had occupied Rosario with 2,000 Indians, now hesitated to
advance, but induced by a promise of a simultaneous advance of the French,
passed onward. When near Concordia, he was attacked by Corona and,

CORONA AT MAZATLAN. 699

though victorious, sustained a loss of 200 men. Similar attacks, bootless
raids, and the non-receipt of money from Mazatlan, induced him to return
to Tepic, and declare his neutrality, with an aim at independence.

Guzman was sent to watch this formidable chieftain, while Corona pressed
closer the line of investment round Mazatlan. The aspect of affairs im
proved; auxiliaries poured in; American sympathy assisted, and a goodly
supply of arms was obtained. The United Sinaloa and Jalisco brigades
were transformed and organized as the Army of the AYest, with Corona as
general-in-chief, to whom the governor of Sinaloa, Jalisco, and Colima was
subjected. Several engagements followed in the district of Mazatlan with
varying success. Mazatlan was invested, and on Sept. 12th Corona gained
possession of the fort Palo3 Prietos; but the severity of the conflict and the
loss incurred made hopeless the prospect of carrying a port so strongly held
and supported by a fleet. After a sharp attack, on Nov. 12th, a suspension
of hostilities was arranged, the French having announced their intention to
embark. On the following day the liberals entered Mazatlan amid enthusi
astic demonstrations. Sonora and Sinaloa were now forced from imperialist
sway, and Corona, now a general of division, marched with a portion of his
troops to aid in the overthrow of Maximilian,

CHAPTER XXVIII.

REVOLUTIONS AND COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS.

1867—1887

PARTY QUARRELS — UPRISING OF THE YAQUIS — VEGA'S PIRATICAL RAID
ON GUAYMAS — LEYVA'S REVOLUTION AGAINST JUAREZ — ITS FAIL
URE — REVOLUTION IN^ SINALOA AND SEQUEL — CONTEST IN SONORA
REGARDING THE CONSTITUTION — MARISCAL SENT TO RESTORE OR
DER — THE LERDO ELECTION TROUBLES — SINALOA YIELDS TO THE
PORFIRISTS — MARISCAL GOVERNOR OP SONORA — CHANGE OF GOVER
NORS — APPEARANCE OF YELLOW FEVER — REVOLUTION IN SINALOA
BY RAMIREZ — His DEFEAT AND DEATH — MARQUE/ DE LEON IN
VADES SONORA — Is COMPELLED TO RETIRE — WITHDRAWS TO CALI
FORNIA — WARS WITH THE APACHES — THEIR FINAL SUBJUGATION.

No sooner had Corona departed than dissension
arose among his lieutenants ; and though Rubi was
declared elected governor, General Martinez on Jan
uary 29, 1868, denounced the election as fraudulent,
and proclaimed himself provisional ruler. Rubi, sus
tained by the supreme government, resisted, and soon
found himself at the head of 2,000 men, while his
opponent could muster little more than half that num
ber, and on April 8th was routed at Villa Union. The
rebel general now disbanded the remnant of his force
and departed, whereupon order was restored.

General Vega, who had returned from California
in June 1866, was an accomplice in the above move
ment. His real scheme was to form a coalition which
should install a new president, or, failing this, estab
lish a new republic in the north-west. He assisted
in the escape from prison of Palacio, one of the late
rebel leaders, who, on March 13, 1869, pronounced at
Culiacan in favor of Vega. Finding that town luke-

700)

VEGA AND PESQUEIRA. 701

warm, he hastened to Fuerte, but a month later he
was defeated by General Parra at Los Algodones,
captured with most of his men, and shot. Vega had
meanwhile been abroad to purchase arms, and now
prepared, with the assistance of Lozada, to invade
Sinaloa from the south. In February 1870 several
pronunciamientos were effected, and a number of petty
raids were made into the southern districts. Their
insignificance discouraged Lozada from active partici
pation, and Vega became so pressed for means that
he descended to the piratical proceeding of sending a
steamer to rob Guaymas, availing himself of the
vagabond element left over from the war of invasion.
With this he continned his inroads into the follow
ing year, after which he sank out of sight beneath
the movements stirred by other leaders.

Pesqueira, who had ruled Sonora as governor almost without interrup
tion, since the resignation of Aguilar in 1856, partly by popular vote in 1857
and 18G1, partly by appointment under Juarez, was again in 1867 honored
with reelection as a reward for his brave and patriotic conduct during the
invasion. There was need also for a man of his tried administrative ability
to heal the ravages of war. Nearly all the revolts of the Yaquis and Mayos
had arisen from encroachments on their land, and after every victory over
them the infringement was affirmed. So it happened in 1867. They killed
a too yielding chief in June, and prepared with force to assert their rights,
committing, meanwhile, a number of outrages. By December about 1,500
troops were in the field against them; several bloody engagements took place,
and it was not until Oct. 1868, that peace was restored.

The revolutionary plans of General Vega against Sinaloa found in 1870 an
unpleasant outcropping in Sonora. The general had obtained possession of
the steamer Forward, formerly an English gunboat, and sent her on a pirati
cal expedition, under the command of F. Vizcaino. During the night of May
27th, 150 of her men landed near Guaymas and carried the town by surprise,
without bloodshed. A levy was then made upon the custom-house and mer
chants, for funds, goods, coal, and arms, the latter embracing 4,000 muskets,
and the former rising to the value of more than .$150,000, with which two
seized vessels were loaded. The Forward thereupon entered under a Salva
dorean flag and towed them away. The treasury official Mejia, son of the
minister of war, was carried away as hostage. Commander Low, of the
IT. S. war steamer MoJiiran, being at Ma/atlan when the news came,
decided, at the instance of the authorities and the suffering merchants,
which included Americans, to check this piratical raider on Pacific coa4
trade. After a lengthly search he found the Forward at the mouth of Rio
de las Cofias, under cover of a battery which opened fire on the cutting-out
party. The steamer being aground, the only alternative was to fire her,
whereupon the MoJdcan retired.

Guaymas was exposed to another infliction in Oct. 1871, in connection
with the Porfirist revolution against Juarez. The garrison declared for it,
under Leyva, and made themselves master of the port. They then exacted
"money from the wealthy citizens and sailed away to spread the movement in

702 REVOLUTIONS AND COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS.

the more promising districts to the south. Pesqueira was too prompt, how
ever. He encountered them at Potrerito Seco and crushed their force and
hopes at one blow, after which he passed on to aid the Juarist cause in Sina-
loa. Here the revolution had been initiated by General Parra and F. Caiiedo,
in Sept. 1871, and upon, their failure it received fresh impulse two months
later at Mazatlan, under Gen. Marquez de Leon, who had more than once
been in charge of the civil and military government of the state. Gov. E.
Buelna tied northward to seek the aid of Pesqueira, who after a temporary
check took possession of Fuerte and Culiacan. Here he was beseiged by
Marquez, but a federal column iinder Rocha relieved the place in April
1872, driving back Marquez, and marching into Mazatlan. The followers of
the latter began to desert the failing cause, and it was virtually abandoned
in the following months, when Diaz submitted to the supreme government.
An under- current remained, however, which was agitated by Lozada, who
had chosen to favor the revolution. A crushing death at Rosario in Jan.
1873 was a relief to the state.

The reconstruction of the organic law of Sonora, in 1872, gave rise to
hostility between the legislature and executive, which manifested itself in
appeals to arms among the people. The governor carried his point, and
introduced a constitution, in May 1873, which was sustained in face of sev-
eral formidable pronunciamieiitos against it, as in the autumn of that year
at Alamos, under the leadership of Connant, who, by means of the usual
forced levies, swelled his command to 400 men, and kept that region in agi
tation for several months. Popular feeling became more roused against the
authorities by the elections of 1875, wherein, with the aid of troops and con
nivance of the presidential party, they manipulated the polls for their own
purposes, choosing as ruler Jose J. Pesquiera, with his predecessor for vice-
governor. This induced a prominent citizen, F. Serna, to pronounce in
August of that year at Altar. Although at first defeated, he recovered him
self by several effective operations in Nov. -Dec., and gave such impulse to
the movement, extending it into Alamos district, that the federal govern
ment, in March 1876, sent Mariscal to interfere. Seeing that Serna had
justice on his side, with growing popularity, the general prudently favored
him, and managed to restore order. Pesquiera departed, leaving Torres as
acting governor.

Mariscal followed up the advantage gained by the manoeuvre to obtain
election returns in favor of his patron, Lerdo. Finding, however, that the
Porfirist revolution against the president was gaming ground, his foresight
induced him to waste no further efforts upon a lost cause. Less clear-sighted,
the Pesqueirans pronounced for Lerdo, only to discover their mistake at
Matape, where Mariscal dispersed their forces, and compelled the leaders to
seek refuge in Arizona, whence they were soon permitted to return.

In Sinaloa the Porfirist revolution found its beginning in local outbreaks
early in 1876, of which Donato G-uerra soon appeared as the leader. In
August he took possession of Culiacan, and imprisoned Governor J. M.
Gaxiola, but troops from Mazatlan drove him out shortly after, and inflicted
a severe defeat upon him at Tameaca. Arce, then in power, thereupon pro
claimed adhesion to Iglesias, who was already in flight for the U. S. In the
following month, Jan. 1877, the troops of Diaz marched into Mazatlan in the
most peaceful manner, and after a few blows the remainder of the state
yielded, Caiiedo being chosen governor. The election in Sonora turned in
favor of Mariscal, who was thus rewarded for his foresight and effort to pre
serve the peace. Serna became vice-governor, and was permitted to issue
under his own auspices the long suppressed constitution of 1872. Once in
possession, Mariscal appears to have neglected the tact that had so far
enabled him to court successfully the ruling majority. A quarrel soon arose
with the legislature, which finally impeached him for removing local author
ities, and other tyrannical acts, and declared him replaced by Serna, in Feb.
1879. The former was not the man to obey the dictates of a petty state
assembly. He called upon his troops, and swelling their ranks with forced

MARQUEZ DE LEON. 703

recruits, prepared to march upon the gathering forces of Serna. A bloody
war was m prospect, when the federal government interfered in favor of the
latter, who had most politically appealed to it. The general thereupon
found it prudent to resign into the hands of his rival, who soon surrendered
the position to the elected Luis Torres.

Not unsimilar was the fate of the following governor, C. R. Ortiz, who,
invested with extraordinary power for the suppression of the Yaqui revolt,
presumed to assume a hostile attitude toward the federal commanders.
So.ne of the militia pronounced against his impressments, and the people at
Hermoiullo, lately made the capital, lent approval by attacking his house in
Oot. 1882, whereupon Ortiz thought it prudent to take flight, leaving the
vice-governor, Escalante, as ruler. In the following year the progressive
ad'.ninistration of Torres received a flattering approval in his reelection. The
successor of Canedo, in Sinaloa, was M. Martinez de Castro, under whom
the new liberal constitution of 1880 came in force, to assist during the ensu
ing peaceful era to unfold the vast mineral and agricultural resources so long
neglected, to promote trade and intercourse, diffuse education, and elevate
the people in culture and affluence, while mitigating the occasional evils in
flicted by failure of crops and epidemics, such as the recently ruling yellow
fever.

Among the active partisans of Porfirio Diaz in the north-west had been
Marquez de Leon. The reward for his services failing to satisfy his ambition,
he proposed, in 1879, to wrest it for himself by a revolution against the su
preme as well as local governments. He had great influence in Sinaloa,
where he figured during the early part of this year as gubernatorial candi
date, owing to the suspension of the incumbent, Canedo, under certain
charges which had roused the people against him. Believing, nevertheless,
that he could give great impulse to the movement by a simultaneous outbreak
in his native Lower California, he took this task upon himself, leaving the
popular Jesus Ramirez to direct the operations in Sinaloa. The latter made
a not very successful attack on the garrison at Mazatlan Oct. 25, 1879, after
which he took to the country, supported by several pronunciamientos, from
Rosario to Cosata, and by opportune seizures of funds. Although his fol
lowers were defeated in several minor engagements, he sustained the cause,
and in June and July 1880 managed, with the aid of a portion of the garrison,
to obtain temporary possession of Mazatlan and of the capital; but in Sept.
he was routed, overtaken, and killed. In Lower California the revolution
had run a still briefer course. With the remnant of the forces there routed
by federal troops, and driven northward, Marquez crossed to Sonora. He
entered by way of Sonoita early in May 1880, gained possession of Magda-
lena on the 31st, and advanced to Ures. Unsuccessful in obtaining recruits,
he had to retire before a superior column, whereupon he disbanded his men,
departing for California to seek resources and form alliances for a more fa
vorable opportunity. This, however, failed to present itself.

That standing scourge of Sonora, the Apaches, had all this while been
swelling its long record of desolating raids, although in a gradually lessen
ing degree, owing to the measures taken in Arizona to check the roaming of
Indians and to cooperate with Mexico in punishing marauders. Before the
influx of settlers into Arizona the Apaches had a free field. They attacked
emigrant parties for Cal., and opened trade with the miners, who scrupled
not, in exchange for stolen cattle and beasts of burden, to provide them
with ammunition and armament of the latest pattern, thus giving them decided
advantages over the inefficiently armed frontier troops. The year 1851 was
fraught with particular disaster to this unfortunate state, which the Apaches
grimly alluded to as their rancho and depot for supplies. In Feb. they de
stroyed Mazatlan, inflicting a loss of 40 lives; in Aug they added 59 to the
li.st of victims, bringing the total sacrifices of life for the year to 200, while
carrying off nearly 2,000 head of stock, besides other booty. Pesqueira,
then rising into prominence, was defeated with heavy loss, in pursuing them.
Subsequent costlier expeditions managed to inflict only trifling retaliation

704 REVOLUTIONS AND COUNTER-REVOLUTIONS,

on the dispersing bands; nevertheless the movement served to lessen the
irruptions for awhile. In 1853, however, they were resumed with intensified
rigor, and in July alone they were marked by the blood of 170 victims.
Again the authorities awoke to the necessity for anned demonstrations,
which procured a momentary respite; then both troops and settlers again
sunk into negligent indolence. Later the destruction of Chinapa and Santa
Cruz, and by raids also in. Arizona, caused United States troops to join the
Mexicans in pursuit. Once more a quieter period was followed by a viru
lent inroad in 1800, when over 50 persons were reported killed in February
alone. Pesqueira then revived Galvez' system of warfare, with only partial
success, for the peace treaties made under pressure were broken at the first
opportunity. Three years later the savages penetrated to the very suburbs
of Ures and Alamos. A prize of $100 was now offered for each scalp, and
with this inducement the expeditions of the ensuing spring reported the
slaying and capture of 200 Apaches. These measures tended to restrain the
bands for some years. In 1870, however, their audacity increased, and the
exasperated authorities now raised the price upon scalps to $300. The
Apaches became more wary, or the Mexicans indifferent, for the fund was
exposed to no great drain, and during the years immediately following 1872
an average of two score murders was reported. The Mexican government
not unjustly charged much of this evil to the defective Indian policy of the
United States, with its loose reservation system and injudicious leniency,
and asked for compensation to cover damages committed by these wild
wards as well as by lawless American citizens. Of late years the danger
has greatly abated, especially since the administrations of Diaz, which
strengthened the military colonies of the frontier. The growth of popula
tion in Arizona, with the extension of railways and trade, added to the
security, and although raids continued to some extent for several years, was
only occasional. The once deserted border quickly filled with flourishing
settlements and mining camps, among which the cruel Apache wars soon
became a mere tradition.

During the second administration of Diaz the troublesome Yaquis, who
had hitherto maintained their local independence, were finally subdued,
after a war of several years. Their territory was invested on all sides, and
their chief Cajenie, a leader of considerable political and military ability,
was captured. In April, 1887, he was executed, without trial it is said, in
the presence of his people.

CHAPTER XXIX.

LOWER CALIFORNIA.
1800-1848.

SEPARATION FROM ALTA CALIFORNIA DECREED — FOREIGN TRADE — VESSELS
VISITING THE COAST — COCHRANE'S RAID ON LORETO— MORE LIBERTY
GRANTED TO INDIANS— FEDERAL SYSTEM ESTABLISHED — POLITICAL
DIVISIONS — MISSIONS SECULARIZED — PARTY FACTIONS — THE CALIFOR-
NIAS REUNITED — FRONTIER QUARRELS — HARDY'S PEARL-FISHING
SCHEME — UNITED STATES DESIGNS — AMERICANS OCCUPY LA PAZ —
SELFRIDGE TAKES MCLEGE — PATRIOTIC RISING AT SAN JOSE DEL
CABO — CALIFORNIANS ATTACK LA PAZ— THE AMERICAN GARRISON RE
LIEVED — SAN JOSE BESIEGED — RETREAT OF THE CALIFORNIANS — BAT
TLE OF SAN VICENTE — BURTON'S OPERATIONS — EXPEDITION TO TODOS
SANTOS — END OF THE WAR — LOWER CALIFORNIA RESTORED TO
MEXICO.

IN 1804 the political separation of the peninsula
from Alta California was decreed,1 and Arillaga be
ing promoted to the upper province, Captain Felipe
dc Goycoechea was appointed governor of Lower
California.2 The frontier district, which stretched
from San Fernando to the northern border, was now
more directly connected with the peninsula govern
ment, and promised at one time to grow in importance
through the desire of the Dominicans to extend their
missions eastward and northward. Their zeal soon
slackened, however, before the intractable nature of
the Indians and the soil, and the discouraging effect of

JBy order of Mar. 26, 1804, the old boundary along Rio Rosario, or Bar-
rabas, to remain. Arch. Cat., Prov. Rec., ix. 95.

2 This officer had served in both Calif ornias and was at the time habilitado
general at Mexico. He did not arrive till July 1806, and Arrillaga ruled ad
interim. Id., Prov. St. Pap., xviii. 175-7; xix. 60-76; Id., Prov. Rec., vi. 21,
ix. 56, 95.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 45 ( 705 )

706 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

poverty and discord in their immediate surroundings.3
Indeed, several of them became in some instances so
tyrannical as to rouse the Indians to desertion, in
subordination, and, in the north, to open revolt di
rected often against well-meaning padres. Thus the two
missionaries at Santo Tomas were slain in 1803.4

The separation from California resulted in an ever
growing neglect for the peninsula, and the upper
sister province henceforth absorbed the greater pro
portion of the slight attention bestowed by the gov
ernment. The idea of fostering development in the
far-west never occurred, although the longing for ter
ritorial extension remained unabated. Isolation was
deemed security enough, arid when, with the opening
of the century, English and American otter-hunting
and trading vessels began to frequent the California
coasts, the old dog-in-the-manger policy was more
strictly extended also in this direction, for maintaining
the isolation. The harshness of such orders becomes
evident when it is considered that not only were the
visits of supply vessels from the Mexican ports rare
and irregular, but the effects brought were insufficient
in quantity and variety, and little encouragement was
given for enabling the inhabitants to exchange their

3 The successor of P. Belda in 1802, as president of the missions, was P.
Rafael Arvina, who so roused the friars by his scandalous conduct that he
was removed by general request, P. Miguel Gallego succeeding in 1804.
Arch. Arzobisp., ii. 13-35. P. Gabriel of Loreto was some years later exiled
for abducting Indian wives, and P. Caballero, still later, disgraced the robe
in a similar manner. Vallcjo, Hist. Cal, ii. 255-8; Alvarado, ii. 172—4; Vega,
Vida Gal, 43. Several other friars revealed looseness of conduct, but were
more prudent and escaped punishment. The poverty of the province did not
tend to strengthen their zeal; as a rule they only longed to return to the
more comfortable cloisters of the mainland, and obtained leave of absence so
frequently that orders came to restrict this privilege The result was an
angry correspondence with the viceroy. Arch. Cal, Prov. St. Pap., xviii.
120-4, 84; xxi. 54, 100-1, 286, 372; xxi. 43-5, etc.; Id., Prov. Rec., vi. 9-] 3;
viii. 63; ix. 24, 37, 60. Concerning existing friars till 1827, I refer to Sta
Barb. Arch., x. 279; xi. 160; xii. 168, 273, 359; S. Diego Miss., 14, 91; Gar..
Mex., xx. 600; xxiv. 1049; Arch. Arzobis., ii. 50, 80, 146; St. Pap. Sac., ix.
15, 78; xv. 4; Id., Miss., iii. 34; Loreto, Miss. Rec., MS., 72 et seq.

4 In May. They were Eduardo Surroco and Miguel Lopez; a woman con
fessed to the deed under torture, and was executed, together with two ac
complices. Arch Cal, Prov. Rec., viii. 241; ix. 27-8, 33, 43; x. 1-2; Id., St.
Pap., xiv. 75-b. At San Borja there was trouble in 1806. Arch. Arzobis., ii.
4G.

ADMIRAL COCHRANE. 701/

beef, hides, grain, and fruit for commodities which
the i reign vessels temptingly displayed. They were,
in other words, bidden to sacrifice, to throw away,
their surplus produce and be content with a few crude
staple articles.5

Lower California escaped the horrors of civil war
ravaging the mainland during the decade following
1810, yet it was not wholly exempt from hostile visi
tation. At the close of this revolutionary struggle
the fleet of Admiral Cochrane entered the contest
against Spain, and two of its vessels, the Independencia
and Araucano, were despatched in the guise of whalers
to make observations along the northern coast of
Mexico, and sound the people while peaceably making
purchases of provisions. The commanders of the
cruisers disregarded these instructions under the in
centive of spoils. On February 17, 1822, the Inde
pendencia entered the harbor of San Jose del Cabo,
sacked the mission and church, and made a prize of

5 At first the governor and his troops had not much difficulty in enforcing
non-intercourse with hated and feared foreigners, but the latter, failing to
barter, began to plunder their water of its riches by hunting for themselves
the fur animals. To sacrifice their property was bad enough, but to behold
it carried away by strangers was worse. Obedience ceased to be a virtue;
illicit trade began, and expanded rapidly, until it affected even padres and
soldiers. For a while a decent pretext of secrecy was maintained, but soon
the governor himself, with pay as well as supplies long in arrears, gave open
countenance to the traffic.

The result proved advantageous on all sides, for many wants were sup
plied, and a certain incentive was given to pursuits, in hunting otters and
raising produce for barter. Among vessels which took advantage of this
intercourse were, first the American brig Betsey, Captain J. Winship, late in
1800, followed by several others shortly after, notably the O'Cain, Captain
O'Cain, the Alexander, Captain Brown, Lelia Byrd, Captain Shaler, and the
Catherine, Captain Roberts. O'Cain is claimed to have discovered San Quen-
tin bay. Lelia Byrd and O'Cain returned during the following years, the
latter frequently, and in 1806 the Peacock, Captain Kimball, and the Reizos
visited the coast. In 1808 and 1809 the Mercury, Captain Ayers, and the
Drorno made their appearance, followed in 1810 by the Albatross, Captain N.
Winship, Several other vessels touched without leaving a record. Ihe
Traveller, Captain Wilcox, in 1817, rendered great service to the peninsula
by relieving the suffering people at Loreto, and in making a special trip to
AHa California for further supplies. The chief resort of the vessels was San
Qnentin bay, within range of several missions, where otters were plentiful,
and salt could be had in abundance. And many a fete champetre was held
upon this far-away beach, and the strange company that assembled made a
striking picture, black-robed friars, sailors, and swarthy natives, with occa
sionally a sprinkling of Aleuts from Alaska, forming a heterogeneous crowd
of festive traders.

708 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

the brig Alcion, laden with tallow, and en route from
Alta California to the mainland southward.6

Long continued neglect naturally predisposed the
inhabitants of the peninsula to favor the revolution
ary cause; yet they were content to abide the
decision of events. In the early part of 1822 their
suspense was terminated by the arrival of the can-
onigo, Agustin Fernandez de San Vincente, imperial
commissioner, to proclaim the elevation of Iturbide
to the throne of Mexico and inaugurate reform. The
people yielded to every disposition made by him, and
his steps were facilitated by the resignation of the
governor, Jose Arguello, who had succeeded Goy-
coechea in 1814, and was replaced in October 1822
by Jose Manuel Ruiz, commandant at the frontier,
under the title of jefe politico.7

6"A lieutenant and eight men were next sent to the mission of Todos San
tos, with orders to plunder the church, take the padre prisoner, and burn or
sink a schooner which had lately been built there. These orders were car
ried out on the 19th, but the lieutenant and two of his men attempted to lay
hands on the women. The people had been unresisting spectators while
their vessel was destroyed and their church desecrated, but their pent-up
feelings now burst forth. Moved by a single impulse, they attacked tl;e
party- — which was on the beach — with stones and other ready means, and
killed the trio. Made fearless by this achievement, the assailants hurried
off to the mission and fell suddenly upon the remaining six men of the party,
two of whom \7ere quickly despatched and three grievously wounded, while
the sixth surrendered at discretion. The captives, swelled by three messen
gers from the hostile ship, were carried northward to San Antonio, but were
surrendered on the captain of the Indepcndenda threatening to destroy both
Todos Santos and San Antonio. Meanwhile the Armicavn had gone up the
gulf to Guaymas, and then to Loreto, whence the people, warned by the
occurrence further south, had fled, leaving the enemy to plunder the town
and church, Governor Argiiello losing his silver plate and other property.

7 The most important change by the canon appeared' in a provisional
regl^mento for administration of missions, whereby the Indians, though still
left u:\der supervision of the padres, were given greater freedom, with the
right to demand rations and pay for their labor, and to elect the hitherto
autocratic priest instrument, the mayordomo, from among themselves. The
fathers were, moreover, required to furnish inventories, as a check upon their
mana~cmont of mission property. Great was their indignation at this en
croachment upon their time-honored paternal rights — that is, to compel the
Indians to work for a scanty allowance of poor food and poorer clothing; to
submit to any chastisement the padres saw fit to inflict, and to have no
thought for anything in life except the repetition of a few prayers parrot-
wise, and the enrichment of the mission. They predicted disaster both to the
mission establishments and to the Indians from such extension of liberty to
being unfit for its enjoyment, and events justified the assertion, moderate
and just as were the privileges granted. The neophytes surrendered them
selves to dissipation and idleness, allowed themselves to be guided by inter-

DEMORALIZATION OF THE NATIVES. 709

The change from colonial regime had been grasped
at mainly in the vain hope of some relief from long
neglect and distress, and the establishment of a re
public was additionally welcome from its conferment
of local self-rule. The new era was inaugurated by
Lieutenant-colonel Jose Maria de Echeandia, ap
pointed to the civil and military command of the two
California, who presented himself at Loreto in June
1825, accompanied by several officers and nine Domin
ican friars. On July 10th he installed the territorial
deputation, with the aid of which several progressive
measures were taken, notably to raise funds for open
ing primary schools at Loreto and San Antonio. The
peninsula was divided into four districts, Cabo de San
Lucas, Loreto, Santa Gertrudis, and San Pedro Mar-
tir, each with an ayuntamiento, or municipal council,
at its head town, composed of an alcalde, two regi-
dores, a sindico, and a secretary, and with auxiliary
alcaldes at the missions, appointed by the jefe po
litico.8

ested schemers, and declined rapidly in condition and number. Their
decadence would probably have been more rapid but for the united efforts of
padres and settlers, for their own advantage, to maintain the former domi
nation, and to ignore the reglamento.

8 The condition of the aborigines commanded his special attention, and he
issued, August 19, 1825, a reglamento aiming to practically secularize most
of the missions. A sufficient proportion of mission land was to be distributed
among the Indians as community property, under the direction of mayor-
domos elected from among themselves for a period of years. They were
also to receive the necessary grain and implements for establishing farms,
and half of the live stock, the other half remaining for support of churches
and padres. The latter were reduced to the condition of parish priests,
under the surveillance of alcaldes and mayordonios. By decrees of Io30, all but
three of the missions were added to the secularization list. This system
aimed to elevate the Indians almost to the dignity of independent citize- .sb p,
but unfortunately the reglamento was disregarded like the others by ne li-
gent officials, influenced also by interested parties. Ihe unhappy natives
gradually deserted the now inhospitable missions, wandering about the hill*
and beaches looking for food. Occasionally they would work for the recom
pense of a little watered atole twice a day, and a breech-clout and blanket
every two years, being withal badly treated everywhere. Epidemics and
local diseases, moreover, combined to ravage their enfeebled ranks. The
govt recognized 17 missions in 1826. As for their property, it was to be ab
sorbed partly by the settlers, partly by favored individuals, who obtained it
as grants, or against nominal purchase money. The secularization decree
had already declared such unoccupied lands national, and open to rental.
The padres v;croron,ly opposed this attempt at final spoliation, assisted by
neophytes, and took to arms at Todos Santos. The result was an order by

710 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

The change of political system did not bring the
expected amelioration to the settlers. They remain
ed neglected as ever, and so stricken became their
condition that petitions were presented in 1827 for
the remission of tithes and other imposts, except
municipal taxes, for fifteen years. Misgovernment at
home assisted to retard improvement. Echeandia
was supposed to rule the peninsula from his seat in
Alta California, but he did not trouble himself, and
his functions were preformed by a deputy, who was
sometimes appointed by the governor and sometimes
by the territorial debutation. The ayuntamientos of
the districts sought, moreover, to assert themselves as
much as possible, arid so matters drifted into a num
ber of irregular channels, with arbitrary action in each.

On leaving for the north in October 1825, Echean
dia installed as his deputy at Loreto Lieutenant J.
M. Padres, a member of the territorial deputation,
whose liberal ideas brought the Dominicans into
opposition with him. Elected deputy to the congress
in the following year, he departed for Mexico, leav
ing the gubernatorial office to the alcade of Loreto,
Miguel Mesa.9

Michel torena, in 1843, to restore all property taken, except lands already
occupied, for which titles must be obtained from the government. Ihis did
not interfere, however, with the progress of spoliation, and 'J.^ frontier mis
sions were nearly all disposed of in 1846 by the unscrupulous Governor Pico.
9 In 1829, however, the territorial deputation took upon itself to reverse
this order by selecting its first member. Alferez Mata, of the garrison, as
sub-gefe politico. This independent action roused Echeandia, who hitherto
had allowed the people to manage their own affairs. His representations led
the supreme government to appoint Lieutenant- colonel M. Victoria, and to
separate the peninsula from Alta California, while subordinating it in mili
tary and judicial matters to the comandante-general of Sonora. Victoria
being transferred to the northern province in 1830, he was succeeded by M.
Monterde, who, upon his election to congress in 1831, surrendered the office
to the deputation, and its members now rotated monthly as jefe politico.
The consequent confusion caused Monterde to be sent back as ruler two
years later, but he being again elected deputy, a Peruvian member of the
deputation took charge until the arrival, in April 1835, 6f the government
appointee, Colonel M. Martinez; but so intense was the opposition of the
legislative body to this mainland intruder that he resigned. Then came a
contest between the deputation members for control, leading to virulent
party spirit and bloodshed. The government thereupon ordered the admin
istration to rest with the alcalde of La Paz. to which place the capital had
been transferred in 1830, owing to the destitution of Loreto in natural re.
sources, aggravated by an inundation, which in the preceding year had swept

POLITICAL CHANGES. 711

At the fall of the federal system in Mexico the
Californians were united into a single department
under this name, and Luis del Castillo Negrete, an
ex-judge from the northern province, was appointed
sub-jefe under the governor residing in Alta Cali
fornia, yet really with greater power than his prede
cessors, owing to the abolition of the deputation, and
the distance fro.n his superiors. He ruled with great
energy and prudence till 1842, and introduced most
commendable land reforms and colonization measures.
After this came a rapid succession of military ap
pointees, with symptoms of former disquietude. The
two districts of the Californias quarrelled also con
cerning the frontier jurisdiction, and the disorder was
aggravated by the government's neglect to properly
sustain the garrison, which thus became a party to
strife. Indians took advantage of the discord to
carry matters with a high hand.1*

Troubles also threatened to arise from the decree
in 1828 and following years, for the expulsion of Span
iards, to which nationality the friars belonged, besides
a few of the settlers; but as no serious attempt was
made to enforce the law here the affair subsided.11

Now comes a more stirring period, the war with

away a large portion of the town. This action served only to unite the fac
tions against the common enemy- The alcalde, M. Canseco, was cast into
prison, and the deputation renewed the rotation in office. The government
imperatively repeated its former order, and Conseco declining, the second
alcalde, Captain F. de la Toba was installed as jefe in January 1837.

10 Constant raids occurred; in October 1839, the mission of Guadalupe was
sacked, three of the defenders being killed; and in 1840 Santa Catalina mis
sion was burned, and 16 of its neophytes were slain.

11 After the independence, intercourse with foreigners was no longer pro
hibited, and both La Paz and Loreto were for a time opened to trade. The
permission availed little, owing to the lack of resources to attract vessels.
Among visitors were Lieut Hardy of the British navy, commissioner for a
pearl rishery association of London, who spent much time and money in 1826
in a visionary scheme to obtain pearls by means of diving-bells; in the same
year Duhaut-Cilly, in the French trading ship Heros, and four years later
came Combier in La Ftlicie. In the same year, 1830, James 0. Pattie
strayed with a party of starving trappers to the frontier missions. An in
voluntary stay was also made in 1S32 by Governor Figueroa, on the way
from Acapulco to Alta California. \\ hile halting at Cape San Lucas part of
his troops mutinied, and sailed away to San Bias with the transport vessel,
and he had to take refuge at La Paz until the vessel was restored by the
authorities of Jalisco.

712 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

the United States, the general aspect of which I have
considered elsewhere. It has been shown that Cali
fornia, in its wide extent, was the chief aim of the
invaders, who were stimulated by the belief that Eng
land had designs upon the coast. Geographically by
name, and for the time politically, the peninsula
seemed to be part of Alta California. It was, more
over, regarded as a desirable acquisition, partly from
a strategic point of view, and from the first the im
pression came from official sources that Lower Cali
fornia would be retained by the United States. This
was communicated to its inhabitants, with the assur
ance of protection to all who should espouse the
American cause. Yet it was not until the conquest
of the upper coast had been achieved that the in
vaders turned against its southern extension.13

13 Their war vessels had appeared in these waters in the autumn
of 1816, to give notice of a blockade which could not then be en
forced, and at the first intimation Colonel Miranda, jefe politico, offered
neutrality if the persons and property of the people were respected, for they
were defenceless. This step, although widely countenanced or tacitly ap
proved, sufficed to raise an outcry among a set of true patriots, as well as
among purely political opponents, who, profiting by Miranda's lack of firm
ness, in Feb. 1317, set up as jefe politico Mauricio Castro, a prominent and
en3rgetic mm. He lost 110 time in summoning the members of the council
to meet at Santa Anita to devise measures for defence. Orders had been issued
early in 184(3 for raising a company of defensores under the command of J. M.
Moreno, styled jefe de G-uerilla de Defensores, an 1 Castro sought to organize a
body of volunteer}; but it was impossible at the time for him to collect suffi
cient means or men. T!i3 invaders found no obstacle therefore to taking
formal possession. They bsgin by entering the ports, capturing a few small
v3JS3ls, a:il souilia^ ti3 dupDUbbi ot the people. On March 29, 1847,
Command3r Montgomery, of the Portsmouth., having summoned the authori
ties of Sin JosI dsl Ca,'>3 to surranbr the town and all public property to
the Unite 1 Stitss, was promised strict neutrality. He hoisted his nag, and
in a proclamation admonished the inhabitants to pursue peaceably their avo
cations, inviting all who should submit to participate in the privileges of
American citizens.

On April 13th the Portsmouth appeared at La Paz, which surrendered
with rather more elaborate formalities. Colonel Miranda, who still held
sway here, made no opposition, but he requested that commissioners from
both sidas might meet to arrange the terms after possession had been taken.
This was granted, and fifteen articles were arranged, by which all public
property should be given up. The municipal officers were to continue their
functions under promise of neutrality, and military officers, if they remained
in the country, were to be paroled. The authorities of Loreto, were to be
notified that they were under the same obligations of neutrality as those of
La Paz. Citizens of the Peninsula were to enjoy the same rights and priv
ileges as citizens of the United States. Vessels belonging to inhabitants of
the country would be returned to their owners, for the present, and allowed
to trade legally in all directions except on the coast of Mexico

ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES. 713

After the surrender of La Paz the country was for
some time as undisturbed as in time of peace, although
the people of the interior were known to be in any
thing but a submissive mood. Trusting to this quiet
surrender, and to the weakness of the province, the
American commanders neglected to leave an adequate
force to complete the conquest,14 and secure perma
nent tran quility. This error subsequently nearly
brought disgrace upon the flag which they had hoisted.

14 The authorities in Alta California were more observant, and resolved to
remedy the neglect. The N. Y. volunteers had reached that coast after its
subjugation and two of its companies, A and B, numbering 115 men,
under Ccl. Burton, were embarked for Lower California, at Santa Barbara,
on July 3, 1847, with provisions for six months,, on board the store-ship
Ltxiii'jton, which had to remain with them. On the 20fch they were wel
comed at La Paz, and fitted up barracks on an elevated plateau overlooking
the town. On July 29th Burton issued a proclamation of the same tenor as
that already promulgated by Commander Montgomery, and sent copies of it
to all the principal towns. No opposition was raised to this except at San
Antonio, where two citizens. Hidalgo by name, had sought to rouse the in
habitants, but were promptly made prisoners by Burton. Meanwhile news
came that a Mexican force had landed at Mulege, and the U. S. sloop of war
Dale, Commander T. 0. Self ridge, happening to arrive just then at La Paz,
she set out in company of the schooner Lihertad to investigate. Selfridge
reached the port on Sept. 30th, and promptly cut out a small schooner, the
Mufjdalenn, which had brought the Mexican soldiers, without meeting oppo
sition. The following morning he sent a proposal to the authorities to pre
serve neutrality, to surrender the arms brought from Guaymas, and to ab
stain from all intercourse with Mexico. Captain Manuel Pineda, chief of
the Mexican troops, and newly appointed comandaiite principal of the penin
sula, in reply, indignantly protested against the injustice of the American
cause and the treachery of Miranda. La Paz, he declared, would soon be
retaken. As for Mulege, he would defend it to the last. Selfridge promptly
landed a force under cover of his guns, and after a brief skirmish, involving
some well-directed broadsides from the vessel, and firing from the boats, the
town, already evacuated by the inhabitants, was cleared of soldiers. The
Dale, having nothing more to do, stood out to sea on the 2d of October, leav
ing the Lib Ttud to cruise off the harbor to prevent communication with
Sonora. The force under Pineda had been placed by rumor at 200 men, but
it soon transpired that little more than some arms and a few officers
had been brought from Guaymas. These officers, however, had authority to
obtain, and even press into service, such men, arms, and supplies as might
be needed for the defense of the country. This they did, and on the strength
of their claimed victory over the Dak expedition, they now succeeded very
well, first round Mulege and Loreto, and then south and westward. The
effects of Miranda and other wealthy supporters of the hostile cause were
ruthlessly confiscated, and with lukewarm contributors coercion was em
ployed; but this gave rise to so many abuses that the political chief, Mauri-
cio Castro, at length ordered Pineda to restrain his soldiers from seizing
private property.

The growing enthusiasm was greatly due to the exhortations of the
padres, notably P. Soto-Mayor, of San Ignacio, who is said to have been
the first to excite the people against the Americans, and who accompanied
the patriots. It was further stimulated by the occasional receipt of arms

714 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

and supplies from the Mexican coast in spite of Self ridge's precautions, so
that speedily a respectable guerrilla force stood equipped. La Paz was the
main objective point, but it was decided to delay attack until the formidable
war vessels had left the coast. Nevertheless, as the strength of the liberat
ing army increased, the courage of the patriots rose, until en October 23,
1847, the people of San Jose del Cabo, where no American force* existed,
could restrain their impatience no longer. They took arms, <frove out the
few foreign settlers there, and proclaimed the rule of the United States at
an end. They had been too hasty, however, for the Pacific squadron, under
Commodore Shubrick, happened to touch at this point shortly after, en rou'e
to blockade the mainland ports. The people at San Jose at once changed
tone, but tho?e further removed from the scene still maintained a pronounced
attitude, especially at 'lodos Santos, till the appearance there of a small
force of marines produced a similar change. The commodore now issued a
proclamation, wherein he declared that the United States had no intention
to ever surrender the Californias, and invited those who were well disposed
toward that government to stand fast in their fidelity, at the same time
threatening the disaffected with severe punishment. As a further assurance
he left, on Nov. 8th, a party of 24 men under Lieutenant Heywood, with
provisions for thirty days, a nine-pounder carronade, and seventy -five car
bines for distribution in case of need among loyal and trustworthy natives.

The news of approaching guerillas, and the occurrence at San Jose, placed
the American garrison at La Paz upon its guard; and as the people seemed
friendly a municipal guard of natives was appointed to protect the town,
though the Americans took care to patrol the environs and keep strict con
trol in the immediate vicinity of their quarters. Martial law was proclaimed,
and all persons known to bo disaffected were ordered to leave. The camp
was moreover fortified on the north side with a semi-circular breastwork of
palm log}, enclosing the two field-pieces which constituted the artillery.
The position was well chosen and dominated the town. The adobe barracks
occupied by the men fronted toward the south, a row of three buildings, about
75 yards distant, church, officers' quarters, and store-house, which together
formed the main position. The last two edifices possessed court-yards with
adobe walls; on the east, open toward the distant hills, was added a trench
and a chain cable supported by posts for resisting cavalry, and ditches were
cut at different points. These preparations were accelerated by the approach
of the Californians, with a fighting force of about 600 or 700 men, swelled
by an additional number of irregular followers of less value. Captain
Manuel Pineda, as comandaiite principal of the peninsula, was commander-
in-chief, and under him ranked as the principal leaders Antonio Mijares, a
brave officer of the Mexican army, Jose Matias Moreno, and Vicente Mejla,
captains of militia, and P. Gabriel Gonzalez, who never flagged in his efforts
to stir up the people against the gringos. See particularly Arch. Cal. Mex.
Arch. L. Cal, torn. i. passim; and Moreno in Hayes* Doc. Hint. L. Cal.,
passim.

The war vessels having all left, these forces hastened to carry out their

S'an, with this difference, that a portion was detached, under Mijares,
oreno, and Mejia, to harass the small garrison at San Jose while Pineda
led the main body against La Paz. He made his first attack at two o'clock
in the morning of Nov. 16th, by opening a heavy musketry fire upon the
American quarters from the northern side of the arroyo. His cavalry was
stationed on the east and south, with orders to charge if the Americans at
tempted to cross. As a reconnoitring party had failed to see anything of
the opponents the evening before, Burton'b men were somewhat surprised,
and had the Californians taken advantage of the confusion caused by their
first volley to advance with the bayonet, they might have won the position.
As it was they continued to blaze away in the dark for an hour or more, the
Americans, on account of scarcity of ammunition, only throwing a shell or
two ;:i the direction of the enemy. When morning broke, the Californian
force had disappe?red, and the few inhabitants remaining in the town were

WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES.

715

seen to be leaving it with all possible clispatch. About 9 A. M. Pineda's
cavalry suddenly came pouring over ths opposite side of the arroyo, but
after receiving a few well-directed shots from the field-pieces, letired.
Three hours later the Cahfornians renewed the attack on foot, extending
t'.ieir front so that the field-pieces could not be used against them. Concen
trating their fire upon the comparatively contracted space occupied by the
Americans, taey gradually advanced their wings, until they had penetrated
into the town on one side, and into the thick cactus to the east of the Ameri
can positio- on the other. Burton's men were then exposed to a dangerous
cross-fire, which they could only return by an occasional shot. At length
the Americans ran out the field-pieces to the brow of the hill, and directed a
heavy fire of grape and canister upon the town and cuartel, which soon
drove the Calif ornians from both positions with loss. Firing being resumed

PLAN or THE POSITIONS OCCUPIED BY TROOPS AT LA PAS DURING THE AT
TACKS IN NOVEMBER AND DECEMBER, 1847.

3 — Storehouse. 4 — Miranda's house.
-Corner of Bolloe's house. 8— Nearest point
of Mexican advance. 9 — Portugese house. 10— Old ouartel. 11-12— Capt. Steele's
party taking the old cuartel. li>— Graveyard. L4 — Miranda's town hous-e, destroyed,
by Mexicans. 1">— Arroyo, from 4 to 6 feet deep. lt>— American Barracks. Prop
erty destroyed by Americans.

1 — Maiu position of Americans. 2 — Church.
>— Fortification on the hill. «— Mill. 7— Come

early on the 17th, the Americans sallied and destroyed all buildings which
could afford shelter to asssilants, so that they soon had a fairly clear view
within musket range. They moreover hastened to throw up additional in-
trenchments, with breastwork and ditches; and to fortify the roofs of their
buildings with cotton bales and other suitable materials.

On the 27th the Californians were unexpectedly reenforced by the division
from San Jose, which had been repulsed there, and encouraged moreover by
the possession of a four-pounder which the new-comers brought with them,
they began a desperate attack about 3 o'clock P. AT., advancing to within 100
feec of the entrenchments, and continuing the fight until after dark. On

716 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

the following day the Americans retaliated by storming the old cuartel
which formed the opposite centre. They also strengthened their position by
demolishing their own northern barrack and concentrating behind the log
barricade. Pineda remained inactive for some days, and then fell back to
San Antonio. Meanwhile the besieged having sent a launch to Magadan for
aid, the Cyane entered the harbor jJec. 8th, followed on the llth by the
South unptoti with orders for the relief of San Jose.

While these operations took place at La Paz a similar siege was laid to
San Jose, held by Lieut Heywood with 24 men and a nine-pounder. He
had taken possession of the barrack or cuartel, a dilapidated, square adobe
building. This wai repaired and fortified as far as possible, by walling up
all unnecessary windows and doors, and leaving only loopholes. The roof,
also, with its low parapet was arranged for sharpshooters. Some twenty
friendly Californians with their families were received, and a portion placed
with three Americans in an adjoining building known as Mott's. On Nov.
19th, the force under Mijares and companions, estimated at about 200
mounted men, summoned the invaders to surrender, which demand having
been rejected, a desultory fire was opened toward sunset, ammunition being
scarce on both sides, and when darkness set in the Californians crept up,
pushing themselves behind corners and walls and at the windows of the
buildings adjacent to the barracks. By ten o'clock they resumed the firing,
this time with murderous intensity, so much so that many of their balls
passed through the loopholes in the cuartel. Meanwhile a party, led by the
brave Mijares, made an attack upon the rear of Mott's house, but were re
pulsed by the volunteer Californians, who under the able leadership of Mid
shipman McLanahan and Gillespie defended the building with great deter
mination. Before daybreak the Californians retired, carrying with them
two killed and several wounded. The Americans had three wounded in
this night's engagement. The next day passed in mere investment opera
tions until night, when a forlorn hope, led by Mijares. made a fierce charge
upon the cuartel to capture the nine-pounder. It had been intended that
the whole force should storm the cuartel on all sides during the confusion
which this charge would create, but at the first fire, Mijares and several
olhers fell and the rest abandoned the movement. On the 21st the Califor
nians, alarmed by the appearance of two vessels, retired. The arrivals
proved to be New Bedford whalers, the Maijnolia and Edtoard, whose com
manders, Simmons and Barker, had learned of the siege and hastened to
succor the garrison. They offered supplies and ammunition, and landed
about 60 men, armed with harpoons, lances, and other implements of their
calling, with here and there a venerable musket. They were soon relieved
by the arrival of the Southampton, followed by the Portsmouth, and during
the presence of these warships everything remained quiet. After a few
weeks stay they set sail, leaving with Heywood a force increased to 30
marines and 16 seamen, with abundant ammunition and two additional
carronades. The departure of these vessels was a signal for the Calif oriiians
to renew operations, and about the middle of Jan., 1848, reenforced by
Pineda, they encamped within a league of the village to the number of 300
mounted men, driving off the cattle and horses, destroying the crops, and
cutting off all communication with the interior. They moreover captured a
party of five men under the midshipmen Duncan and Warley, who sought
to reach a schooner which had arrived on the 21st with supplies. Embold
ened by this success, they contracted their lines and drew daily nearer the
town. As Heywood had to support some fifty women and children who had
sought his protection, provisions soon ran short. At great risk foraging
parties were sent out, but only three cows could be obtained. These con
sumed, everybody was put on half allowance of salt provisions without
bread. The Californians drew closer, and strengthened by a body of Yaquis
from Sonora they maintained an harassing fire, yielding only momentarily
before occasional sallies. They also frustrated an attempt to communicate
with a schooner bringing supplies from La Paz. By the lOch of Feb. they

BATTLE OF SAN VICENTE, 717

had gained entire possession of the town, and had approached close to the
barrack, their nag liying within 90 yards of it, from a strong building in a
commanding position. Henceforth the Americans were subjected to an
almost incessant fire from all quarters. One of these stray missiles carried
off the brave and competent midshipman McLeanahan, Heywood's right-hand
man; and by the 12th th^ Califormaus had cut off access to the watering place
by breastworks. The situation of the besieged was now very critical, and the
suffering of the women and children made it seem almost inhuman to hold
out; yec so far the Americans were as determined a.s ever. In the afternoon
of the 14th a large sail Avas reported, which greatly cheered the Americans,
while the Californians redoubled their efforts and revealed such spirit that
Heywood, aware of their increased number, feared succor might not reach
him. The vessel proved to be the Cyane, commander Dupont, who had re
ceived orders while at La Paz to proceed to San Jose, news of the situation
of the garrison having reached Commodore Shubrick at Mazatlan. Deem
ing it imprudent to land during the nighc, Dupont waited until daylight,
when he landed with a force of seven officers, five marines, and eighty-nine
seamen. He had also a 3-pounder field-piece, dragged by hand. The Cali
fornians in the meantime had concentrated along his path, leaving only a
small party in the town to hold Heywood in check. As soon as Dupont "s
men began to advance, an annoying fire was opened upon them from the dif
ferent covers all along the road, nearly two miles long, and notably from
the hamlet of San Vicente, situated v.pon a knoll -where the Californians
were gathered in force. The steady fire and advance of the Americans,
however, compelled them to give way, though they continued to harass the
invaders on flank and rear. Meanwhile those in the cuartel had anxiously
followed the movements of both sides, till finally Heywood, no longer able
to bear the suspense and inaction, at the Lead of thirty picked men sallied
forth, drove back the band in observation, and joined Dupont just outside
the town. The united parties then ditper.^ed the Californians, and marched
triumphantly to the cuartel, communication between the beach and cuartel
being reestablished. Thus ended the battle of San Vicente, a celebrated en
counter for Lower California. The siege of San Jose reflects credit on both
sides, on the one for staunch endurance and considerate regard for fugitive
families; on the other for considerable skill in siege operations, and a dash,
illustrated by leaders like Mijares and Navarrete. If the Californians failed
in their aim, it must be attributed greatly to the superior discipline and mili
tary resources of their opponents. The reenforcements sent them from the
mainland proved not only of little value, but positively pernicious to the
cause of defence, from the lack of sympathy and principle among these hire
lings. Moreover, the treatment to which the Californians were submitted
aroused disgust. Lojral citizens were ground down by forced contributions,
and those who were regarded as traitors were robbed of their property, and
subjected to outrages of every description. Pineda might have checked
these abuses, but paid no heed either to remonstrances, or even the com
mands of his superior in Sonora. Thus the unfortunate Californians were
placed between two fires, and it is no wondor that many of them openly
went over to the side of the Americans for self -protection. This \vas done
by considerable numbers of inhabitants who had otherwise been, true patriots.
Nearly every place of importance was in constant ferment and intrigue; con
flicting pronunciamentos followed each other in quick succession; juntas
were peremptorily summoned to meet in this town, and that by rival chiefs;
no party could distinguish its friends from its foes; distrust, jealousy, and
treachery pervaded every council and frustrated every plan. And all
this naturally assisted the invaders to hold their own and push the conquest.
La Paz having been unmolested since November, Burton was encouraged
to organize several small expeditions, which during February succeeded in
capturing a few prisoners, but more extensive operations were deferred till
the arrival of reenforcements expected from Alta California. Urged, how
ever, by a .spirit of friendly rivalry which existed between Burton's volun-

718 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

teers and the naval forces, the former determined to attempt the rescue of
the prisoners that had been captured from Heywood's command. Accord
ingly, on March loth, 34 mounted men and officers, under Captain Steele,^
Burton's second in command, proceeded to San Antonio, where the captives*
were lodged, arriving close to the town at daylight on the following morning.
Hiving captured a picket, they charged at full speed into the place, and dis
persed the Californians after a brief skirmish, killing three, and capturing
Captain Calderoii, Lieutenant Arce, and a soldier. The American prisoners
were found and rescued, and after destroying some arms and ammunition,
the expedition returned to La Paz, which was reached on the 17th. 'Ihe
arrival, on March 22d, of the store-ship Isabella, with over 150 additional
volunteers, under Captain H. M. Naglee, enabled Colonel Burton to give
wider scope to his operations. Four days later he set out from La Paz with
217 men, and on the next day a detachment of 15 surprised and captured at
San Antonio the comindante principal, Pineda. Learning that the Califor
nians were concentrating at Todos Santos for retreating toward Magda-
lena bay, Burton hastened in pursuit with the main body, while Naglee
sought to gain their rear with 45 mounte 1 men. Timely warned that the
Californians were lying ina-nbushin some dense chaparral through which the
roid ran, Barton directed his course along a ridge of high table land, from
which a full view of the enemy was obtained, whereupon the latter fell back to
a hill commanding his, advanced and received him with great spirit; the en
gagement was cut short, however, by the appearance of Naglee to the rear,
and the Californians dispersed in all directions. Naglee continued the pur
suit, and captured several Mexican soldiers; he also surprised a camp of
sloping Yaquis, two of whom were secured, anl by Naglee's order brutally
b \ iohered. He then issued a proclamation to the authorities and ranchero^,
directing them to arrest all Yaquis wherever found, intimating very plainly
that the lives of the outlaws were of no value. Such acts and words could
nob fail to give strength to the rumors industriously spread of American
outrages.

Meanwhile other officers from naval and volunteer corps had brought in
a number of prisoners, among them Mauricio Castro, who since Pineda's
capture had combined the military and political commands, and the shrewd
and energetic P. Gonzalez, as well as his two sons, who were serving as offi
cers in the army, from whose influence the American's had more to fear than
from all the military leaders. The principal prisoners were sent to Mazatlan
and released on parole, several returning afterwards. The volunteers con
tinued to garrison the peninsula unmolested till the treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo restored it to Mexico, after which they went back to Alta Califor
nia to be disbanded. As the American commanders had repeatedly declared
that Lower California would be permanently annexed to the United States,
and had thus induced many of the inhabitants to compromise themselves with
their countrymen, by espousing the invader's cause, the course of the United
States government in surrendering the peninsula was subjected to severe
criticism in many quarters. The reasons were its poverty and awkward
position for communication and defence. True, certain amends were made
by offering those afraid of remaining the opportunity to leave the country
and settle in Alta California, together with a certain indemnity for losses;
bub this breaking up of homes and families was not possible to all. Those
who had suffered from the invasion as loyal adherents to Mexico, were ac
corded grants of land.

CHAPTER XXX.

LOWER CALIFORNIA.

1848-1888.

NEW POLITICAL DIVISION — A MILITARY COLONY ESTABLISHED— FILIBUSTER-
ING DESIGNS — WALKER — His PLANS AGAINST SONORA THWARTED —
ENROLMENT OF MEN IN CALIFORNIA — DESCENT ON LOWER CALIFORNIA —
PROCLIAMS A REPUBLIC AT LA PAZ — WALKER RETIRES TO TODOS SANTOS
BAY — ARRIVAL OF RE-ENFORCEMENTS — CAPTURE OF SANTO TOMAS — THE
REPUBLIC OF SONORA PROCLAIMED — DISSENSION AMONG THE FILIBUS
TERS — THE MARCH INTO SONORA — COLLAPSE OF THE EXPEDITION — PO
LITICAL MATTERS — CONVICT UPRISING — STRIFE FOR POWER — FRONTIER
TROUBLES — ARRIVAL OF FRENCH VESSELS — COLONIZATION PLANS —
ORCHILLA GATHERING — REVOLT AGAINST GOVERNOR DAVILOS — CHANGE
OF GOVERNORS — MARQUEZ' REVOLT — PIIO^PECTS OF PROGRESS.

MEXICO seemed somewhat indifferent about receiv
ing back the peninsula, although its possession by an
opponent must have proved a decided menace to her
north-west territory. A portion of the ephemeral re
form measures which sprung up after every political
convulsion was accorded to it, but with even more
than the usual lack of enforcement. The province
was divided into two partidos,1 each with its court of
justice,2 and a diputacion or legislature of seven
members was confirmed to it, with instructions to pre
pare the draft of a constitution for internal adminis-

1The northern partido composed Santo Tomas, San Ignacio, Mulege,
Comondu, Loreto, La Junta, San Luis, Los Dolores, and their dependencies.
The southern included La Paz, Los Reyes, San Antonio, la Frinchera, Todos,
Santos, San Bartolo, Santiago, Mirafiores, Santa Anita, San Jose del Cabo,
and San Lucas. Decree of April 12, 1849. Arrilla;/a, Recop., 1849, 118.

'•^Subject to Sonora and composed of juez de letras, pay $2,400, with
notary, clerk, and sheriff, at from SI. 200 to $200 per annum. Alex. Mem.
Jit.it., 1850, Doc. 20, 1851; Doc. 20; Id. Hac., 1850-4. In small places lack
ing alcaldes jucus auxiliaries take cognizance in cases involving amounts not
over $15. There were eight constitutional alcaldes, two in the capital and
.one in each municipality, with 33 alcaldes de cuartel, 21 being in the south.
An Indian ruled at 8. Borja,

(719)

720 LOWER CALIFORNIA

tration.3 The jefe politico should be appointed by
the supreme government, after consulting the legis
lature.*

3 Decree of April 25, 1850. The members were to be elected by the col
lege choosing the congressional deputy, for four years, renewable by halves.
Navarro, Leyes, 1850, 104-7; Mcx. Col Leyes, 1850-1, 71-3. For deputy
election see Universal 21, Nov. 1849.

4 With $3,000 pay; the eldest legislative member succeeded temporarily.
Pinart, Doc. Son., iv. 33. A most important measure was to assign to the
peninsula one of the several military colonies decreed for the protection of
the northern frontier against Americans as well as Indians. The manner of
carrying out the scheme made it useless as regards the former, for it was
easier to enter by sea than across the northern wastes, and it brought no im
provement on previous methods of dealing with the aborigines, while the dis
trict it.jelf lost rather than gained by thb accession of colonists. The order
to establish the colony with 100 men was issued in July 20, 1848, and
preparations to that end were begun in the following year by Col Espinosa,who,
as jefe politico and comandaiite militar of the peninsula, was also appointed in
spector of the projected settlement. According to his regulations recruit
were to be attracted by bounties, advance of pay, land grants, and aid to
found homes and farms, and ordinary settlers were to be invited on condi
tion of lending armed assistance in case of need; but the pay of $18 per
month was subject to many deductions; the frontier lay remote and isolated,
and the illusiveness of government promises was too well known to attract
many volunteers, in the southern district at least; and Captain Manuel
Castro, who nad been appointed to the command, had to start August 1849
with only 15 men and scanty means, leaving his second, Lieut Chaves, to
follow with more supplies. During the march through the poorer north,
people showed less hesitation, and when the party in March 1850 reached
Rosario, the designated site, it had trebled in strength. Toward the end of
the year, however, the settlement was removed to the mission Santo Tomas,
in a fertile and well-watered valley, 35 leagues from the border and 9 from
Todos Santos harbor. Here the beginning was made, yet under such diffi
culties, chiefly from lack of proper and sufficient means, that Castro had re
course to frequent and protracted sojourn ings in Alta California, leaving to
Chaves the task of appeasing the suffering and discontented soldiers, who
wandered about in quest of sustenance or deserted to the glittering placers of
the gold region. Nevertheless, the population of the colony was in June
1851 reported to be 191, of whom 42 were Indians, and Castro enjoyed the
dignity of Li 3 position, poor though it was. Great was his indignation,
therefore, on learning that a superior had been appointed for the colony in the
person of Lieutenant-colonel Negrete, as deputy inspector. Brave and loyal,
Chaves shared his feelings, and promised to check the aspirations of the in
terloper. W'hile his chief took refuge across the border, he boldly arrested
the inspector and sent him back to La Paz under certain invented accusa
tions, after dissimulating long enough to secure all the supplies brought by
him. This proceeding opened a reign of disorder among the factions now
arising, rival leaders striving for supremacy midst conflict, pillage, and out
rages which interfered with agriculture and other industrial developments,
and so increased the misery that desertion became the rule, and the colony
wasted slowly away. This anarchic condition not only encouraged the
roaming tribes in their raids, but struck the wayward fancy of foreign ad
venturers. The success of Austin and his companions in building up a rich
republic in Texas excited to emulation, and the comparative neglect of the
M exican government for the northwestern provinces fostered it, the more so
as these territories were rich in mines of gold and silver, 'j. he discovery of
gold in Alta California had filled that state with a class of men eminently fitted

FILIBUSTERING. 721

As early as 1851 hostile projects assumed a threat
en ing aspect,5 and the operations of Raousset de
Boulbon in Sonora in 1852 revealed the determina
tion with which such men could follow flimsy pre
texts, while his short-lived victory at Hermosillo
served to inflame the minds of a large number of men
in Alfca California. Among them a certain little
wiry, plain-faced Tennessean, some thirty years of
age ; a reserved man, slow of speech, swift and noise
less as a snake in action, with the seal of an indomita
ble will set upon his firm lips, and a relentless soul
looking out through his steel-gray eyes — eyes so
peculiar in shade and expression that they fascinated
while they repelled, and seemed to subordinate the
will and read the thoughts of him upon whom their
steady gaze was bent. Such was the appearance of
William Walker, editor, lawyer, filibuster, whose pen
was as sharp as his sword, and as ready for attack.
Brave, energetic, resolute, ambitious, and unscrupu
lous far beyond ordinary men, he appeared to have
been created for the desperate work before him, save
that he was called to play his part some centuries too
late.6

for making encroachments upon their neighbors' property. As gold be
came scarcer, the more restless of these adventurers began to look about
them for a new harvest field. It mattered not who might own the imaginary
Eldorado; if they were only strong enough to take and hold it, it was theirs
by the only code they recognized, and they turned their eyes to Mexico;
for had not their own government pointed to her as fair game?

5 In June 203 men came to La Paz, ostensibly to trade, and 400 more
were expected. Untoeraal, July 18, 1851. For Sonora expeditions, see under
that province. Mix. Me. in. Gu<>r., 1852, 17-19. Preparations for defense were
made in Feb. 1852. Dw, HIM., B'lj-i Cal, ii. 253-61, 536-60, passim. These
threats and the consequent arming and irritation led to the murder in that
month of two A-nerican miners, Isaac Banes and Van Ness, near Guadalupe,
by greedy soldiers. Evidence in Id., ii. 266-583, passim.

bHe and hh companions contemplated a scheme similar to that of the
Frenc'i count, and two agents had been sent to Sonora to obtain as a foot-
hol.l a grant of land near ArLspe, in return for an offer to protect the frontier
figaiiiit the savages; but warned by Raousset's action, the government
would not listen to the proposal. Walker, therefore, decided to renew the
application in person, and in June 1853, accompanied by Henry P. Watkins,
he sailed from San Francisco f or Guaymas. The authorities, however, treated
him with suspicion, and the two sheep-faced wolves were forbidden to pro
ceed into the interior. At this point of aff lirs, as Walker relates, news
came of fresh Apache outrages, threatening Guaymas itself, and ' several
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 46

722 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

The acquisition from Mexico of the Mesilla tract
of northern Sonora, in 1854, set on foot certain rumors
that Lower California and even Sonora were to be
sold. This led to indignant protestations, and to ap
peals to the authorities at Mexico, which served at

women of the place ' urged him to become their champion. This was a suffi
cient pretext, and he resolved that not only Guaymas, but the whole people
of Sonora, should have protection, and forthwith returned to San Francisco
to prepare for his chivalrous undertaking.

Little time was lost on his arrival there. A recruiting office was opened,
and volunteers were rapidly enlisted; bonds of the projected republic of
Sonora were printed, and as money was plentiful and speculation rife in
those days, they were sold to some extent. With the proceeds, and subscrip
tions from interested parties, arms and munitions were provided, and the
brig Arrow was chartered. General Hitchcock, however, commander of the
United States forces in California, took upon himself to interfere with this
breach of neutrality toward a friendly power, and seized the Arrow Septem
ber 30, 1853. Impatient at delay, the filibusters chartered the Caroline,
transferred their stores and three guns to her, and silently departed during
the night of October 16th, with 46 men on board, with Walker at their head.
So sanguine were the adventurers, that a full-fledged administration had been
mapped out, and a full corps of army and navy officers appointed. Although
Guaymas was the understood destination of the expedition, it was decided
to make the first descent on Lower California, and after touching at Cape
San Lucas, the Caroline anchored at La Paz November 3d, under a Mexican
flag. Confident that he was not expected, Walker, with two of his officers,
went on shore and called on Governor Espinosa. After having satisfied
himself of the defenceless condition of the place, he caused his men to land
in force, and before the inhabitants had thought of danger, the town was in
possession of the filibusters, and the governor a captive. Forthwith the
new republic was proclaimed, with Walker a? president; an appropriate flag
was hoisted, composed of two red stripes, with a white one between, which
bore two red stars representing Lower California and Sonora; and the code
of Louisiana was declared to be the law of the land. To please the natives,
all custom-house duties were abolished. Walker, however, did not deem it
safe to remain long at La Paz with his small force, as troops might be ex
pected from the mainland, and on the 6th he reembarked his men for the
purpose of removing to Cape San Lucas. At this juncture a strange vessel
entered port, which was boarded, and proved to be carrying Colonel Rebol-
ledo, the newly appointed governor, who was at once transferred to the
Caroline.

The approaching departure of the filibusters seems to have infused courage
into the men of La Paz, for a party of six Americans, while gathering wood
ashore, were fired upon, soon after the capture of Rebolledo. Walker landed
with thirty men to the rescue, while the Caroline opened fire on the town. A
lively skirmish took place, in which the Californians were routed, with the
loss of six or seven men, according to the account of the Americans. The
Caroline now sailed for San Lucas, but a Mexican cutter cruising off the cape
so wrought upon Walker's apprehensions that he continued his voyage to the
bay of Todos Santos, or Ensenada, as it was frequently called. Here he was
safe from any Mexican land force, and if attacked by sea was within easy
retreating distance from the United States' boundary. Accordingly, he es
tablished his headquarters in a one-story adobe building near the bay. In
this isolated place he remained till the latter part of December, during which
time the filibusters were engaged in several skirmishes with the military
colonists of Santo Tomas, who on one occasion laid siege to their building,

PRESIDIO AND BISHOPRIC. 723

least, in connection with the late attack on La Paz,
to obtain for the peninsula greater consideration, in
volving the establishment of a presidio, with a force
of about 600 men, brought by Colonel Ochoa, 360
men being there three years later. Steps also

which had been dignified by the name of Fort McKibbin. The assailants
were, however, driven off, and shortly afterward surprised and routed, with
the loss of a gun and camp equipage. The exultation of the Americans at
this success was greatly damped, however, by discovering one morning that
the Caroline had disappeared with a large proportion of the stores. The fact
LS, that the fears of the captain had been so wrought upon by the representa
tion i of the two captives, that he agreed to carry them down to San Lucas.
Walker now found himself in a predicament, but help unexpectedly arrived
before long. Exaggerated accounts of the 'battle of La Paz 'had reached
San Francisco, creating great enthusiasm. Again the recruiting office was
opened, to which repaired the drifting vagabonds of the city in such numbers
a i to exceed transportation means. The bark Anita was chartered, and well
stored with arms and provisions. There was no attempt at concealment,
and the authorities looked passively on the flagrant violation of law and
honor. On December 13th the Anit-.t sailed with 230 men on board, followed
by others on the coast steamers, while many more, in the madness of their
excitement and lust of gain, left San Francisco on foot for the new land of
promise. On December £0th the vessel entered the Eiisenada, and Walker's
first act was to send Go men to take Santo Tomas, which was accomplished
without a blow being struck. He organized a government, and began drill
ing his men. On January 18, 1854, lie issued a decree proclaiming the union
of that province with Lower California, under the title of Republic of
Sonora.

But among the late comers there soon arose a great deal of grumbling.
They had expected to find a Canaan, and not a wilderness. They had dreamed
of rich plunder and sumptuous fare, instead of a few hungry cattle to raid,
and jerked beef with boiled corn to eat. An opportunity for secession was
aJforded in the distribution of animals for transportation stolen from the
settlers. The original thieves claimed more than was their share, and
threatene 1 to withdraw. Walker assembled his men and made a spirit-
stirring address, then called upon all who would stand by the cause to hold
up their right hands and swear to do so. Most of the men took the oath, but
about 50 declared they had enough of filibustering, and were allowed to de-
pirt. But this first break proved contagious, and desertion set in to such
an extent as to exceed the reenforcemeiits, which continued to arrive. As
the example of a few executions and floggings failed to make an impression,
AValker hastened his departure, and on March 20th set out from San Vi
cente. After leaving a small detachment to 'hold the country,' he had only
100 men, less than one third of the force he at one time counted. After a
week's toilsome march the Colorado wa j reached, the number oi' his followers
continually decreasing. It was decided to cross six miles above the mouth
of the river, which was 400 yards wide and very deep at that point. In at
tempting to swim across the river most of the remaining few of the cattle
which they had brought were drowned or escaped. The men passed over on
rafts, and the entry into the promised land was celebrated by a cold-blooded
murder. Captain Douglass, an officer who had already shown himself a
brutal tyrant, shot dead an Englishman, named Smith, who in his hunger
had filched a little boiled corn belonging to the captain. WTalker remained
encamped on the Sonora bank of the river for three days, during which de
sertion reduced his force to 35 men. The indomitable determination of the
filibuster leader was forced to yield. It would have been madness to pro-

724 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

were taken to form a bishphoric in the peninsula,
to which end Escalante, bishop in partibus de anos-
tasiopolis, arrived in 1855 with three cbrgy men. The
Dominicans abandoned the secularized missions, and
orders were issued to restore all their unsold lands
for support of ministers.7

ceed; but he would not yet give up Lower California; and on April 6th he
recroased the Colorado and led the ragged, dejected band of the faithful few
who still followed his misfortunes toward San Vicente. Before the depart
ure of the Sonoran expedition the frontier settlers, driven to the verge of
daspiir by the desolating exactions and ravages of the filibusters, had al
ready combined against them, and when the main body departed, the small
detachment left behind was soon captured in detail or driven across the
boundary. The Californians next attacked Walker on his return, who al
though he reached San Vicente, found it impossible to sustain him;elf there.
He tlurefors turned toward the frontier, hotly pursued by the enemy, with
who n he maintainel a running fight till near the border, where he and his
party surrendered themselves to some American officers, who had approached
as mediator). They were allowed to give their parole to report themselves
to General Wool at San Francisco, to answer the charge of violating the
neutrality laws. To this end they were accorded free passage by steamer to
their destination. W. P. Watkins, the vice-president of the visionary repub
lic, and F. E nory, secretary of state, had been arrested while on a recruiting
tour in California, for infringing neutrality laws, and fined #1,500 each.
Neither of them were ever pressed to conform to the judgment, and the pris
oners sent to San Francisco had nothing to fear. Indeed, Walker alone was
hell to answer before the courts. He was tried and acquitted! It is un
necessary to enter into the details of this judicial farce further than to re
mark that the judge declared that from his heart he sympathized with the
accmad. If such were the sentiments of the judge, what must have bern
the sentiments of the people? T.> most of them the filibusters were venture-
so m 3 heroes, fresh from doughty enterprise, pioneers of 'manifest destiny,'
who, if checked by failure, had, nevertheless, effected a step onward in the
march of progress, an 1 toward the realization of that dream which pictures
ths entire northern continent under the stars and stripes. To right-minded
men the expedition will ever appear aj an impudent crime.

7 The man charged to carry out; the paternal intentions of the government
wa^ G-eneral J. M. Blancarte of Jalisco, sent by Santa Anna in 1854 to replace
Rabolledo. He had rendered great service to the dictator, and disappointed
with this p3tty appointment, turned again it his patron, toward the end of
the year, by pronouncing for the plan of Ayutla, and issuing a provisional
constitution in accordance therewith. In December 1885, the legislative
deputacion, suspended during Santa Anna's rule, was reinstalled, J. M.
G-onia; be ins; elected jefe politico. During his administration Blancarte had
sh^wn a disposition to act in an independent manner. In the preceding
monbh Caotain Zerman presented himself in the name of Alvarez, with two
vaiseh anl 153 man to form settlements. As the men were all foreigners
B! incarfc3cho33 to regard them as filibusters, caused them to be arrested, and
se it than undar gaard to Mazatlan. Early in 1857, rumors of another ex-
pslition from San Francisco were seized upon by him as a pretext to leave
tha ciun^ry — he had again been reappointed governor, owing to the resigna
tion of Gomez August 1, 1856 — to procure pay and resources. In reality he
o oin a revolutionary movement, and not only

it to join a revolutionary movement, and not only took with him
all his own men, to the number of 300, but seized three vesseh with troops
accompanying General Noriega, who had touched at La Paz on his way to
Sonora. This proceeding exposed the peninsula to great danger. In con.

REVIVAL OF INDUSTRIES. 725

The entry of troops from the mainland secured
peace in the south as well as in the north. Long
repressed industries, notably agriculture, soon revived,
with a consequent increase of prosperity. Foreign
ers felt encouraged to work ; and by opening mines so
increased trade that a San Francisco steamer was in
duced to touch monthly at San Jose and La Paz,

nectlon with the presidio the government had established penal settlements
at La Paz and Carmen island for convicts from all the western states. Those
at the latter place seized a vessel and escaped; the convicts at the capital
broke out in open revolt but were checked by the aid of Siiialoa troops sent
to replace those taken away by Blancarte.

Another deplorable result was the revival of the former strife for power,
now that the governorship was left in the hands of the legislature, and as
heretofore the members held office in rotation for brief periods. During the
period of the reform war in the republic, it was natural that the remote
provinces not involved in it, should nevertheless adopt the rallying cries of the
conservative and liberal factions, to give color to the strife in behalf of
favorites. In Lower California, during the early part of 1858, the conserva
tives were in the ascendant, but in August the liberals 'concentrating in La
Paz elected Ramon Navarro governor, and in March 1859 a legislative quo
rum proclaimed that the peninsula, while adhering to the federal constitu
tion of 1857, assumed independent rule until peace was restored, and threw
open her ports to foreign trade and intercourse. A year later, in February,
1830, the ambitious Californians went further, and ignoring her position a3
a territory, passed an organic law, establishing a superior tribunal, and
ordering the election of governors by the people. During the same month,
however, Governor Amador, the Juarist appointee, arrived and was submitted
to, as he had sufficient support to assert himself; but no sooner did he depart
on a visit to Sinaloa in July, then the storm broke out. The legislature re
instated the popular Navarro; the opposing faction, centered at San Jose,
headed by the Castros, and reenforced by Amador, who sent Arana to aid
them, fell suddenly upon La Paz, dispersed the nationalists with loss, and
exacted a heavy contribution upon the rival town. The discomfited liberals
sent to Sinaloa for aid, and having obtained 200 men, swept down in turn upon
San Jose, and took their revenge by sacking and confiscating until misery
reigned. Then they restored the former order of things. Worse still was
the condition of affairs in the frontier district, which had become the re;sort
of criminals and fugitives. Melendez, who had taken a brave stand against
Walker, had been made provisional commandant; but in June, 1855, Lieu
tenant Pujol arrived to claim the post, and when Melendez objected, caused
him to be treacherously seized and shot. In September of the following
year Jose Castro, former comandante general of Alta California, removed
Pujol and took some admirable steps to secure order and better government,
but which, as usual, were not carried out in any efficient or lasting manner.
During Castro's absence in 1859 his lieutenants Saeuz and Esparza became
engaged in hostilities against each other, and Castro having returned fell by
the hand of a murderer during a melee. A number of innocent partisans
on both sides met with a similar fate. This reign of terror was put an end
to by the arrival in March, 1861, of the war vessel & forma, when the lead
ing insurgents were driven out, and J. M. Moreno was installed as sub-jefe.
By this time nearly all the better class of people had departed, trade had
disappeared, agriculture lay neglected, and the poverty-stricken people who
remained lived on little else than beef. Moreno convoked the ayuntainiento
once more, after a long interval, and appointed local judges to assist in the
task of reconstruction,

726 LOWER CALIFORNIA,

while the custom-house revenue rose for the two pros
perous years to about $100,000. Unfortunately, the
winter of 1863-4 proved so extremely dry as to pro
duce great loss in live-stock and crops ; and the mining
excitement abated, owing in a great measure to the
lack of capital among most of the miners, who had
rushed in 8 to speculate rather than develop their
claims.

8 In 1862 the war of intervention in Mexico began, and, as before, re
moteness saved the peninsula from being locally affected by its devastations.
A demand was made, however, for a contingent of 200 men to assist the re
publican cause; the salt-fields of Carmen were leased, and an immense
colonization grant was made to American capitalists in the central part of
the territory, to obtain funds for the general government. Pedro Navarette,
who had succeeded as jefe politico in 1863, showed himself rather lukewarm
toward the government. When, in the course of 1804, French war vessels
touched at La Paz, the jefe received the officers in a polite manner,
though refusing to accept the empire, and allowed them to seek what tup-
plies they could obtain, powerless as he was to resist. In the following year
his successor, Felix Gilbert, a progressive member of the deputacion, was
called upon to accept an imperial commissioner in the person of t: pinoca, or
take the consequences of 'a forced installation. The jefe convoked the leg
islature, and this body decided in ^November that it would be prudent to
yield. rihe French thereupon departed. This encouraged the patriots and
others to rise under Navarrete and Cota, and drive out both the commis
sioner and the obsequious jefe, who was suspected of imperialist sympathy.
Antonio Pedrin, senior member of the assembly, assumed control until
the election in June. The choice fell on Navarretc. Pedrin refu&ed to sur
render the office, but Navarrete, unstained by San Jose and other districts,
marched upon the capital, gained control, and banished his opponent. But
he soon angered both natives and foreigners by maintaining a costly armed
force and levying contributions, although the latter were due partly to the
drain caused by Franco- Mexican war contingents, and to the decline in cus
tom-house receipts. The confirmation of Pedrin as jefe by Juarez was
therefore well received, and he obtained armed support even from late ad
versaries to oust Navarrete in the following September. Pedrin displayed a
commendable zeal for peace and progress He ordered an enrollment for a
militia, and. the formation of a flying rural guard of 25 men for the mainte
nance of order; moreover, the advisory council, which of late figured in
lieu of the legislature, was replaced by a regular elected assembly, which
met on December 10, 1867. Among its measures was the lessening of peon
age misery by placing debt contracts under legal supervision, and the draft
ing, for congressional consideration, of territorial constitutional amendments
to embrace an elected senate and lieutenant-governor, as well as governor.
Congress ignored both the legislature and its constitution, as partaking of
features claimable only by states. The election of a jefe was ordered for 1868,
by the legislature, in accordance with the local law, and as the northern mem
bers failed to present themselves, the eldest, Carlos F. Galan, assumed the
position provisionally. He soon gave proof of his intentions in a number
of local measures, but an excess of zeal in behalf of an exhausted exchequer
and clamorous territory induced him to permit the landing of a foreign cargo
at La Paz. The result was the arrival of a government force of £00 men
under General Davalos. He assumed control in May 18G8, arrested the jefe,
and introduced reform into the much neglected federal departments, while
defeating the efforts of the assembly to install a locally-elected ruler,

COLONIZATION ENTERPRISES. 727

The occupation of the peninsula by the United
States in 1847-8 left agreeable impressions among
the invading soldiers, and many of them returned to
settle as farmers, miners, and traders. The mani
fest destiny idea also was strong among the Americans,
with the belief that Lower California would be among
the first provinces to be ceded, and speculators be
came eager to secure an early interest in. the prize.
Several parties accordingly sought land grants, with
the condition of introducing colonists, for the govern
ment had long recognized the value of foreign immi
gration for unfolding natural resources.

An important ^rant was made to the Lower Cali-

JL O

fornia Colonization and Mining Company9 in 1864,
embracing the vast tract lyin«jj between latitudes 24°

O */ O

20' and 31°, or nearly 47,000 square miles, on condi
tion of reserving one- fourth of the land for Mexicans,
of introducing at least 200 families within five
years, and of paying to the Juarist government
$100,000 on account of the land to be occupied.1"
There were several other colonization enterprises

9 Incorporated at S. F. in Oct. 1862, with a capital of 840,000, by Jacob
P. Leese. Prospectus, etc., published in a series of pamphlets under the
name of the L. Gal. Co. from 1862 to 1866.

u As there appeared little prospect to carry out the contract from Cal., it
was transferred in 1866 to capitalists of the eastern U. S., who at once sent
a party to make the first scientific exploration of the territory. The report
was unfavorable as regards the resources of the tract concerned, especially
its soil and water supply. This clouded the enterprise for awhile; but the
contract term being extended, the shareholders resolved to seek some profit
from the transaction, by fair means or foul. An advance party was sent
from S. F. in Aug. 1870 to make a beginning by constructing roads, clearing
land, and opening wells. The artesian sinkings proved a failure, and
doomed the colony. It so happened, however, that the coast was found rich
in orc'iil dye, and heedless of th9 lick of re source 3 for a settlement, about
300 persons were sent out from New York under contract to gather moss,
and to become colonists. Lack of houses and other accommodations, poor
food and insufficient water, together with a desert-like surrounding and a
torrid heat, frightened the greater portion of them into promptly abandon
ing the supnosed paradise, and gaunt, ragged, and penniless, they sought
refuge in Alta California, while others struggled across to La Paz and other
towns, only a handful being per^uad^ 1 n^e^ this relief from pressure to re
main. Meanwhile the government annulled the grant, whereupon the jeal
ous officials of La Paz made a descent upon the lingering remnants of the
colony, and dispossessed the company's agent. This gave a much desired
pretext for a $10,000,030 claim upon Mexico, which w;i.s cMiupi-o'.iiLsed by al
lowing the company the privilege to gather orchilla fur six years. .

728 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

during these two decades, with merely an occasional
faint success to sustain lingering hope ; n yet some
thing must in time result from these several efforts.
The suspicion of United States designs upon the ter
ritory 12 tended to sustain a not very friendly feeling
of the inhabitants toward foreigners, as well as a
cautious attitude on the part of the authorities. Nev
ertheless the value of immigration is understood, and
recognized in the great impulse imparted during the
last decades to mining and trade at least. If a<m-

O tt

culture failed to keep pace, it must be attributed
greatly to the insecurity not only of life and property,
but of land titles, a state of affairs which is rapidly
changing under the late firm administrations.

The fact is that the immense agricultural and min
eral resources of Lower California need only be thor-

11 Mex. Diar. Ofic., March 7, 1870. At the time Leese obtained his grant, Go-
chicoa received 45 sitios for colonization, toward which no attempt was made.
Mex. Mem. Fom., 1866, 103. Milatovich's grant of 193 sitios failed through
infringement of land laws. Mex. Mem. al Emp., 1865, 567-8. The Peninsula
Plantation and Homestead Association obtained a large, fertile tract along
the Mulege bay, and a city was to be located 70 miles s. w. of Guaymas.
Thirty thousand shares were offered to actual settlers at $16. Browne s L.
Cal., 175-6. The gov. granted in 1870, §3,000 to aid two colonies, one near
the frontier, the other on Guadalupe island, where the Comp. de Guad.
bought Castro and Serrano's title of 1839, and engaged in raising Angora

foats and sheep. Mex. Mem. Hac., 1873, ap. i., 9-10; Estrella Occvl., July 1,
870. Shortly before some Americans descended on th.3 island and slaugh
tered the wild goats, to the number of 25,000, it is 'said, carrying off the
skins and fat. The Gulf of Cal. Commercial Co. was the title of a second
Mulege colony association, formed at S. F. in 1871. AltaCal, Dec. 28, 1871.
Official examination of Colorado river lands was made in 1866; Voz Mej.,
Feb. 1, 1866, and in 1874 the Colorado Hemp Co. sent a party down to cul
tivate hemp, with the aid of Indians. L. Cal. Scraps, 185. Hyde, once al
calde of S. F., planned a town 8 miles from San Quentin salt-fields, which
took no embodiment. Broivne's L. Cal., 110. At Scammon's bay two-score
men were introduced in 1870 by Jansen to gather salt. His right was con
tested. Mex. Diar. Ofic., June 9, 1870. The Carmen island salt-field was
conferred upon the Cal., Oregon, and Mex. Steamship Co. in 1867 for $75,000.
Baja Cal., Nov. 16, 1967. Chinese have long been occupied on the western
coast in gathering abalone shells and other products. S. F. Golden Em, Mar.
6, 1869; Arch. Mex., Col. Ley. v. 568-9; V<z. Mej., Dec. 30, 1862, with allu
sions to lapsed grants. In 1880 the Guaymas and Mulege Trust Co. formed
at S. F. to cultivate sugar, and 36,000 hectares were granted to Kelly & Co.
Mex. Diar. Ofic., June 17, 30, 1880. For the concession to Andrade in 1878
see Mex. Recap. Ley., xxviii., 148-54.

12 Supported by the acquisition of a coaling station on Pichilingue island,
in front of La Paz. Alia Cal, April 20, May 27, 1870; by the minute explora
tions of the coast in 1873 and 1876 by the U. S. steamers Homier and Nar-
rwjansett. Id., Mar. 27, 1873, June 16, 1876; and by congressional inquiries,

THE INTERNATIONAL COMPANY, 729

ougly understood to engage capital for their develop
ment ; while the conditions of life in this region,
among which its soft and healthful climate is a most
noteworthy feature, are such as to strongly induce
thrifty laborers and home-builders to settle there. The
republic of Mexico has been enjoying for some years
the benefits of peace and an enlightened administra
tion of affairs. It has been doing much to encourage
industry and to promote modern improvements on a
large scale. Under the new regime railways have
been constructed, telegraph lines have become fairly
numerous, mountains and uninhabited regions being
spanned to bring distant border colonies into ready
communication with the commercial world, and postal
facilities have been much enlarged.

The government has appreciated the importance of
an increase of population, and to this end has awarded
to colonizing companies subsidies, most of them in
the form of grants of large tracts of land, accompan
ied with exemptions, to induce the coming of a de
sirable class of foreigners.13 The colonization act of

O

December 15, 1883, is an invitation to the citizens of
friendly nations to settle in Mexico, and share in the
advantages of a new country rich in every element
conducive to the comfort and happiness of man. This
law also provides for the partition and distribution of
the public lands on a most liberal scale. Under it
several projects of colonization have been entertained,
abroad as well as at home, and a number of colonies
have been established in different states. The na
tional constitution bestows the rights of Mexican cit
izenship upon all foreigners owning real estate or
having Mexican-born children, a privilege which the
present administration has rendered quite acceptable
to foreign settlers. The renouncement of his former
nationality is, however, a matter of choice with the
settler. He is given, furthermore, for twenty years
the right of importing free of duty, for his personal

13 Bancroft, Vida de Porfirio Diaz, 574-6.

730 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

use, household and personal effects, farming imple
ments, seeds, horses and cattle for use and for breed
ing, tools of trade or instruments of profession,
building material, and machinery of any kind for
manufacturing purpose 3.

The elements of wealth possessed by Lower Cali
fornia have not passed un perceived. Taking advan
tage of the liberal laws and favorable conditions, the
International Company of Mexico, a corporation ex-
istino1 under a charter of the state of Connecticut, and

O

having its headquarters at Hartford, has virtually be
come a distributing agent of the Mexican government,
by acquiring a complete and perfect title to eighteen
million acres of land in Lower California, all of which
have been duly surveyed by the company. For this
service it obtained one-third of the tract without fur
ther cost ; the other two-thirds, it is understood, were
acquired by actual purchase from the national govern
ment.1'

The climate of the northern portion of the penin
sula, where the company's lands are situated, is all
that could be desired. If not superior to the climate
anywhere else, it is certainly as good as any along the
coast. The same may be said fairly of its soil, for
the production of fruits and grain. The extreme
temperature at Ensenada in summer is placed at 97°,
and the coldest about 40° Fahr.'3 It is related that a
tomato plant grew in a garden continuously for four
years, with no signs of frost. Garden vegetables are
sown and gathered every month of the year.

The country is also excellent for stock-raising ; the
varieties of grass being wild oats, wild clover, alfileria,
and bunch-grass, besides numberless shrubs abounding
in the mountains and foothills. Neat cattle enjoy
great advantages of climate, shelter, food, and water;
while the conditions are excellent for the breeding of

11 L. Cat. , Dewip. of Lands, 5-9.

15 Observations taken by U. S. officers in June, July, and August showed
an average of 76°, and through the winter months of 55°

THE INTERNATIONAL COMPANY. 731

horses, mules, sheep, and goats. The horses raised
in this region are noted for endurance. Mules of
extraordinary size are bred; and there is a large
demand for them at remunerative prices. Sheep,
owing to the uniformity of climate, yield a wool of
remarkable evenness. Even goat-raising here be
comes a profitable industry. Under the protective
system of Mexico, manufacturing interests, such as
woolen-mills, tanneries, etc., have opened to the pro
duce of this favored region the large demand of a
whole nation.

Another source of wealth, subordinate, perhaps, to
that of agriculture, is mining. Copper mining has
been carried on for a decade or so in some localities,
while other places known to contain rich deposits
have remained almost unnoticed. Little has been
done even in the richest fields, owing to lack of capi
tal and other obstacles, which intelligent energy can
easily remove. There are extensive ledges of gold-
bearing quartz in many places. Coal, sulphur, alum,
nitre, soda, borax, talc, kaoline, quicksilver, tin, nickel,
antimony, iron, zinc, and lead abound. Salt and guano
deposits and a variety of valuable stones are also to be
found. All these elements of wealth are calling for
the industrial hand to bring them into commercial
existence. A large extent of the company's southern
land is covered with precious woods, such as rose,
ebony, mahogany, and cedar, various gums, and dye-
woods, on which the natives placed so little store as
to make charcoal of ebony. There are also many
thousand acres of pine and live-oak.

The lands of the International Company comprise
the northern or upper portion of the peninsula. Their
property commences at the line fifteen miles south of
San Diego, near the 32d parallel, extending south
ward a distance of about 300 miles, with an average
of 100 miles in width, having the Pacific ocean on
one side and the gulf of California on the other.
Until lately the population of the whole region did

732 LOWER CALIFORNIA,

not exceed 500, Mexicans, Americans, and other na
tionalities. It was a peaceful community, where life
and property were safe.16 It seems evident that, this
being an agricultural region, the condition of society
on the lowlands will be permanent ; while, when the
mines on the mountain chain shall be opened, the
people occupied in working them will form a commu
nity by themselves, relying for food staples and other
supplies on the surrounding districts.17

The officers of the International Company have
been offering their lands to the public. Under the
terms of their contract they are bound to settle a num
ber of colonies within a given time. It is understood
that seventy per cent of the settlers may be foreign
ers. The Mexican government has incurred no obli
gation to aid in forwarding the operations of the
company, either with subsidies or privileges, other
than those set forth in the revised colonization law of
1883. Money expenditures must be defrayed by the
company, or the settlers, as the case may be.18 There
is every reason to believe that the efforts of the com
pany will result in developing this interesting country,
whose wealth has hitherto lain dormant and useless
to civilization.19 There is a part of the native popula
tion who, from race prejudice, oppose the enterprise,
although in common with the rest of mankind they

16 George Ryerson, the commandant of the northern district during the
last six or seven years, speaking on the advantages of his district, tays that
a few acre.3 sufficed for support; that the earth and sea teemed with food; and
that he lived in the district about 23 years without a lock to any door of his
house. Ryerson was born in Texas in 1830, when the country was a part of
Mexico. Though he has lived in the U. S., he has ever remained a Mexican
citizen, serving in the Mexican army in 1847, in the campaign against William
Walker in Lower Cal. and Sonora, and lastly during the French war in Mex
ico, with the rank of major, which he now holds. Ee cwns a tract of land
given him by the Mexican government in the northern district of L Cal.
His last commission as chief executive officer of that district was issued in
1885, and is still in force, flf/ennn's Experiences, MS., 1-13.

17 Thus the agriculturists will have the mines of the interior as well as the
markets of the seaboard to depend upon, being able profitably to compete in
the latter instance by reason of the superior quality of their produce.

"The lands, as advertised, may be purchased either for cash or on time.
19 In December 1886 a large number of families selected tracts, where
they proposed to cultivate grapes and olives, and a steamer was placed upon
the route between San Diego and Euseiiada.

THE INTERNATIONAL COMPANY. 733

confess that the best interests of the country will be
ssrved thereby, the undertaking being managed as it
is by highly honorable and able men. Yet generations
must pass before the vast resources of the company
can be fully developed, covering as they do immense
tracts of land in several states and territories of the
Mexican republic, besides large railway and telegraph
contracts, and other franchises of a commercial as well
as agricultural nature.20 As to the Ensenada grant,
it is understood that its development will be confined
to the bay of Todos Santos, which, for climatic rea
sons, will be the base of the company's operations, as
well as the headquarters of its peninsular railroad, and
of its steamship lines. Of the latter, it seems that
there will be two: one from San Diego to Ensenada
and San Quentin, and the other to San Jose de Gua-

2i) In Sonora they are said to have, under three grants, the public lands
existing in seven of her nine districts; in Smaloa, under two grants, one-
third of all the public lands in seven of her nine districts; in Guerrero, one-
third of all the public lands; and in Chiapas, under two concessions by one
of them one-third of the public lands, and by the other 75 per cent of the
remaining two-thirds. In railroads they have a concession carrying wiJi it
a subsidy from the Mexican government of $12,000 per mile, to build from
San Die jo, or any point near there, to Ensenada, and other lines from En
senada to Yuma, with a branch running across to the head of the navigable
waters of the gulf, eastward to Chihuahua. Another franchise give 3 a si:b-
sidy of $12,099 per mile to build a railway from the Pacific port of San Be-
nito across the headwaters of the Grijalva river, which makes, in a distance
of 130 mile? of railroa;!, a complete transcontinental line 1,259 miles shorter
than any other line between New York and the Pacific coast. This line pre
sent 4 advantage 3 over any other route. The distance 13 shorter than the
northern, lines, and healthier than the southern; after leaving the sea-coa t
it will traverse a salubrious table-land, where a valuable trade can be built
up. The line aho passes through the finest coffee region.

Another franchise is to run a steamship line from San Diego, or any other
U. S. port, down the Mexican Pacilic coast, stopping at twenty Mexican
p >rts, and terminating at oan Jose de Guatemala. This franchise parries
with it a subsidy of &o,030 for the round trip, in addition of §63 per head for
every foreign immigrant over seven years of age, without restriction, as to
number. The proprietors of the International Company have aho three
grants giving them for an extended term the right of working all the guano
beds on the Pacific coast belonging to Mexico. They also have the right to
work all the deposits in the gulf of California. They have been employing
303 men for two years, and shipped guano to the value of about $1,000,000°
They have several other grants, namely, the ownership of the islands of
Cedros, Guadalupe, Socorro, and Coronado group.

In Sonora they have a grant conveying the exclusive right of canalizing
the river Yaqui, and using its waters during 55 years to irrigate millions of
acres. The company has been engaged in developing its grants in four
different state;; builf ing railways, canal 5, and piers; and expects to build
piers in twenty -two ports. Slssons Dictation, MS., 1-4.

734 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

teniala.31 In. anticipation of the railway from San
Diego, a telegraph line to Ensenada has been built,
and many other improvements, including extensive
hrigdtion works, have been begun, thus preparing for
tli'e tarTe immigration setting in from Europe and

o o o ^ i

elsewhere. The associates having tlie ownership of
tj.is imperial domain incorporated with a capital stock
of $20,000,000. They are men of large wealth, far-
seeing intelligence, and irresistib'e energy, for which
reasons the Mexican government was led to make
these liberal and unusual franchises, being prompted
by a conviction that such a course would conduce to
the general well-being of the several states.

But although several persons are now interested
in the vast plans of the International Company of
Mexico, its founding was due to the genius, industry,
capital, and foresight of one man, George H. Sisson,
the vice-president and manager.22 It came about in

1:1 The steamer,:; to be constructed were one of 1,000 torn, another of 500 for
the local trade, and five more boat 3 for the Central American trade. /</., Mo. 4.

22 Major George H. Sisson was born in Cass county, Michigan, in 1844.
Af ^er receiving a common school education, he attended Ashbury University
for two years, Ann Harbor Law University for two years, and Albany La,w
School one year, where he graduated at the age of twenty-three. In 1CG7
he married Miss Sarah Sec field, daughter of Edward Scoiield, D. D., who was
a bosom friend of G-en. Harrison, president of the United States, and the
Greek tutor of Henry Ward Beecher and Harriet Beecher. Sisson practised
lavvr several years, and transacted other business, accumulating a Considerable
fortune. Having suffered heavy losses during the financial depression of
1873. he turned his attention to mining in Colorado and Arizona, availing
himself of the knowledge he had acquired of the business from his father,
who had been a metallurgist, a. his knowledge materially aided him in h:3
investments. Among the mines he became interested in were the Old Globe
of Arizona, which has yielded from §000,000 to $1,000,000 per year for the
past six years, and the copper mines cf Clifton, Arizona. In acknowledg
ment of hi? superior ability in that direction, the university of Tennessee
conferred on him the diploma of mining engineer.

It Mras a grand idea which led Major Sisson to apply his large mean ;, Lis
almost unlimited mental and material resources, to the development of this
great colonization enterprise. With the influence of Luis Huller, himself
a man of great genius and practical ability, he succeeded in obtaining by
purchase several private grants in Sonora, aggregating 750,000 acres, where
the two men as partners operated several gold and silver mines, the manage
ment of which Huller still retains. They subsequently obtained from the
Mexican government a grant of land on the Yaqui river valley; and later
petitioned for the right to acquire the entire -/alley by survey and coloniza
tion under the revised law of Mexico of 1883. They were granted the right
to acquire, under the colonial law, by purchase and survey, much more ter
ritory than they had asked for. This grant wai followed by the others of
which I have elsewhere made mention. Sisson a Bloj., Mfj., 1-5.

GEORGE H. SISSON. 735

this way : After the acquisition of immense tracts of
land in several states and numerous franchises, Major
Sisson thought that the interests of his enterprise
would be best served by securing the aid and counsel
of other men of broad minds and large pecuniary
means to carry it out to successful results. Calling
at New York city upon his friends, who at once saw
the possibilities of grand returns, articles of incorpo
ration were drawn up in March, 1885, and a charter
was granted to the association by the legislature of
Connecticut, incorporating it with a capital stock of
§1,000,000; the stock, under subsequent legislation,
was raised to $20,000,000. Sisson and Luis Huller
deeded to the company all lands held under their
grants. The company then went on to make further
acquisitions, as I have narrated.

The general officers of the International Company
of Mexico are : Edgar T. Welles of Hartford,23 at one
time acting secretary of the navy, president ; Major
George H. Sisson of Ensenada, vice-president and
general manager ; Colonel Thomas G. Welles of
Hartford, assistant general manager ; Hon. R. A.Elmer
of New York, treasurer ; W. E. Webb, general land
commissioner ; Charles B. Turrill of San Francisco,
assistant land commissioner ; Lyman H. Ingraham
of Hartford, secretary; Captain Francis Pavy of
the queen's household guards, London, European
representative ; 24 Luis Huller of Mexico city, resident

23 Mr Welles is a graduate of Yale college, and though a member of the
legal profession, has devoted his energies to other pursuits. He is now giv
ing a great part of his time to the affairs of the International Company of
Mexico, and the subsidiary organizations connected therewith. He is also
treasurer of the Gatling Gun Company of Hartford, vice-president of the
Wasbash Railway Company, and president of the Granby Mining and Smelt
ing Company of St Louis, one of the largest lead and zinc companies in
the country.

24 Captain Pavy was a commissioned officer of the 74th Highlanders in
India during the great revolt, seeing much service and undergoing many
hardships. He was subsequently given a permanent appointment on the
staff in civil service in the Madras revenue survey department, for which
he was eminently fitted by his knowledge of mathematics and surveying, as
well as of the Hindoostanee language. In I860 he was promoted to the
captaincy, but weary of the inaction of home service, he retired on half-pay.
He soon, after revisited India on business, and later travelled in the West

736 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

director; William Hamersley of Hartford, solicitor
and general counsel of the company. Max Bernstein
is resident agent at Ensenada.

Other persons are also entitled to special notice in
connection with this vast enterprise for the valuable
services they are rendering toward the accomplish
ment of its great purposes. Among them I must
mention George C. Cheape, of Scotland, and Charles
Scofield, late of Arizona. A few biographical remarks
on these representative men will not be out of place.20

In honor of the Mexican statesmen, Carlos Pacheco
and Manuel Romero Rubio, they gave their first two
colonies their names, calling the one at Ensenada,
Colonia Carlos Pacheco, and the one at San Quentin,
Colonia Manuel Romero Rubio.

Indies and Canada on important missions. He was pretty constantly in
France during the Franco-German war, having meantime retired altogether
from the army, on his appointment to the honorable corps of Geiitlemen-
at-Arms (Queen's Royal Body Guard). In 1873 he assumed the management
of the Railway Debenture Trust and the Railway Share Trust companies of
Lonion. He became also a director of the Blaenaven Iron and Steel Com
pany, the Westinghouse Air-Brake Company in Europe, and of several other
important undertakings.

^ Captain George C. Cheape has served in the British regular army sev
eral years both at home and in India, and as many more in the reserve. He
commanded the same troop of Fifeshire Light Horse that his father was
com nander of sixty years ago. He is also a magistrate of the county of
Fifa in Scotland. Cheape has been a great traveller in Europe and America,
with an observing eye, paying particular attention to the agricultural advan
tages of the countries he has visited, being a practical farmer and breeder of
goDd horses at home. In 1888 he visited Lower California, which country
pleased him so much that he has since taken a deep interest in promoting
the enterprise of the International Company of Mexico, though he has like
wise interests in Texas, Colorado, Arizona, and California.

Charles Scofield is a native of Hamilton county in Ohio, and was born in
1856. After completing a collegiate term of three years in Illinois at the
age of 20, he w.u two years engaged in copper and lead mining in Missouri.
He was next employed in the lumber an.l milling business by a large firm,
until 1881. He then took charge of the Old Globe copper mine of Arizona,
and made it develop very extensively. This mine had been purchased by
Major Sisson, who organized the 01,1 Globe Copper Company under the laws
of Connecticut. The mine be lag now placed in charge of an expert engi
neer, Scofield became the superintendent of the reduction works and fur
naces, holding this position till April, 1884. Early in 1886 he joined Major
Sisson at Guaymas, and together they made a two months' tour of the guano
deposits in the Gulf of California. Since that time Scofield has attended to
the lading and shipment of the company's guano, and has been Sisson 's con
fidential adviser in all his vast work. He had charge of that business until
July, 1886. After the surveys were completed in Lower California for the
International Company of Mexico, Scofield was given full charge of the San
Diego office of that company, with the handling of their finances.

THE INTERNATIONAL COMPANY. 737

The future of these vast plans it is impossible to
foreshadow; but we know that the impulse which
prompts them is good, and the result should certainly
be beneficial, not only for the broad-minded and ener
getic promoters of the enterprise, but also for a mul
titude of others, for whom happy homes are held in
prospect. The undertaking ought to be a magnificent
success, and that it will be so there seems no doubt.
In the olden times, the founder of a colony was re
garded as akin to the gods ; surely he is entitled to
at least as much credit now, for as mankind swarms
over the available parts of the earth, he is substan
tially a benefactor who finds fresh soil and healthful
air, and makes it practicable for thousands to enter
upon another and better life — to build new and per
manent habitations for themselves and their children.

General Bibiano Davalos held control for several
years, chiefly owing to the federal force at his com
mand, for the people did not forget the long-enjoyed
privilege of electing their own governor. Davalos
proved, moreover, so arbitrary, by interfering in local
elections in behalf of favorites and adherents, and
making himself obnoxious in other respects, that
more than one uprising was attempted, although in
combination with unworthy elements. In October
1874 a party in the south proclaimed Toledo jefe, and
levied contributions on wealthy citizens, besides com
mitting some unwarranted outrages, which only with
drew support and hastened the collapse of the
conspiracy.26

26 In the following June a more organized pronunciamiento took place,
under Emilio Ibarra and others, who, with a party of 200 men, surprised La
Paz, captured Davalos, sent the federal officials out of the country, and be
gan the usual levy of funds. The governor seems to have been intimidated
into concessions, and agreed to resign; but a detachment of federal troops
held out until their comrades came up from San Jose. Ibarra then took to
flight, and escaped by seizing an orchella schooner at Magdalena, but the

Sursuers were so close upon his heels that most of his followers fell captive,
ne result of the outbreak was a change of governor, in the person of Colonel
Velasco, and he dying soon after, Miranda y Castro was appointed. The
latter showed his mettle in suppressing a mutiny among his soldieis by shoot-
HIST. TEXAB, VOL. II. 47

738 LOWER CALIFORNIA.

.Remoteness from the center of authority, which
for a time exempted the peninsula from the political
turmoils of the mainland, at length seemed to in
crease the evil. Marquez de Leon, a Lower Califor-
nian who had formerly mixed greatly in local politics,
and whose services during the French war of inter
vention, and subsequently, had gained for him the
rank of general, became dissatisfied with the lack of
recognition of his aid during the revolution which
placed Diaz in power.27

ing the ringleader and disarming his followers, with the aid of citizens; and
he displayed his political zeal by strictly enforcing the late constitutional
amendments for the separation of church and state, with civil marriage, and
other features. The Carmelite monk bishop, Moreno y Castaneda, who
naturally sought to uphold the ecclesiastical privileges, was expelled from
the territory after suffering persecution. Miranda's zeal led him too far,
however, in levying a war tax of from six to ten per cent in aid of his patron,
President Lerdo, for the latter being overthrown by Porn'rio Diaz, A. L.
Tapia was sent to replace him as political and military chief. Tapia showed
himself fully imbued with the policy of the new administration, to insure
peace and order, so as to permit the development of resources and the increase
of prosperity. To this end was instituted here as elsewhere a vigorous per
secution of bandits, and an improved administration of justice under the
ct>de lately introduced, enforced by the creation of a judge of first instance
in each of the three districts. Trade was fostered by granting a subsidy, in
1877, to a steamship line from San Bias to the gulf ports, in addition to the
California-Mexico line, and industries were stimulated by liberal concessions
for opening guano and pearl beds, mines, and other branches, while the reve
nue was protected by more severe measures against smuggling and pecula
tion, to the benefit, also, of the people, since extra taxes were obviated by
the saving. The greatest need for restoration of order was on the frontier,
so long the roaming place for adventurers, refugees, and criminals, to the
discouragement of settlers. The discovery, in 1870, of gold placers in San
Rafael valley had resulted in an excitement which brought many immigrants
and started a regular stage line from San Diego; but it added, also, to incen
tives for marauding by Indians and bandits, who kept the aiathorities in
activity. In Nov. 1876, political aspirants joined in the troubles, and drove
out the sub-prefect, Villagrana. Jefe Tapia came up in November 1877,
and arrested Moreno, who had usurped the prefecture. Eventually Villa
grana was reinstalled and sustained by a guard of 25 dragoons.

27 The strength of the government gave little hope of starting a revolution
on the continent, and so Marquez bethought himself of the more distant
peninsula, where he, moreover, counted many warm friends. Failing to
inveigle the troops at La Paz on October 31, 1879, he rallied the people of
his native district, and laid siege to the capital on November 12, with 200
men. The military authorities at Mazatlan being warned, General Carbd
appeared to the aid of Governor Tapia with 125 troops, Marquez there
fore retreating, pursued by the combined federal forces. Blinded by suc
cess, the latter allowed themselves to be entrapped in a canon, near Todos
Santos, and were compelleed to surrender with some loss, Carbd and Tapia
escaping with a few followers and seeking refuge across the gulf. The
victors at once marched back to La Paz, where their control over the terri
tory was merely nommallv disputed by the war sloop Mexico, which main
tained a blockade and bombarded a portion of the town, Marquez installed

POLITICS AND REVOLUTION. 739

as jefe politico, his lieutenant, Colonel Cota, and prepared to extend over
the territory an organic statute, which, he claimed, would advance its
welfare in a marked degree. But means were required for the sustenance
of his rapidly growing forces — at one time reaching nearly 600 men — which
were required to meet the expected troops from Mexico, as well as to sup
port the contemplated general uprising on the continent. And these
means had to be sought by levies of funds and provisions, which fell with
great severity upon the small and not very affluent population. A reaction
speedily set in, and thc3 arrival, at the close of January 1880, of more than
400 men under Col J. M. Rangel, lent wings to the desertion that had
already set in. Only a few bands remained to face the federals, who, reen-
forced by citizens, pursued them with relentless fierceness. Meanwhile
Marquez had hastened to California to seek aid, and although practically
failing in the attempt, he returned across the border early in April to join
the remnant which, under Cota, had traversed the length of the peninsula.
This force also melted under fear, hardships, and pursuit; and after a futile
iujroad into Sonora, the lea lers took refuge in United States' territory,
whence they were finally permitted to return to their homes.

Rangel remained as governor to heal the ravages of this unfortunate up
rising, as well as those committed shortly before by an earthquake at Loreto,
and to continue the task of development, which promises to realize the
brightest hopes of the people. Even railway commissions have been made,
to the S. Luis Pot. and Aguascal line, and to Alas and Rogers for a road
from Tiguana to Punta Isabel. Mex. Recop., Lei/., xxxvi. 3.3-7; Mex. Diar.
0/z>., Dec. 10, 1881. A commission was appointed in 1874 to survey lands
and issue titles. ManeroDoc. Interes., 84-7. In 1881 appeared a new revenue
l-.uv. MPX. Diar. Ofic., June 11, 1881. San Jose was opened to foreign trade
in 1884— a good sign of increasing traffic. Cronista, April 19, 1884. A terri
ble hurricane and flood occurred clo^e to this spot in Oct. 1884. Id., Nov. 8,
1884. Concerning some notable marine disasters on the coast, see Ifayns'
Scr.ips, Bija CaL, ix. 48-9, etc.; Alti Cat., March 2, Oct. 15, 24, 1870; S. f^
Bull., Oct. 27, 1871, Capt. Caleb's arrest. Voz. Mcj., July 23, 1884.

CHAPTEK XXXI.

INSTITUTIONAL.

1800-1838.

FRONTIER MILITARY FORCES IN COLONIAL TIMES — WAR FOR INDEPEND
ENCE — GOVERNMENT — OFFICERS AND DISTRICTS — REVENUE — CHIHUA
HUA, DURANGO, SlNALOA, SONORA, AND LOWER CALIFORNIA — CRIME

AND PUNISHMENT — FUSION OF RACES — ABORIGINAL PEOPLES — JUDI
CIARY AND CODES — COLONIZATION — EDUCATION.

As a part of the viceroyalty of New Spain, for a time a semi-independent
appendage, and subsequently as border region of a republic, the Provincias
Internas present a reflex of the southern districts in their political and civil
institutions. Moulded in the same form, the ^aws of the Spanish Indies
have left their impress here as below, through the agency of officials and
priests from the Iberian peninsula, yet a certain distinctiveness was imparted
by the greater isolation of this remote interior, by its condition as a frontier
extending into the domains of hostile tribes under the combined auspices
of soldiers and missionaries, and its ruder aspects of life also in being pri
marily a mining and cat Lie country. It was in a sense the colony of a
colony. Yet the contrast to be expected between the people of an exposed
border, devoted to the hazards and hardships of exploiting for metal and
herding, and that of the more settled south is not so marked. What differ
ence there is lies rather in the characteristics of race, which here present a
less degree of direct intermixture, owing to the relatively lower position of
the aborigines and the later entry of the other castes. In Duraiigo, Sinaloa,
and Lower California the absorption of natives was favored to a greater ex
tent by the conditions of settlement, but in the adjoining northern states
we find the natives separated from the rest by sharper geographic and social
lines. On the other hand, the constant influx of mestizo, and even southern
Indian, elements has assisted to leaven the dominant mass into a truly Mexi
can composition, in sympathy with the feeling and aspirations of the nation.

This homogeneity is above all conspicuous in political aims. Doomed to
subordination by paucity of population, and by dependence for protection
and higher comforts of life on the central sections of the country, the cue
for action in these respects came almost invariably from the same quarter.
While partizan cry and strife here rose equally high, they followed rather in
the wake of southern leaders, varying between liberal and conservative ideas.
The latter found support in a large landed proprietary, as indicated by
cattle interests, which naturally objected to the aspirations of the masses,
yet the federal element was undoubtedly in the majority, based on the
greater independence of spirit fostered among the masses by pursuits con
nected with mines and horses, while the influence of the clergy, although
augmented in a sense by mission establishments, was counteracted bTT the
paucity and semi-nomadic habits of the population, which prevented close or
f requen t contact with spiritual things or clerical champions. The distance from
Mexico made a central regime also less palatable. Urrea well understood
this tendency when he sought to start the reaction against centralism, at the
(740 j

NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN REGIONS. 741

beginning of its career. Even Durango, the seat of a bishop, protested at
the outset against a domination by distant Mexico that was sustained chiefly
by the soldiery. Otherwise the national bond remained strong, as evinced
by the brave struggle under Frias and his companion j against United States
invasion, and against French intervention by northwestern leaders under
the distinguished Corona.

the strong military forces of the frontier in colonial times prevented any
noteworthy participation in the war for independence; but the people adopted
with eagerness the new order, and adopted constitutions, which, despite the
disturbing effect of subsequent divisions of territory and temporary changes
of system, have practically survived in the latest reformed issues. Their
main features may be found in the general organic laws, considered in my
history of the republic. In respect to state specialities, that of Sonora, the
centre of the present Hispano- American group, affords a fair average repre
sentation, although stamped by greater democratic deference to popular will,
as manifested in the election of most governing bodies. The legislative
power is wielded by one chamber of deputies, chosen every two years in to
tality, meeting twice a year, and consisting of one member for every 10,000 in
habitants. The governor, chosen by similar popular vote, holds office, also,
for two years, in the other states for four years, and is not eligible for con
secutive reelection. He possesses wide power in appointing subordinate
officials, including the one secretary of state; the other general state officer,
the treasurer, is selected with legislative intervention. Districts are ruled by
prefects elected like the governor; municipalities with over 500 souls by
ayuntamientos elected for one year, and consisting usually of from four to nine
members; smaller settlements and ranches Lave police officers, elected for a
similar term. In the other states municipal bodies are more restricted, and
wholly or partly replaced by elected or appointed jefes. Municipal officers be
ing unpaid, and in many grades unprofitable and thankless as well as onerous,
candidates seek frequently to avoid election or subsequently to shirk their
duties, to the detriment of local welfare. Direct election is as yet in its in
fancy, awaiting educational development throughout the republic. Mean
while indirect voting prevails, with two or three grades. Finances, the main
care and instrument of the government, have been fully considered in con
nection with the country in general, to which I refer in connection with the
appended note, for comparison. The revenue of Chihuahua is derived from
7 per mille on real estate, valued at $7,000,000; 2 per cent on all business
capital above §50; 1^ per cent on salaries, fees and personal property; 2 per
cent on bullion and minerals extracted; 4 per cent on transfers and legacies;
37 cents per quintal on cotton, etc. From this is derived an income of §120,-
G34, the expenditure being §119,253. The federal contribution of 25 per
cent amounts to §45,472; revenue stamps yield §18,830.

Durango imposes 10 per cent on the revenue oi city property and G£ per
cent on that of rural estates below the value of §10,000; above this G£ per
cent is added for every additional §10,000, $20,000, and §40,000; the tax rn
e.jtates exceeding §100,000 in value being 37^ per cent on the yield. The
real estate is valued at over §14,000,000.* Twenty per cent on industrial
products, 25 per cent on capital employed in other branches, and 5 per cent
on salaries and fees. A few other taxes assist to swell the receipts to $159,-
717. Ihe federal 25 per cent amounts to £45,475; stamps §12,799.

Sinaloa levies on real estate $9,500,000 in value, at the rate of 6 per
mille for property worth over §500, and §3 to £li annually on values above
$300 an 1 §100, respectively; §25 to §300 monthly oil industrial and mercantile
establishments, 10 per cent on foreign goods, half the money derived from the
sale of vacant laud; also fees for professional titles, legacies, etc. This pro
duces §184,976, with an estimated surplus of §2,000. The federal 25 per cent
yields §50,325; stamps §19,305.

Sonora relies greatly on excise and on direct contributions, distributed in

a iotas among the districts and municipalities; 5 par cent oa foreign nation-
ized goods, §10 to §250 on commercial houses, 1^ per cent on bullion, §200

742 INSTITUTIONAL.

for license to manufacture brandy, $5 for registration of mines, half the pro
ceeds of vacant land sales, also from legacies, etc. The value of real estate
exceeds §7,00i),000. The revenue of $lti6,5o5, leaves a prospective surplus of
nearly $3,000. The federal 25 per cent brings $28,644; stamps $11,356.

The finances of Lower California, as a territory, fall under care of the
federal government, which derives $89,106 a year from it; the 25 per cent
amounts to only §135, while stamps yield $8,246. Municipal, consumption,
and storage taxes are levied. Bu*t), E-stadist. Mex., i. p. xi., et seq.

Besides the federal tribunals of different degrees, each state has its cor
responding supreme court of usually three judges, and a final court of first in
stance for the districts, and the local justices or alcaldes, the first elected for
four years, and the other nearly always for two years and one year, re
spectively. New civil and penal codes have recently been adopted in conso
nance with the federal issue, and the jury system is gradually being estab
lished. But the lack of upright and efficient judges, so general in the
republic, is even more marked in these less cultured frontier states. One
cause is the frequent want of funds, with irregular and reduced salaries,
which prevents also the employment of advisory asesores assigned by law.
This adds to the incentive for crime, particularly robbery, which has become
so prevalent in this country under the fostering auspices of race prejudices,
and constant revolutionary disorders. It was hard for disbanded guerillas
to return to honest labor, and so easy and alluring to continue as marauders,
perhaps under the specious cover of avenging an injured church or circum
scribed liberty. The north, moreover, as a border country had grown more
and more the resort of fugitives from justice, with smugglers in large num
bers. Cattte-stealing and kidnapping for extorting ransom, were common
features to be expected from a country long ravaged by Indians, and it is
not astonishing that so wide-spread an ailment should have affected, also,
many a judga and official, to whom had been confided means for aid and
punishment, since these could be manipulated with great profit. With the
exceptions mentioned, criminal statistics agree with those for the republic in
general. Stringent steps were taken at different times to check law-break
ing, latterly by an increased frontier guard, which, with the aid of railroads
ami telegraphs, and the decrease of Indian inroads, is doing good work. The
effect of the gradual abolition of capital punishment has not yet been au
thoritatively reported upon, but it is evident that greater attention must be
paid to enforcing upright administration of justice, and to providing more
guardians of the peace and better prisons.

The absorption or merging of the aboriginal race into the new nation un
folding in Mexico has been fully considered in special chapters elsewhere.
In the north its condition was affected by certain features, such as a lower
aboriginal culture and stronger tribal combination. Distance from the centre
of authority seemed to offer the domineering encomendero of early colonial
days greater advantage for oppression, but the more independent and self-
asserting character of the tribes, and the interposition of zealous missiona
ries, served as a check until later beneficent laws drew their protecting circles.
The privileges tendered by the new republic, in equality and citizenship,
proved equally delusive to the race in all parts, and the subtle bond of peon
age enfolded even growing numbers. The maintenance in the north of the
mission system proved no longer of benefit, save in isolated instances, inas
much as it tended to restrain development and intercourse. The latter was,

moreover

, confined by race prejudice, by galling assumption and strivings
for advantages, which confirmed the natives in their long practised seclusion,
as well as in tribal unity, which served them as a bulwark against ever ready
aggression and encroachment.

Many of the tribes live, indeed, in a state of nominal subjection to
the republic, governed by their own Tiiiwritten laws, and retaining, to
a great extent both aboriginal language and customs. The latter no
less than their mountainous homes, have helped to preserve a naturally hardy
constitution from the indolence permeating all Creole affinities. There ia

NATIVE CHARACTERISTICS. 743

also less of the stolid indifference so marked among southern savages, and
the so commendable energy and perseverance is stamped by a vivacity that
promotes their value as workers. In Sonora the Yaquis and Opatas are
justly esteemed as the most desirable laborers in almost every branch of in
dustry, and good pay draws thousands from their pueblos every season. If
on returning home they bring many vices, they alao foster advancement, and
clear the way for a more harmonious feeling between the races. The
common cause which occasionally brought them to the side of political par
ties, or arrayed them agaaut the Apaches, also served to strengthen the na
tional bond. The aboriginal communal system encouraged by the Spanish
crown has been widely sustained, in many instnnces by republican decrees,
although the tendency is growing to break it up as a dangerous tribal insti
tution. While provisional partition is made of land for private cultivation,
particularly at time of marriage, when a family is to be founded, a propor
tion is also set aside for communal crops with which to support churches,
widows and orphans and schools, to pay taxes and other general require
ments. The enforcement of labor to this end and order generally is en
trusted to elected governors or alcaldes at the respective pueblos or villages,
who again are subordinate to captains general. These officers were formerly
appointed from among noble or influential families by the Spanish authori
ties, and often secured by pay or other rewards, but with the example set
by republican schemers, ambitious and able men of lower grade have,
through election, sprung into prominence, and direct the voice of the tribe
both for personal benefit and for its advancement, by offering votes or arms
to the most promising side. The curates now in charge of their spiritual
welfare have much le^s influence than the missionaries, who, as a rule, exer
cised almost exclusive control over governors or alcaldes, as well as people.
This decline is due mainly to the intrigue of liberal partisans, and partly to
the less guarded conduct of the class of priests usually assigned to Indian
villages.

'ihe natives of Sinaloa, Durango, and Lower California form no united or

Powerful bodies, and may be regarded as merged in the general population,
'he Tepehuane nation, which at one time held Durango in terror with its re
volts, has almost disappeared. In Chihuahua, however, the raiicherias of
Apaches and Comanches extend along the eastern border into Bolson de
Mapimi, and the ranges to the west are occupied by the numerous Tarahu-
niaras, ever gentle, though retiring, and rapidly disappearing. Sonera's popu
lation is still chiefly pure Indian, including the orderly, yet brave and resolute
Opatas, who occupy the fertile centre and east of the state, and have as en
listed soldiers or as volunteers formed one of the most reliable of bulwarks
against Apache inroads. They have yielded greatly to absorption,
although not in so marked a degree as the wide-spread and docile Pimas to
the north-west of them. The once feared robber horde of Seris, on and near
Tiburon island, has been almost exterminated in just warfare, and the Papa-
gos of the extreme north-west are as yet secure in their isolation. The only
feared nations are the allied Yaquis and Miyos, who, occupying the fertile
banks of the rivers named after them, are exposed to constant elbowing and
intrusion from the crowding Mexicans on either side. The consequence has
been a series of bloody wars until the present day, not always for pure de
fence, but for robbery, to which successes and impunity gave incentive.
While mingling freely among the \vhites as esteemed workers, yet, the sea
son over, they generally return home and repulse every effort at social inter
course. The process of absorption cannot be resisted, however, aided as it
is by diseases of encroaching civilization, especially virulent among the
aborigines.

Ihe intermixture of races in colonial days, was much slower in the north,
owing to the inferior culture of the Indian* and the later entry of settlers.
For a long time after the independence, Creole families sought to resist the
inevitable, but the rapid influx of mestizos, owing to pressure in the more
crowded south, and the allurement of mineral wealth, tended to overcome

744 INSTITUTIONAL.

hesitation, partly by bridging the chasm. Nevertheless, the Spanish element
remains strong, and the mixture has been little varied by the admission of
negro blood. The indolence and uiisustained impulsiveness of the nation is
less marked in the border states, settled, as they were, chiefly by enterpris
ing and energetic emigrants from Biscay, Navarre, and Catalonia. Their
comparative isolation has Glided to preserve a tincture of the superstition
brought from the original mountain homes. On the other hand, they are
widely praised for hospitality and as dashing riders, whose cavalry has
earned deserved laurels in the wars. As may be supposed, the jarocho or
petty farmer element of Mexico, is widely represented here in small scattered
ranches, with their airy, shed-like dwellings, their enclosed patches for
maize, beans, yams, and other succulents, shaded by occasional bananas, or
other palms, and near by the heads of live stock, that form the main reliance
of the settler. The influence of Europe which made itself felt from the open
ing of the century throughout the central provinces, filtered more slowly into
these remote regions, although aided on the coast by trading vessels, and
later, by intercourse with the United States, by means of prairie caravans,
and simple customs long prevailed in dress, entertainments, and mode of
life generally, all of which present the same features as described elsewhere
under Mexico. Perhaps the love of motion and excitement, on horseback, in
ball-room, and at the gambling-table, is more pronounced, and naturally so
with the narrow range of amusement offered on the frontier.

The growth of the United States border settlements, and the fast in
creasing communication, facilitated by railroads, cannot fail to greatly affect
tone and habits. While the elements at present operating to this end are
none of the best, yet the intercourse must in the main prove elevating, if
only in fostering better industrial methods, and an increased demand for
varied comforts of life, which in itself forms so desirable a stimulant. The
value of foreign immigration has ever been recr gnized in Mexico, partly to
obtain training for the people, partly to promote settlement on the north
frontier, threatened by Indians as well as a suspected neighbor. A lack of
judicious liberality, and above all the long reigning insecurity in the republic,
counteracted the efforts to found colonies. Even those established in con
nection with the ephemeral military colonies did not flourish, and the few
trans-oceanic groups introduced failed to show any vigor. The effort to
draw from the United States the patriotic Mexicans transferred to a foreign
flag by the treaty of Guadalupe succeeded very poorly. In fact the gold
excitement in California, by revealing mineral and agricultural wealth, and
protection from raids and inal -administration, served to draw away far more
people, and from the then border region which least could spare the loss.
Lately schemes have been started for introducing Chinese and Mormons, al
though their arrival is sure to rouse hostility. Notwithstanding the restric
tive measures of the government, not wholly unjustifiable in its suspicious
fears, the force of circumstances is tending to a growing influx of Americans
into the scantily settled and inviting border states; an influx favored by
ready acclimatization, which has not attended sudden transitions from the
differently situated Europe, and by the growing security.

The gradual suppression of Indian raids in the north, and the increased
stability of government, promises decided increase in population, for the
race is fecund and environment favorable. In the northern part of Chihua
hua and Sonora ague prevails to some extent; on the west coast bilious
fevers are common, and the inferior quality of water along the frontier con
duces to several ailments, such as goitre, which afflicts the central districts of
Sonora and Sinaloa. In other respects the health statistics compare well
with other parts of the republic, with which the north shares such epidemics
as cholera, small-pox, yellow fever, and famine, with attendant train of
disorders. Cholera was particularly severe in 1841 and 1849-51. Small
pox attacks chiefly the aborigines, among whom vaccination and mod
ern treatment are less in vogue, and the yellow fever, which has on a fe\r
occasions ravaged the coast as far inland as Hermosillo and Culiacan, is dc-

SOCIAL CONDITION. 745

clared to be not of the extreme type prevalent on the gulf of Mexico. Ihe
scarcity of doctors, apothecaries, and hospitals was a drawback which gave
prominence to mummery and aboriginal arts, but during epidemics the au
thorities have ever shown a connneadable zeal for covering the deficiency by
erecting temporary shelter, and distributing drugs and directions, while
private benevolence stepped forward to lend a helping hand.

Although the chief inroads of diseases have evidently been among the
aborigines, upon whom also the mere approach of European culture exerts
it i withering iniluence, yet the decreasing estimates of their numbers is due
miinly to absorption, either by blood mixture, or by assimilation in settling
with the regular Mexicans and adopting their customs, and participating in
all the privileges of citizens. This is especially the case in Siiialoa and
Duraugo, and it is only in Sonora and Chihuahua that the voluntary isola
tion of certain tribes, or portions of tribes, subject them to classification as
la lians, with partial exclusion from political and social rights. In Sonora
this number is placed at about 22,000, mostly Yaquis and Mayos, who long
miintained a hostile attitu le by resisting encroachment on their lands and
seclusion. In Chihuahua are nearly equal numbers of gentle Tarahumaras.
No thorough census has been taken in the republic, so that the more or less
detailed dita for different states can be regarded as little better than esti-
mited. The population may according to these be placed at 185,000 for
Chihuahua, 193,030 for Durango, 142,000 for Sonora, 205,000 forSinaloa, and
2o,000 for Lower California; which shows an increase for the peninsula of
a'> >ut 150 par cent for the century, for Sinaloa 100 per cent, for Durango
81) per cent, and for Chihuahua 75 per cent, while Sonora has gained
only one half as much as these last states. These proportions correspond
to the relative security enjoyed by the states, Sonora having sutiered
loager and more severely from Indian ravages. Chihuahua comes next in
tli3 list of exposed regions as well a* in population, and then Durango, while
Sitialoa and Lower California have been almost entirely exempt. The
efacts of civil wars, frequent enough, cannot be regarded as nearly so de
pressing, for the bloodshed and ravage are not equal to the number of revo-
tuVonary movements. Yet the fast growth of the peninsula is no doubt
attributable to the greater quiet enjoyed there, thanks to its secluded situa
tion. Its estimated value of real estate per head of population is also much
larger than in the northern states, where the average is placed at about $50, a
figure which varies very nearly in proportion to the Indian or peon popula
tion of the different districts, whose poverty tends to lower the general rate.
Wars do not appear to have caused any extra reduction among males; indeed,
Durango, less exposed, exhibits the least preponderance on their side. On the
other hand the size of families is not as a rule so large as might be expected,
ai indicated also by the slow growth of population for countries so scantily
occupied. And there is room for expansion, since Sonora and Chihuahua
possess only one inhabitant to one and a half square kilometre. Sinaloa and
Durango have four and a half and two and a half more people to that space,
while the peninsula has only one inhabitant to seven kilometres. I append
data to support these observations and give opportunity for additional
speculations.

In education the northern states stand somewhat behind the mean aver-
ag3 for the republic, as may be expected from scanty settled frontiers. The
wave of revival in learning struck the Spanish colonies at the close of the
la it century, only to be broken by the war of independence and succeeding
disorders, yet hardly a ripple of it penetrated to this region. Wealthy people
sent their sons to southern states or abroad, and their girls occasionally to
some convent; a small proportion of other children received a meagre train
ing at the rare schools to be found in a few leading towns or at the hands of
missionaries, and the great mass remained steeped in ignorance, learning like
the savages only to recite a few passages from the catechism. Although the
Lancasterian system was introduced into Mexico shortly after the independ
ence, yet it obtained no real footing in the north till after the energetic

746 INSTITUTIONAL.

measures undertaken by the general government in 1842. Private individ
uals now began to display a gratifying zeal in assisting the movement, and
soon came the compulsory system to give beneficial inpulse, as manifested in
the increased school attendance from less than two per cent of population
still prevailing in Chihuahua, without compulsion, to between three and live
per cent in the other four provinces.

In addition to scanty settlement, isolated tribes presented in Sonora and
Chihuahua an obstacle to rapid diminution of illiteracy. There was a draw
back also in the separation of the sexes, due to climatic and social consider
ations. As a consequence, only a small proportion of the schools were
mixed, and owing to the chronic lack of funds the establishments for girls
were so few as to allow the attendance of merely one-fifth to one-half of the
male number. In private institutions the sexes were nearly equal. Another
disadvantage, now rapidly lessened, was the lack of teachers, partly due to
small and irregular pay; but normal schools are receiving support, and
women, so well fitted for teaching, are rapidly supplying the deficiency. A
cause for the irregularity lies also in the fact that so large a proportion of
the free public schools are sustained by private liberality, which often varies.
Hie educational system was defective in several respects, such as the ap
peal by teachers to the ear, by memorizing, rather than to the perceptive
faculties; and the ambitious range of the curriculum, even in schools known a3
primary, beyond the power of the pupil, so that he was left glaringly super
ficial. This imperfection was carried to even greater excess in the secondary
or high schools and colleges, in which the course varied from a few element
ary branches to the professional and philosophic range, but with startling
gaps arid irregularities in method, means, and teachers. Nevertheless, the
secondaries have ever enjoyed greater attention, especially from the clergy,
owing to their policy to restrict education to the wealthy classos, and to the
national love for gloss. Although driven from control in these matters, the
church strives to retain a certain hold, especially by offering in the seminar
ies a higher grade of instruction than is generally obtained in the secular
colleges. The spread of journalism is an encouraging feature, and another
the establishment of literary societies, which promote also the formation of
libraries, museums, and art collections. Secular education is greatly sup
planting the religious teaching to which so large a proportion of the people
has been almost exclusively confined. This is a natural outcome of the long
struggle against clerical supremacy, which has ended in the acquisition of
intellectual freedom, and in assigning to the church its due subordinate po
sition. The history of this struggle and the present condition of ecclesias
tical affairs has been fully and specially considered elsewhere.

The report of the governor of Sinaloa, Mem. Gov., 1881, 83-92, announces
221 primary schools, with an attendance of 7,662 pupils, the larger propor
tion being boys. The attendance in Mazatlan district is by far the largest,
2,266 pupils in 40 schools, while the 41 establishments of Culiacan had only
1,275 children. The report sent in to Covarrubias in 1874 gave 281 prima
ries, with 9,272 pupils. There were 5 secondary and professional colleges,
one being a private institution for girls, another a nautical and mercantile
establishment, and a third the philosophic seminario under the clergy, with
a total attendance of over 170. Instruc. Pub., 138-43. The seminario at
Culiacan is the only classic college for Sinaloa and Sonora. It dates since
1838, Sernin. de Son., in Pap. Far., cliii., pt 13, although Bishop Rouset
sought in the previous decade to establish a chair of philosophy. Monttros,
Son., 33-4. Its progress is depictod in Garz-i, Premios, 1-8; Mex. Mem.
Inxtic.., 1844, doc. 71; Velasco, Son., 37-8. Concerning the later founding of
the other colleges, see Castaneda, A locution, 1-4; Arch. MfX. Col. Ley., iii.,
639-47; Sin. Regl Col. Rosal™, 1-14. In 1854 Mazatlan had two primary and
two private schools, with 250 pupils. Soc. Mex. Geo<j. Bol. vii., 335. In 1867
the attendance here had risen to 700 out of 2,700 children; only 2,800 per
sons could write, against 7,900 who could not. Id., ep. 2, iv., 91-3. See
also Cambas, Atlax, 2; RuU, Mem. Gov., 15; Buclua, Comp., 51-2.

EDUCATION. 747

Sonora is striving to redeem herself under the compulsory system. She had,
according to Cw.irruhias, Instruc. Pu'>., 1 /5-8, 128 primary schools, with o,840
pupils, ol whom 640 were girls, and 0 secondary colleges, with 425 pupiL; 4
we/e private establishments. The public college for boys costs the state ^12, COO
a year. A normal school also exists. Riesgo, Mem., 28-30, paints the condi
tion in 1828 extremely black. Semanwin, Polit., ii., 394-5; not till the middle
of the following decade were any effective steps taken to improve it, by es
tablishing a secondary ecclesiastic college at Arizpe, and increasing the
primaries. Garza, Pastoral, 1; Plnart, DJC. Son., ii. 62, 65, 80. Ten years
later the Lancasterian society began to push their system, and the norn:al
school opened in 1847. In the 5 leading towns between Banamichi and Her-
mosillo the primary attendance was only 400. Id., iii., 132-3, 321, iv., 40, 86.
Only one of the schools was passable. Monteverde, Mem., MS., 62, 111-13,
125; Velasco, Son., 37-8, 64. In 1858 the civil institute opened at Alamos.
The Sonorense, Estrellci OrrhL, and Fez. Mcj. have items for the e and ^follow
ing years, showing in 1863-4 four schools in Guaymas district, 19 in Alamos,
12 in Ures, etc. See also Hernandez, Geoy. Son., 59-60; Mex. Scn;p#, i., 295;
Lancasteriana Real , 1-12.

For Durango, Covarrubias reports, under a non- compulsory system, 174
primaries, with an average attendance of 4,440, about three fourths boys; 4
secondary establishments, half of them under clerical care, two being for
girls, with nearly 550 pupils. The institute for males and the seminario gave
professional courses. There was no normal training-school. lairing the
closing years of the colonial regime Bishop Costarica gave a decided impulse
to secondary education, and left a bequest for the seminario, but retrogres
sion set in for about 40 years. lylesias, Rel., 319-20. This college had in
1827 over 170 pupils, and a fund of £359,000. There were then 34 primaries,
Dur., Mem. Ramos, 1827, 6-7; but 4 years later Dm:, Mew. Gob., 1831, 7-9,
reports only 54 pupils at the seminario, and 26 badly endowed primaries.
In 1842 a Lancasterian society was established, Bustarnante, Mex., MS., xiv.
277; and shortly after 57 primaries, with 1,592 pupils, were announced.
Mex., Mem. Inxtic., 1844, No. 20. Escudero, Dur., 45-9, has 62 schools, with
3,055 pupils, for 1848, and Ramirez, Dur., 45-51, claimed 11 free schools,
with 1,437 scholars, for the capital district in 1850. Soc. Mex. Geo>/., Bol., v.
61-71. Ihe seminario was soon aiter transferred to the state. Mex, Leyis.,
1856, 129. In and after 1856 the literary institute was endowed. Arch. Mex.,
C>1. Ley., v. 658-9, partly with church property. Mex. Codiya Rcforn.a, 345;
Mex., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 147-8. In 1873 a school of arts was projected.
Diario Delates, cong. 6, iv. 302; Cambas, Atlas, 17; article in Dur., Aim.,
1885, 69-73, is very faulty.

Chihuahua stands low on the list, with only 39 primaries and somewhat
over 2,200 pupils, according to Cluh. Period. Ojic., Nov. 13, 1874, and Covcr-
rubias, Instruc. Pub., 25-8, an assumed decline from former years. The two
secondaries are the institute and seminario, with 250 students and superior
pretensions.

Lower California has adopted the federal district regulations, although
they are evidently not applicable to her condition. In 1882 there were 27
school?, with 1,174 pupils, out of an assumed school population of 8,000; of
these La Paz had 7 schools, with an attendance of 490 out of 1,330 children;
the two private schools claiming nearly half the number. The 20 national
establishments receive §15,400 for their 700 children. Governor's report, in
B'.'.ja Cal, Bol. Ofic., Aug. 30, 1882. This shows an increase upon the state
ment in Mex. Mem. Gob., 1878, 98, doc. 96, wherein two of the institutions
at La Paz are classed as normal, and two as secondaries, the latter at La
Paz and Miraflores, with 60 students. The centre district has four of the
schools, and the frontier two. For 1872 Hernandez, Geon., Baja Cal, 50- 1,
allows only 8 elementary school ;, with 300 pupils, and although this seems
unreliable, the compulsory system has undoubtedly given a great impulse.
See, also, Cambax, Atlas, 29; Twar, Hixt. Parl, iv. 771; Hayes' Scraps, Baja
Cal., ix. 63-4. Rules issued in 1873. B>ja Cal., Refjl. Instruc., 1-10; Diario
Debates, cong. 8, ii. 608, 722, 765-80, 916; Baja Cal., Bol. Ofic., 1878,

CHAPTER XXXII.

RESOURCES AND COMMERCE

OBSTACLES TO PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE — PRODUCTIONS AND CROPS — STOCK-
RAISING — MINING— EFFECT OF INDIANS ON DEVELOPMENT — DISTRICTS IN
DIFFERENT STATES— METALS, MINERALS, AND PRECIOUS STONES— PEARL
FISHING— MANUFACTURES— COTTON MILLS— TRADE — IMPORTS AND EX
PORTS—SMUGGLING — COAST TRADE — STEAMEE LINES — ROADS AND
CANALS— RAILWAYS.

The northwestern states being essentially mining territory, their agricul
tural capabilities have not been widely prubed, partly owing to their compara
tive aridity. Water is the great want. Chihuahua and Durango form the
top of a table which rises in gentle ascent from the gulf of Mexico to an alti
tude of 3,80i) feet at El Paso, and thence lifts itself southward to the high
plateau of Anahuac, while forming a more abrupt slope toward the Pacific.
The eastern part of Chihuahua presents an almost deserted sand and alkali
plain, with numerous dry depressions, known as Bolsoii de Mapini, extend
ing into Coahuila, and for some distance into Durango. Similar land, al.
though more broken by hills as well as shifting sand dunes, and relieved by oc
casional river bottoms, stretches from Rio Bravo westward to the mountains.
Even south of the state capital the sod is patchy, and on the whole, induce
ments for tillage are small as compared with stock-raising, which ranks as
the second leading occupation. Durango approaches in its general character
to the southeastern portions of the neighbor state, and regular farming vies
with stock-raising and mining as staple industries. As may be judged from
the altitude, the climate is comparatively cool on this table-land; snow falls
in Chihuahua to the depth of two feet, Rio Bravo is obstructed by ice, and
vines at the somewhat warmer El Paso require protection. The summer
temperature averages 85 degrees. West of the Sierra Madre the zones
range from the cold of the mountains to the temperate of the foothills and
the torrid of the coast line. In Sinaloa the hot belt is 40 miles in width,
and extends for some distance into the tributary valleys, with a sandy soil
that is productive only near the river courses. In Sonora sand plains of
vast expanse cover nearly all the region north of Guaymas, with frequent
dreaded simoons; but the east and northeast is a delightful, well-watered
region, especially attractive to emigrants. The Yaqui valley is Egyptian in
temperature, and in the Nile-like inundation of its fertile bottoms. With
irrigation, practicable from rivers and wells, nature yields her treasures in
such lavish abundance and variety as to mark Sonora as one of the richest
spots on earth. Siaaloa has less adaptability, and arid Lower California
possesses only small and scattered tracts available for plantations.

An obstacle to farming has been on one side the indolence fostered by a
bountiful soil, on the other, the illiberal land policy of the government, de
rived from Spanish times, and confusion involving titles. Until lately
the control of vacant land was in dispute between the municipal, state, and
general governments, and there was the insecurity spread by the fre
quent and sweeping annulling of grants, on the ground that they had been
(748)

LAND TITLES. 749

made by rebellious or illegal authorities, or with undue observance of con
stantly changing regulations. In the north the mission lands, secularized in
course of time, aided the fraudulent acquirements of estate, as did stock-
raising leases and frontier troubles, whereby influential men were able to ob
tain possession of large tracts, to the check of development, and to the prej
udice of the Indians and poor people, the true settlers, who were so
frequently deprived of the small lots charity bestowed upon them. This
tended, likewise, to prevent surveys so necessary for promoting settlement
as well as knowledge of resources.

The missions checked colonization to a great extent, for a kind colonial
government reserved the best lands for the neophytes and kept white men at
a distance from them. In Lower Cal. no land was assigned in proprietorship
to settlers till the latter part of the eighteenth century. For a history of
land titles in the peninsula, see Lct&sepes, Baja Cal., passim. The owner
ship of land, with the restrictions governing communal tracts of towns, mis
sions, and Indians, lias been considered elsewhere, notably in Hist. Cal., vi.,
this series. Instance of rules concerning mission holding,, in Son., Lcyes
Varias, 33. One of the most startling shocks to titles was the decree by
Juarez in 18G2, annulling state concessions so far made, and requiring
a revision by the federal authority. Arch. Hex., Cal. Ley., v, 579-83,
659-61; Buenrostro, Hi*t. Prim, y Secuntl. Con;/., 338; Bandhri, doc., 141,
with allusions to previous steps of the kind. The tax on laud sales is heavy,
and to perfect titles is costly.

Large ranches are not without their value, however, by promoting more
perfect cultivation with improved machinery, by introducing new ideas
and spreading better methods, and by bringing under tillage much land
otherwise intractable. The value of example is recognized in the efforts of
the government to promote immigration of farmers from abroad, a main ob
ject being, al;o, by this, as well as by new land laws, to encourage the
growth of petty peasantry, as a part of a much needed middle class. Not
that many of the large estates confer the benefits which seem alone to justify
their extent; most of them are far behind what even a negligent American
would endure. They drift with the current of improvident indolence, fos
tered by an indulging soil, yielding readily two crops a year with slight
labor, and returning the seed a hundredfold. Much of the neglect is
due to the employment for farm work of Indians, who are permitted to follow
their more primitive methods and unambitious ideas. Tarahumaras live on
maize and a little milk; a family possessing twenty head of cattle is regarded
as well off. Soc. Mex. Geoy., Bol., ii. 45; T.tr.iyre, Ej^plor., 269-71. Yaquis
and Mayos raise so little produce as to frequently suffer, despite the fertility
of their soil. They subsist greatly on fish and wild fruit. Veliisco, Son.,
71-9. They plant seed without plowing. Soc. Mzx. Geo'j., Brt., ep. 2, ii.
209-10. Their wages as laborers between 1834-59 ranged from $4 to §6
monthly, with rations. Stone, in Pap. Var., cxii.

Here, as elsewhere in the republic, maize forms the staple product, Du-
rango leading with over a hundred million kilogram •?, Chihuahua and
Sinaloa following close behind, and Sonora showing somewhat over sixty mil
lions. Wheat is comparatively little raised in proportion, on the coast, al
though that of Sonora ranks high in quality; in Ihiraiigo it rises to one tenth
of the maize figure, and in Chihuahua to fully 40 per cent. Barley is in small
demand, but frizoles, which constitute the national bean dish, hold the aver
age proportion in kilograms to the maize crop, of about one twenty-sixth,
and the accompanying chile condiment, which replaces meat to a great ex
tent, figures at the usual one per cent. Rice culture is creeping into favor,
Sonora and Sinaloa producing each about 600,000 kilograms, and Durango
somewhat over half that amount. Nearly all of the preceding primary arti
cles may be regarded as intended solely for home consumption, and the hopes
of enterprising men and prospective colonists are turned rather to semi-tropic
products, such as cotton, sugar, and figs. Cotton appears to have been
known to some of the northern tribes before the conquest, by introduction

750 RESOURCES ANU COMMERCE,

from central Mexico, and the culture flourished during colonial times to some
extent. Hardy found it a leading industry on the Nazas in 1827. Trav.,
485-6. It was introduced at Hermosillo in 1811, but failed. In 1842 the
culture was resumed, supplying Inigo's mill in part, and efforts were made
to extend the cultivation on Rios Yaqui and Mayo. In 1843-4 it nearly
faded at both places, through frost and disorders. Mex. Mem. Ayric., 1843,
1845, p. 12; Velasco, Son., 61-3. Chihuahua in 1879 produced 5(56,600
kilogs., and Sinaloa 1,500,000, while Durango yielded 2,928,000. See also
Arch. Comis. Scien., i. 446-51; Hall's 8<>n., MS., 77-8; Mex. Scraps, i. 147-8;
Pap. Var., xi. 15 et seq. Worms have proved a series annoyance in Sinaloa.
Later it received a decided impulse, and while Durango, in 1886, led with
about three million kilograms, the sister states are striving to rival her.
In this connection dyes were beginning to obtain attention, when mineral
substances came to discourage the effort, as they have done in the southern
indigo and cochineal centres.

Another prominent article, sugar cane, is steadily increasing in favor
among planters, Sinaloa producing over three million kilograms, and
Sonora following close behind. Much of this is converted into brandy,
partly as a rival of mescal, which also finds its producers. Viniculture
flourishes in the central part of Sonora, and Chihuahua has achieved a rep
utation for its wines. Olives, figs, oranges and kindred fruit are gaining
attention, and aho coffee and silk. Olive groves existed early in San Bar-
tolome valley of Chihuahua and in the peninsula, planted by the mission
aries. Exemptions were granted in the third decade of this century to
planters of coffee and cacao. Pinart, DK. Son., ii. 19-20. The ranges con-
t:iia. many medicinal plants and valuable forests, chiefly of cedar and oak.
The value of trees is becoming more impressed upon the government, and
efforts are being made to reclaim some of the arid lands to the north west by
planting groves. Escudero, Chili. 90-1, Sonora, describes the trees to be found
in the states. In the estimate of products from the soil Chihuahua leads
with .$4,283,561, followed by Durango with $3,873,526, Sinaloa $3,093,415,
Sonora §1,886,030, Lower California $163,778, lowest of all Mexican terri
tories; while Chihuahua stands twelfth in the list, which is headed by Jalisco
with $20,862,066; Vera Cruz and Guanajuato coming next with $13,000,000;
then Puebla, Mexico, Michoacan, and Oajaca. Busto, Estadist.

So far stock-raising has sustained the preeminence apparently assigned
to it by the northern soil and sanctioned by national indolence. Bell,
New Track*, 385-7, discourses on the natural advantages, and Bartlett, Narr.,
ii. 439, relates that a settler near Casas Grandes river, in 1785, obtained by
1829 a herd of 40,OOJ out of four cows and one bull. Previous to the Indian
outbreak of 1832 there was nothing to disturb the peaceful growth of herds
and flocks to the very frontier, until missions and private individuals counted
their possessions by the thousands. A mission on the Yaqui had over
40,000 sheep and goats. Pap. Var., cxii. At Turnacacosi 4,000 cattle were
sold in 1821 at $3 per head. Pinart, Doc. Son.,i. no. 71. The ranchos round
Babispe had 60,000 or 80,000 head. Vektsco, Son., 103-4, 121. Uniformity
of color was much affected, and one partido sent 809 white bulls to Mexico,
Monte ros, Expos. 28; and Durango sent 1,000 white horses from one estate.
KendaWs S into, F6 Exped., ii. 111. In Amlegin, 142-4, allusion is made to
tamed buffaloes and to their breeding with cattle. Nacori found here 900
horses insufficient for complete branding. /:/., in Pap. Var., cxl. In 1827 at
the hacienda de Ensenillas of Chihuahua 47,009 sheep lambed. Hardy's Trav. ,
473. Conde estimates the stock of this state in 1833 at 235,884 head of
cattle, 350,000 head of small stock, 128,371 horses, and 35,727 mules and
asses. Sw. Mex. Geog., Bol, v. 285, 324. Durango district claimed upward
of 200,000 mares and kine previous to the great revolt of 1616. Hist. Nuev.
Vise., MS., 6; Doc. Mex., ser. iii. 12; Mota, Padilla, 318. Velasco, Snn.,
73, is full of praise for the ' sabrosisimos carneros.' In 1826 Ward, M^x.,
ii. 560, ascribed 200,000 sheep and 40,000 horses and mules to the Tarca
hacienda, 80,000 sheep to Ramos, and 40,000 cattle to Guatimape. The

CATTLE AND MINES. 751

sparsely settled peninsula counted in 1800, 7,900 cattle, 4, 600 horses, mules,and
a 3 36.3, and 17,000 small stock. Arrillaja, Eitai., in Bandird, Doc. Cal., 3.
But after a time they nielced away in all exposed districts, under constant
raids into Sonora, Chihuahua, and Durango, and even adjacent regions suf
fered from tne ever pending danger and discouragement. This evil being
now happily reduced, the industry is recovering and promises to assume
vaster proportions than ever. Indeed, rapid settling of the adjoining border
country and the rapid increase of communication, fostered especially by
railroads, are giving a great impetus to tiie frontier states, and offering in
duce mant 5 to agriculturists by opening markets in more than one direction,
and for a wide range of articles. Intercourse with Americans will serve to
rouse a bright and attractive population, which has partly by lack of oppor
tunity sunk into non-progressive apathy and improvidence, content with
bare sustenance for the day. Rich rancheros lived in bare and dilapitated
houses, although dressing in semi-barbaric glitter, and their retainers have
been content with mere sheds. See admissions in Dice. Univ., viii. 339.
India-is especially lack enterprise. Sjc. Mex. Geoj., JBol., ii. 45.

Gold, the chief incentive for the conquest of Mexico, continued to at
tract the Spanish adventurers, especially toward the north. Intent upon
tliis, it took some yaars before the discovery of the deposits in Zacatecas, in
15i(5-8, changed the current of their ideas by the recognition that New Spain
was essentially a silver country. Then the fever started anew, and onward
passed the rush, first along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre. In 1852
Durango was entered, although the rumored silver mountain here proved
to be iron, a ad was left to the appreciation of a later generation. One
precious deposit after another unfolded before the advancing explorers, who
reached Chihuahua a decade later and thence continued their successful
quest into the O^cidente provinces. Here gold cropped out in such a way
as to encourage tli3 poorer prospector, and to cast an interest over the region
beyond, from which they were debarred by aridity and savages. The Sierra
Ma Ire became more clearly marked as the source of wealth, and in
c nir so of time the western slopes proved to contain the richest mines located at
fr > n 3,003 to 8,003 feet above the sea. The distribution is uneven, in pockets,
bi:u!i3s, flat-veins, ail chimneys, depressions formed by ravines, scattered
a n > IT immense bodies of low-grade ores, usually in one principal vein, with
p;r raps smaller pirallal branches, which class really forms the most valuable
pir:of the deposits, so far but little touched. They are usually found in
primitive and transition rocks, as slate and graywacke, and especially por
phyry and alpine lima stone, the latter containing most of the early and
rich mines. The main low-grade ore is below 60 ounces to the ton, and con
sists for the first 300 feet of decomposed ctlorados, thence below the 'water
line,' or other disturbing element, they run into sulphides, the neyros, both
treated by amalgamation; then follow the harder liya and pyrites, subjected
to smelting.

While rich in promise, with many a glowing record, yet the frontier
region stands secondary to the north-central crescent of the republic, which
passes through San Luis Potosi, Guanajuato, and Zacatecas. Owing to dis
tance from ports and other available supply stations, and increased dangers,
exploitation was conducted with even less thoroughness than usual in Mexico.
T ie proscription of Spaniards added to the adverse influence of the repub
lican strife; many mines were abandoned for lack of capital and enterprising
m3n after the rich pockets had been exhausted, and others fell into the
hands of gamhusinos, or straggling workers, whose shiftless methods, aim
ing chiefly at immediate and easy returns, caused the ruin of well preserved
mines. The protective measures of colonial days received little attention,
partly from the overthrow of Spanish regulations and authorities in such
matters. The destruction of walls and pillars used to be severely punished,
and reasons for abandonment had to be given, together with plans for the
workings. For complaints and suggestion', see Doc. 3fex., ser. 3, iv. 658-60;
Pinart, Coll., iios. 669-76; N. Mex. Cedufas, MS., 265-8. Hardy, Trav..

752 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE.

427-34, speaks of placers worked by the rudest of tools, mere sticks; and
Combier, Voy., 213-14, describes the manner of crushing quartz, with boulders
drawn by animals, and the amalgamation process. Details are otherwise
given in the mining chapters of Hist. Mex., iii.-vi., this series. Surreptitious
working of closed mines by gambusinos also had ruinous effects in cavings,
etc. In rich mines the stealings by operatives were enormous. As Hall in
stances, Sin., MS., 50, 91, 190-1. The hostility of t'.ie Apaches obliged the
evacuation of entire districts even far froui the frontier, especially in Sonora.
Among the remedies presented to revive the flagging industry was exemp
tion from taxes. Foreigners began to pour in after the independence, and
although at first meeting with poor success from lack of prudence and ex
perience, superior machinery and scientific methods prevailed, until a large
number of rich deposits fell into their hands. They developed compara
tively few new mines, preferring to reopen the many abandoned mines, which
as a rule have been worked only near the surface and in patches. With
their effective machinery and expedients, the lack or excess of water, trans
portation, and other early obstacles are readily overcome, and the masses of
ignored low-grade ore, and even tailings, yield fortunes. The result has
been a gratifying emulation among Mexicans, participated in also by poor
men, who receive advances from capitalists, the latter stipulating for the
purchase of their ore at, say, 16 per cent below mint races, which again
were some 20 per cent below real value, according to Froebel, Cent. Am., ii.
257-8. Formerly bancos de plata afforded similar aid to miners generally.
Lassa'ja, 15-19. A stimulant exists also in a law which permits a speculator
to take the working of a mine from incompetent men by paying them a rent
equivalent to their average extraction. Froebel, ii. 231-2. For mining laws,
surpervising boards, mining college, etc., I refer to Hist. Mex., iii.-vi., this
series.

The development of the frontier region under colonial regime, since the
discovery of Santa Barbara lodes in about 1563, has been noticed in the pre
ceding volume, and it is here necessary only to introduce its most striking
features in connection with a general account of each state.

No very reliable data can be obtained for the total periodic or relative
production of the different sections, owing to the secrecy observed by own
ers, especially foreigners, for obvious reasons, and to the neglect of officials
to collect information. This applies especially to the distant frontier, with
its many facilities for escaping supervision. The statistics of mints, of
which Sonora possesses two and the other three states one each, afford the
most acceptable figures, and according to these, for the fiscal year ending
June 1879, Sonora headed the four states concerned with a total of 32,917
kilograms worth $1,287,352; Durango follows with 28,535 kilograms
worth $1,115,904, then Chihuahua with 27,926 kilograms worth $1,092,-
157; and last, Sinaloa with 11,705 kilograms worth $457,771. The process
of reduction in three of the states is divided between amalgamation and
smelting, the latter preponderating, while in Sonora lixiviation predominates.
The four states stand credited also with a gold yield of $24,867, $20,552,
$46,443, and §12,256, respectively, which places Chihuahua first here, but
fourth in the order of the Mexican states generally. In silver production
Sonora, as the first, stands sixth in the republic, with little more than one-
fourth the yield of Zacatecas; the sister states follow, while Mexico and
and Michoacan succeed Sinaloa. The geologic formation of Chihuahua is
cretaceous fossiliferous limestone, resting on primary strata, which presents
three classes of mines: in transition porphyry, with feldspath base and
quartz matrix, as at Parral, Jesus Maria, Guadalupe y Calvo, and Cuisihuir-
iachic; in alpine Ii nestone, with large formations of lead ores, as at Santa
Eulalia and Urique; and those with native silver beneath a sulphide belt,
covered by chlorides, bromides, and embolite, as at Batopilas, Morelos,
Cueros, and Tubores. The state has revealed fully 100 distinct minerales or
districts, all with silver, sometimes in immense lumps, while gold has been
successfully sought in several, even recently in placers. One at Chorreas,

MIXES AND MINING. 753

45 leagues N. E. of Chihuahua, yielded half a million between 1SG7-70; an
other at Guadalupe in 1869 gave $20,000 monthly Soc. Mex. Gcoy., BoL, ep.
2, ii., 719-20. Later discoveries noticed in Alex. Diar. Ofic., Jan. 23, 1871;
Monitor, and others. Gold is found in ten of the cantones.

The first mines discovered in the state lie in the same canton as Parral,
which is famed for the regular yield of its easily reduced though low-grade
ore. It still holds the second rank, and exhibits about 400 locations, from
which §60,000,003 are said to have been obtained. The vein is among the
widest, and so far not worked below 300 feet. The leading mines are the Veta
Grande, 34 metre.3 wide, yielding 4-8 marcos per 12 arrobas, and the Jesus
Maria, whose ore sells at $35 to $60 per ton. The district was discovered
in 1600 by a fugitive miner, and rose rapidly, being the seat of the territo
rial deputation till the transfer to Chihuahua in the 18th century, Ramirez,
jRiqueza Min., 389-90; Eiendero, C/uh., 137-42; Aleyre, ii., 190. So far five-
sixths of the ore is treated by amalgamation. This district was eclipsed by
the development iii 1703 of the Santa Eulalia, which gave importance to Chi
huahua city. The ore here occurs in enormous irregular bodies, some large
enough to hold a cathedral, and with an average yield of 6 or 8 ounces per
carga, up to 32 ounces. The total out-turn so far is estimated at fully
$120,000,003, according to the figures of Ramirez, supported by Conde
and Wizlizeims, Tour., 57; yet Dahlgren gives the production by 1844 alone
at over $360,000,000, or $2,646,000 a year since 1704, the average value of
the ore being placed at from $26 to $103 per ton. The lack of water has
offset the ease with which the ore can be treated. The richest mines were
El Caballo, San Matias, La Virja, Dolores, and San Jose. The discovery
was made by fugitive malefactors, whose camp-fire revealed the outcropping,
when they sued successfully for pardon. Such is a popular version. Arle-

fin, Chron., 99, ascribes the discovery to the Franciscans, to whom the
uliemes disclosed the deposit. From a tax of one real per marco on the
yield of one bonanza alone, as Ward puts it, the cathedral of Chihuahua
was built, besides another structure, etc. Froebel, Cent. Am., 359, esti
mates the bonanza at 14,500,000 marcos. According to the In forme D'wfntt
Tcrrit. of 1825 the district had '63 haciendas grounds, 188 hornos de fuiidi-
cion (smelting furnaces), 112 cendradas,'and a mass of amalgamation works.
Mota Padilla, ffi*t., 316, So?. Mex. Geog., Bol, v., 281, et seq. ; Pap. Var.,
cxli. pt 5, refer to early condition. It declined with the opening of the cen
tury, and in 1825 came an appeal for aid. Santa Eulalia, Mines, 5-11; Ob-
serv. Rep. Mcx., iii., 174-80. Of late it has shared in the revival produced
by foreign enterprise. The richest ore, however, has been that of San Pedro
Batopilas, remarkable for the calc-spar matrix veins carrying native silver
which yielded as much as $20,000 per ton, with a total production of, say,
$100,000,000. Ramirez puts it at only $60,000,000, but he belies himself,
while some accounts raise it to $300,0^,0.003. 'Las mas ricas que se ban
labrado en el Regno,' says Gamboa in his Comentarios. Ihe belt is 4 miles
by f , and extends along the western slope of the Sierra Madre. The veins
are narrow and hard, and but little exploitation is required. The richest mines
were Pastrena, the deepest somewhat over 120 metres, which is supposed to
have yielded $48,000,003 between 1730-50; San Antonio, $10-16,000,000;
Carmen, $25-30, 000, U03; Los Tajos, $20,003,000. Since the independence
Ramirez allows only $6,000,000, but the revival experienced since 1849, and
especially of late by Americans, indicates more. Of the 1,400 or more
mines, 72 have been noted for their yield. Riqueza Min., 386-7. Most of the
mining records of the state allude more or less to the district. Next in or
der to these three leading and representative districts follows Jesus Maria,
the proper opening of which in 1821 gave a perceptible impulse generally to
mining affairs in the state. The yield of its principal mine was $35, 000, 000.
Cuishuiriachic has probably equalled the preceding district in production.
Morelos is a new district of high rank, but less known than Guadalupe y
Calvo, which opened only in 1835 has nevertheless approached some of the
heaviest totals in its yield, largely gold, The old region of Urique contains
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 48

754 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE.

rich ore, mostly requiring smelting. The districts of Uruachic, Corralitos,
Zapuri, Topago, Uruapa, and others, some in activity, others practically
abandoned, are waiting like several of the revived mines for the capital and
skill that shall, with deeper and more thorough exploitation, unfold their
treasures. Busto, Estadiyf., ii., 57-00, of 1880, recognizes only 21 mines as
in operation in the 12 active districts, with a yield for the year 1878-79 of
149,818 marcos silver and 7 marcos gold, according to mint coinage; yet he
admits the unsatisfactory nature of the reports. Americans own large in
terests in Batopilas, Pinos Altos, and Guadalupe, the latter bought from
Englishmen, who still hold claims at Pinos Altos.

Sonora is generally regarded as among the richest of Mexican states, yet
greatly neglected, owing to lack of water, capital, and security, and to an
irregular geologic formation that has led to many disappointments, especially
to foreign firms. Poorer men, adapting themselves to changing circum
stances, succeed better. They have been favored also by the greater propor
tion of gold here presented, notably in the many placers of the northern
parts, discovered at different times and places in course of the last hundred
years, and sustained in interest by such remarkable yields as that of the
early Cien.egu.illa, estimated as high as $100,000, and by the mystery shroud
ing the arid border region and the forbidden haunts of the Apaches, guarded
by gold and silver bullets. The report of rich finds in Arizona in 1709,
with silver lumps of 20, and even 140, arrobas in weight. Apostol Afanes,
lib. ii., cap. ii. 232-7. Some of the lumps were presented to the king, who
declared the mines crown property, and so stopped further search. Velasco,
Son., 190-2. One mass weighed '3,500 pounds. Stone, 25-6, in Pap. Far.,
cxii. The subsequent silver placer of this name was in 1855 declared gov
ernment property. Navarro, Leyes, 321-2. Big lumps were again reported.
Carres. E*p., May 30, 1855. The San Ildefonso de la Cieneguilla placers were
discovered about 1769 during a pursuit of marauding Seris, and revealed
pure grains and nuggets, some from 1 to 27 marcos in weight, much upon
the surface. At San Francisco, near by, opened in 1803, pieces of 28 marcos
were found. They continued to be worked for several decades in the present
century, yielding $45,000,000 annually for many years. Velasco, Son., 194-
203. Busto, ii. 328, quotes an account which estimates the total yield at
over $100, 000, 000. Alcedo, iv. 575; Arce, Diirio, of 1776, 228-9. Pinart, Doc.
8">n., MS., i., no. 19, reports the condition in 1800 as poor, yet Diar. Max.,
1810, xiii. 71-2, speaks of untold prospects. In 1837 the Quitovac placers
were disclosed, with nuggets up to 30 marcos, but less extensive. Soc. Mex.
Geog., BoL, xi. 63-5.

Twenty-one placers have so far been recognized, one being of silver.
Gold exists in all the mining districts, of which only a few are now classed
as active. Reports from the seven leading groups show that 75 firms, with
a capital of $10,000,000, are operating somewhat over 200 mines and three
dozen reduction works, yielding fully $1,200,000 annually. In the famous
Alamos district are immense deposits of ore at from 20 to 50 ounces, while
the higher grade yields from $250 to $500 per ton. Elsewhere, as at Babi-
canora, two mines alone are said to have yielded over $50,000,000 within a
few years, so that the prospects are most encouraging. According to Rami
rez' reports of 1884, Alamos district has 13 mining firms, with a capital of
$1,365,000, operating 15 mines, of which 7 are yielding an average of $345,-
000 a year from as many reduction works, with 730 workmen. Moctezuma,

8 firms, capital $167,500, 17 mines and 1 work, yielding $92,700, 140 men.
Sahuaripa, 25 firms, capital $4,29">.000, 34 mines, of which only 4 yield
$254,000, 5 works, and 434 men. Guaymas, 12 firms, $108,500 capital, 33
mines, including copper, of \vhich one only yields $4,000, 174 men. Arizpe,
7 firms, $1,868,600 capital, 52 mines, including copper, yielding $300,000, 5
works, and 500 men. Magdalena, 7 firms, $415,000 capital. 19 mines, of
which only one yields $16,800, 5 works, and 225 men Altar, 17 firms,
$1,547,000 capital, 45 mines, including antimony, whereof 7 yield $182,400,

9 works, and 165 men. Busto assumes for 1879 only 11 works of any impor-

MINES AND MINING. 755

tance, in 16 active districts out of 34. Dahlgren raises the production of the
famous Alamos group to $500,000. The rich deposits occur in big bunches,
sometimes 50 feet Made, the first class, of copper glance with silver sulphide,
yielding 25 to 50 per cent copper and $250 to $500 silver per ton; the second
class is smelting ore, the third class brings 50 ounces with milling, and the
fourth class, with immense reserves, 20 to 25 ounces. The Quintera mine is
803 feet deep. In 1870 the active mines were estimated at 144, and the
abondoned at 583. Twenty years earlier the yield of the leading districts
was placed between 100,000 and 120,000 marcos of silver. Monteverde, in
Dice. Univ., iii. 413 et seq.

In Sinaloa the lodes consist greatly of quartz matrix marked by oxide of
iron, and holding minute particles and threads of gold. The principal de
posits, the argentine, which reveals also native silver, is here largely connected
with lead, and to some extent with copper. The average yield is estimated
at one marco per carga of 12 arrobas, or an annual production of 11,705 kilo
grams of silver. The mineral wealth is widely distributed, and each of the
nine political divisions contains a number of mining districts, of which Cosala
is the largest, and Rosario among the richest. The mines are placed at more
than 400, including copper, with over 50 reduction works and 39 steam en-
g;nes. Ramirez estimated the circulating capital at $2,560,000 and the men
employed at 5,300. Garcia Cubas assumes 445 mines at an earlier period.

The most important mine in Cosala district, Guadalupe de los Reyes, has
since 1800 produced $85,000,000, it is said, the ore still averaging $100 per
ton. The second best mine is El Tajo of Rosario, with even better average
ore at present, and in bonanza. It supports a population of 6,000, according
t > Hamilton. Border Sbitcs, 1 18. Dahlgren places its production at $12,000,-
COO, while according $90, 000, (.00 to Rosario. The district was discovered in
1655 by a peasant, who here broke his rosary, whence the name. The ad
joining Plomosas district has ore valued °t 12 ounces per carga. The ore of
Jocuistila, in San Ignacio, is very rebellious, yet the yield is placed at
$-",0-60,000 per month. Americans are largely interested in different dis
tricts, and although meeting with obstacles, are paving their way with enter
prising zeal, as Vega, Doc. , i. 260-4, has already pointed out. The revival of
Cosala is due to them. Gold placers are found even to-day, notably in the
rugged Fuerte region.

Among the principal of the 35 mining districts in Durango is San Dimas,
to which a production of over $100,000,000 is attributed. The Candelaria
mine, which early in this century yielded $250,000 per month, still averages
from $70 to $140 to the ton from argentite, stephanite ore, with galena and
iron and copper pyrites and native gold. The Bolanos mine, at the rear of
the mountain, produces an average of $140 to the ton. Coneto has remark
ably rich ore in veins of three feet, with much tin. The rebellious ores of
Inde and Guanacroi average from $125 to $300 per ton. Del Oro has been
remarkable for its gold placers, and yielded at one period $1,000,000 an
nually. Not far eastward of Inde are the shallow deposits of Los Fresnos,
and the net-like veins of Yerba Buena. The district of Gabilanes produced
S300,000 annually during the early part of the century. Cuencame abounds
in low-grade ore. South of Durango are eight groups marked by chlorides
and bromides, which cover argentiferous galena. Mapimi, Norias, Panuco,
and San Lucas figure as noteworthy districts. In 1831 the yield for the
state was reported at 78,693 marcos. Escuclero enumerates 80 mines in 1848.
Americans are gaining a decided footing.

In Lower California the mining wealth is «mall in comparison with the
sister regions, yet each of its eight municipalities contains one or more gold
and silver mines, the former metal assuming greater proportion in the north,
where even now such placers as Japa, San Rafael, and Calamahi, are attract
ing attention. The richest district is in the south, the San Antonia. with
over 40 silver and a score of gold mines, including three placers. Next
come Santiago and La Paz, with 11 and 1 0 mine^, respectively, of which six are
gold. The first named includes the Triunfo mines, the foremost in the territory.

756 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE.

The average yield is from 3 to 12 ounces of silver per carga, with gold ad
mixture. The Virgenes and Cocachilas deposits are richer in quality, hut
with narrower veins, yielding from 8^ marcos per carga, downward. TLe
formation is granitic. There are three principal veins, while the other re
veals six, with many intermediate streaks. The districts of Mulege and
Comondd have each two gold and three silver mines, Todos (Santos and Santo
Tomas one gold mine apiece, and San Jose one silver mine. Ramirez speaks
promisingly of San Jose island, of the region between Valle Perdido and Cer-
ralvo island, Cerro del Gigaiite near Loreto, and from Carmen island to ts-
piritu Santo. The first silver mine was opened about 1750, and worked for
government account, Cal. Prov. Rcc., i. 151-2, at Santa Ana, and from it
1408 marcos were shipped in 1770. Heavy taxes and bubble schemes have
counteracted the revival promised by the large influx of American miners.
Leading authorities on gold and silver mining in the north are the reports in
Mex. Me,n. Fom., 1884 and earlier dates; /(/., Hac., id.; Hutto, Estadist., ii-
iii. ; U. S. Com. Rel., for different years; the special mining histories of
Daldgren, Historic Mines of Mexico, and Ramirez, Riijueza Mineral de Mexico,
both incomplete in range and detail, and imperfect in method and data, yet
of undeniable value. A mass of information is also presented in Pinart,
Cal., Id., DK. Sni., Mex. Scraps., i-ii. Tarayre, Ex^lor. Min., Soc. Mex.
Geoff., v-vi., viii-xi., ep. 2, i., iii. ; Pap. Var., different numbers; Esendcro,
Cldh,; Id., Dur.; Id., Son. y Sin ; Velasco, Son., Hardy s Trav.; Ward's Mex.,
i., ii. ; Humholdt, Ess'ii Pol. The main object of Jacob P. Leese, Historical
Outline rf Lower California, New York, 1865. 8vo., pp. 46, was to lay before
the world the organization of the Mexican Mining and Colonization Co. of
New York, under grants to the author and his associates by ihe Mexican
government of 46,800 square miles of land between 24° 20" and 31° for col
onization and industrial purposes. A few pages are devoted to the early
history of Lower California, and a brief account of the missions. TLe
rest of the publication is taken up with a description of the mineral resour
ces of that country, of the pearl Fisheries, and of the capabilities of Lower
California generally.

The frontier states are rich also in baser metals and minerals. Copper
abounds in nearly all of them, and has been worked in different places, but
with little application, as in Sonora, in Chihuahua, with her famed Copper
Mountain, and in Lower California, where a number of mines are worked.

Iron has been found in several places in Sonora and Chihuahua, and
close to Durango city lies that curious deposit known as the Cerro del Mer-
cado, after its discoverer. Ihis reported silver mountain, which first at
tracted the Spaniards to this region, proved to be a mass of iron a mile in
length by nearly half a mile in width, and 086 feet high, calculated to con
tain 460,000,000 tons, the specific weight being 4.658, and assaying from 70
to 75 per cent, of pure iron. Attempts to work it, since 1828, have only of
late begun to give promising results.

Lead exists in most of the states, and that from a mine in the center of
the Santa Eulalia silver district of Chihuahua is used to assist the smelting
process.

Tin has been noticed in Sonora, and Durango contains several immense
fields, worked to some extent in the preceding century, and lately promis
ing to revive.

Nickel has been discovered at San Rafael, Lower California, and anti
mony in Sonora.

Quicksilver has long been sought for to promote the reduction of precious
metal.'?, and indications have been found, but not sufficiently Fati:-factory.
In Lower California are three; in Sonora two, from one of which a number of
flanks were obtained. Los Union, Dec, 16, 1860; Dos. Repuh. July 6, 1878.
Chihrahua has it in two cantons and Dnrango in boneto, \vhere it extends
for two leagues, assaying 60-70 per cent., the result of special exploration
urged in 1844. Mex. Expvt. Tom.., 1845 53-4; Pnp. Var. xi., pt. iv., 53-4.
This is perhaps the most promising deposit. Later the search for coal

METALS AND MINERALS. 757

excited most interest, in connection with railroad building. The value of
the indications along the Rio Grande is not yec certain. That at Topia in
Durando is satisfactory; and equal assurance io made for a deposit 75 miles
east of Mazaclan, but they are not likely to be worked for a long time. In
Souora, however, there are some tine helds, especially in Surramas on Rio
Yaquin, not far from Ures. It is said to be 36 square kilom. in superficies.
Coid of transportation is the chief obstacle. Rainertz, 192, 577; llandttms
Border States, 98-101; Hex. Scraps., i., 281, ii., 18. Baruche, Brouces, and
San Marcial contain large fields. Chihuahua claims deposits for four can
tons, and the peninsula lias one at least.

Graphite has been found in Lower California, at San Javier, and from
San Marcial, in Sonora shipments have been made to Germany and New
York without obtaining remunerative results. The peninsula has also indi
cations of asphaltum, oil and petroleum, the latter likewise in Duraiigo, at
S.erra de Gamon. Sulphur exists in both regions: in Durango at Mepimi,
whence shipments were made to the mint at Mexico in early days, and in
L)vver California at the Virgenes volcano, which has of late years been
worked.

Saltpeter has been found in Sonora and Lower California. Salt abounds
in the coast regions, and in Chihuahua deposits have been worked at Santa
Eluvige. Sinaloa claim* nine field 5 and Soiiora several, from which even
the colonial treasury received revenue. Those of the peninsula are
more important, however, notably Carmen island, off Loreto, and at San
Quentin, from which a number of cargoes are shipped annually, from
Carmen during colonial times. Cal. Proo. St. Pap., Ben. Mil, xvi. 3., xviii.
4. By 185o-7 the export had risen to over 1,100 tons, on which the gov
ernment exacted $4 per ton. Asxepis B ij'i Cal., 58-60. Guillemin reduces
the export, and adds that a field at San Gonzalo point was opening. Arch,
de Co/tils. Scien., ii. 417. San Quentin has since early days proved more
remunerative than the boasted copper mines near by. In 1855-56 the yield
was .$8,085 and $4,633. For other fields see Taylor's L. Cal,, 110, 123-31;
ffjy.*'D)C. L. Cal., 63-5; Ra nirez, 291-3, 575, 580-1.

There are also deposits of guano, alum, gypsum, lime, marble and even
precious stones, such as the ruby, beryl, topaz, garnet, the latter, however,
insufficient to prove an allurement.

PearU exist, however, and have until lite years been the chief attraction
of Lower California. Although discovered in the days of Cutic it was not
until the opening of the 17th century that they became an object of special
search. The private expeditions found record through the fame of their suc
cess. Soon after the missionaries entered, and regarding the promiscuous
contact with adventurers demoralizing to the Indians they secured restric
tion, under which fishing could be followed only by licensed parties.

Among the most fortunate of early adventurers are mentioned Castillo, of
Cliiametla, Ortego, and Carbonel. The first systematic workers of the beds
were Cordova and Iturbe, 1615. Clavigero Storia Cal., i., 161; Pacheco, Cal.
DK., ix., 21-2, 33-4; Vcnejas, Not., x., 204-5. Subsequently a soldier named
Osio created great stir bv his success. In 1743 he obtained 127 pounds of
pearls, and in the following year 275, chiefly above Mulege. It is said that
he filled cellars with oysters cast up by the waves, and after letting them
rot the pearls were gathered. Estiva in Sor. Mex. Geog., Bol., x., 673-97, adds
that he presented the queen with a necklace of alternate round and pear-
shaped pearls. About this time the royal fifth is said to have been rented
for $12,000 a year. Alvarado ff>M. Cal., i.; 10. Boegert, Nachrickten, 330,
doubts this. Toward the close of the last century the fifth was placed at
21bs. 3 oz-;., fr. 1792-96; other accounts reduced this to 3 Ibs. 9 ozs. fr.
1783-97; an amount assigned by some to 1797 alone. Arch. Cal. Prov. St. P.
xvi. 123, 119; Ben. Mil, xvii., 4-5, 28; xvi., 4-5; xviii., 5.

This system continued till republican times, when with lessened super
vision the influx and irregularities threatened to exhaust the beds. By de-

758

RESOURCES AND COMMERCE

cree of 1857 regulations were accordingly issued for protecting them, such as
dividing them into four sections, of which only one could be worked annually,
in lots rented for the season to the highest bidders. The first sections ex
tended from Cabo Palmo to San Lorenzo channel, the second embraced La
Paz bay and the islands of San Jose and Eispiritu Santo, the third covered
the space from the north end of La Paz bay to Coronado3 island, the fourth
from feaii Marcos island to San Bruno bay, beyond Mulege. Details and
rules, in Soc. Mex. Geoy., Boi, x. 681-4. Observance has as usual been
neglected, but stricter supervision begins to prevail.

Expeditions have till late years been fitted out at Guaymas, each vessel,
of from 15 to 30 tons burden, carrying from 30 to 50 divers, usually Yaqui
Indians, in charge of an armador. They are, as a rule, paid a certain share
of the catch, and frequently kept in debt-bondage by means of advances and
supplies. The regular season lasts from July to September. As soon as the
vessel had been brought to anchor over an oyster-bed, the divers began their
work, which they kept up for two hours in the forenoon and three in the
afternoon. Each had a net fastened to his waist for the reception of the
oysters, and carried in his hand a short stick, pointed at each end, with
which to dislodge his prey from the rocks, and to defend himself from his
dreaded enemies, the shark and devil-fish. After the division the oysters
were opened to look for pearls, beginning with the owners' share. The camps
on shore were the scene of drunkenness, debauchery, and strife, as might be
expected from a multitude of savages suddenly freed from restraint, and sup
plied with everything they desired and could pay for by the unscrupulous
traders who attended. The colonial government issued regulations for
checking such disorder, and appointed officers to enforce them. Arch.
Cal, Prov. Rec., viii. 135-7. They have served as a base for later
rules.

SEASON OF 1855.

g

13

£

<D

03

8

42

CO
CD

B3

n

03

•3

1

&~

a. 2

ft

1

O

^^

c8

CD

'CD

m

13

|(SS

£\

^

0

Cu

o ^

*4— t

^^

O

jj.S

f_i
CD

LI

LI

i

w C

"8

0
CD

T3

?1 £

3

IT

g

'g

5

C
C

."s "^

^

1

1 lu

1

^

*

%

fc

O»

^

h> s

La Paz

14

206

31

4

7

4400

$14,000

$ 8,000

$22,500

$5.11

Loreto

1

50

2

0

2

600

2,300

1,200

3,500

5.38

Mulege

10

112

16

5

2

1900

7; 500

4,300

11,800

6.25

Total....

25

368

49

9

11

6900

$23,800

$13,500

$37,800

$

EXPENSES OF OUTFIT

PROCEEDS OF YEAR'S BUSINESS

Cost of Craft $ 4,900

Sale of Pearls $23 800

Feeding 368 divers at 12.} cts.

Sale of Shell 14 000

per diem 3.y months 6,210

Return of Craft with value, re

Advances to divers ) g OOQ
Averaging $16 each j '

duced 25 per cent .

3,675

CM] 47K

SI 6. 998

Net Profit.. ..$24,475

PEARL FISHING.
In 1856 the business was less, as follows :

759

EXPENSES OF OUTFIT

PROCEEDS FOR YEAR

Cost of Vessels

$ 5,000
4,003

4,880

Sale of Pearls

$21 750

Support of 305 Divers

Sale of Shell . .

7 937

.Advances to Divers

Return of Vessels,
value 25 per cent

Net Profit

reduced in
... .. 3,750

$33,437
19,554

$13,883

No mention is made of any of the money advanced to divers being re
covered, but as a rule about one-half was saved. The other half was
reckoned as a loss in order to secure the diver's services for the next season.
Therefore the profits may be said to have been:

In 1855 ... $27,4-21— Capital invested $10,998

In 185G 21,994— " " 13,883

E*tevat Hfemoria sdhre la Pe#ea de Perla, in Soc. Mex. Geoy. BoL, x., 087-8.
Lassepas gives from unofficial sources the yield of pearls during the follow
ing years:

In 1854 $17,000 I In 1856 $22,500

In 1855 23,800 I In 1857 21,750

The same writer estimates that during the 277 years, from 1580 to 1857
inclusive, there were taken from the California waters 1,911,300 quintals of
shells, containing 2, 770 Ib.s. of pearh, valued at $5,540,000. Buja CaL 65.
See also Guillennn, Memoria, in Arch.de Com. Scien. du J\Jex., ii. 417-19. The
season of 1867 was an unusually poor one, only about $15,000 of pearls and
$10,000 of shells being taken. La Paz Buja Col, Nov. 23, 1867. In 1868
the pearls taken amounted to $49,800, shell, i)9,600, without counting the
yield of the second season, or conchada, when the divers fish on their own ac
count, after being freed from the regular contracts. This work they keep
up till it become? too cold, and generally obtain about 10 per cent, of the
yield of the regular season.

T. F. Pu j ol, in an article entitled Estudio Biologico sol>re la oslro aircula Margar-
Uiferns, which not only give? much scientific information covering the pearl
oyster, but is also as exhaustive an account of the pearl-fishery as that by
Esteva, places the yield of pearls in 1869 at $62,000, and of shells at $25,000.
Soc. Mex. Geotj. B^l Epoc. 2, iii., 139.

Recent information concerning the yield is less satisfactory than that
furnished in the 6th decade, from which it appears that the average catch
in a season returned a net profit of someM'hat over $20,000, obtained with an
invested capital of about $16,000, and a force of 400 divers divided among two
dozen vessels. Traders at La Paz offered about $17.00 per oz. for seed peai'ls
and $1,200 for choice pearls, according to their size, regularity of shape and
brilliancy. To improve those which are defective in the latter respects, the
Calif ornians caused them to be swallowed by hens, which they kill when
suffcient time has elapsed to allow the surface of the pearl to be cleaned and
smoothened.

It is only since the middle of the present century that the shells materi
ally swelled the fishing profits, by finding a wider market for the mother-of-
pearl. Their proportion of the yield, somewhat over one-half, gave a fresh
impulse to the fishery, as it presented an assured profit, which was even cal
culated to cover all expenses.

Lassepas says that the true ndcar or mother-of-pearl is taken from a shell
of different form, size, color and fineness from the ordinary pearl-oyster. It
is found on the coast above Cape de las Virgenes, and the remains scattered
about the beach at the ensenada of San Felipe de Jesus show tha^ in former

760 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE.

times this shell was collected. Baja Cat., 65. This statement seems borne
out by a letter from Arrillaga to the viceroy, dated Oct. 9, 1797, wherein
the former announces that in addition to certain pearls he sends ' the shell
asked for.' Arch. Ceil. Prov. St. Pap. xvii., 11. Whatever may have been
done in early days, however, it was the shell of the ordinary pearl-oyster
which was mainly exported after the trade was revived. This was really
about 1830 ; but it was not until after 1850 that the industry began to assume
much importance. The shell exports from 1853 to 1856 are given by Esteva
as follows:

1853, 14,000 quintals, sold on land at $1.33£ per quintal.

1854, 21,971 " " 1.874

1855, 25,200 " " 1.68f

1856, 0,350 " " 1.25

Cost of placing the shells on board 25

Export duty by decree of April 27, 1855 25

—Afenioria in Soc. Max Geoy. Bol, 686.

Lassepas gives figures for the last three of these years which differ
slightly from the above, and adds the export for 1857, 4,957 quintals, making
the total export of shells from 1854 to 1857, 58,948 quintals, valued at §120,-
402. Buja Cat, 64.

On the west cost the abalones attract Chinese fishermen.

The other fisheries of the peninsula, whale and seal, did at one time
deserve some attention, but are no longer of any importance. The seal and
other catch is almost a feature of the past, and the occasional visits of
whalers are growing rarer.

About 1854 settlements were formed along the west coast, chiefly by
Portuguese, who sought blubber, whalebone, and seal skins, usually for the
San Francisco market. According to Taylor, L. Cal., 60, there were at one
time 30 camps, employing 2,000 men.

Scammon, writing about 1867, says that between 1858 and 1861 many
whalers visited Scammon 's lagoon, in 28°, getting there 22,250 pounds of oil,
worth $333,750. Now it is abandoned. The same fate has befallen Balleiias
bay, where one year eight vessels took 3,500 pounds, and the next year four
vessels took 4,700 pounds, worth altogether $123,000. From 1856 to 1861
Magdalena bay yielded 34,425 pounds, worth §516,375, but now it is very
poor. The whaling and peltry resources are almost exhausted. Scammon's
jRept. on W. CoaxtofL. Cal in Browne's L. Cal, 123-31.

Notwithstanding the heavy restrictions on foreign goods, in the shape of
duty, cost of transport and the profits of numerous middlemen, manufactures
are not flourishing in Mexico. From the northern states less is to be
expected, with their scanty population and absorbing mining and agricul
tural interests; yet even here the apathy is striking, which has neglected
such ready resources as are offered; for instance, by the iron mountains of Du-
rango, and continued to seek rails from distant and costly sources. For
eigners have appreciated many of the opportunities thus presented, but the
insecurity and unreliability prevalent until late have checked enterprise.
As it is, manufacturers are confined to a few articles of primary necessity,
and such as are easily obtained from rough material at hand, such as powder,
sugar, leather, cordage, and wagons; articles for dress extending from coarse
cloth to crudely embroidered shawls and hats of felt and straw, soap, com
mon pottery, a.nd cigars. Mazatlan boasts of two iron foundries of recent
date, and Durango of one. The Arizona mines and the completion of the
Sonora railroad have greatly increased the outlet along the line of Guaymas
for flour, wine, and spirits; otherwise none of the articles named are intended
for other than local consumption, even the skins exported being sent in un
finished form.

The only manufacture of importance is that of textible fabrics, notably
cotton. Yet even this is not sutficient in quantity or quality to prevent the
introduction of foreign goods, the duty on which forms the leading revenue.
Cotton cloth being made in Mexico by the aborigines, their art readily spread

MILLS AND MINES. 761

outward among those natives, who, before the conqxiest, plaited fabrics from
coarser fibres. Nevertheless, the establishment ul large factories has been
slow, mainly retarded by competition from abroad and from the southern
states, and partly by political disorders and causes affecting >ther sections.

Pike, Explor. 353-4, alludes, in 1807, to blankets and coarse cloth made
in Chihuahua. The manufacture of mantas declined after the republic
gave freer access to foreign goods. Pap. Var., cxiv. pt. v., 12.

Thus Sonora has only one cotton mill, near Hermosillo, the Angelee, of
64 looms. U. S. Corn. Rel, 1878, 052. In 1843, shortly after its establish
ment, it had 54 looms and 2,198 spindles, using 71 quintals of cotton
weekly, and producing 57 pieces of cloth. Max. Mem. Imt., 1844, ap. 5-7.
Operations were stopped by war between 1853-63, after which they revived.
If all's Son. MS., 54. Later 300 persons were employed, producing 1,000
pieces of cloth per month. Velasco, Son., 83, praises the tine zarapes woven
by Yaquis.

Chihuahua boasts of three, which yield monthly some 7,500 pieces of
cloth. They are La Industria, Talamantes and Dolores.

Durango has eight, producing some 20,000 pieces, besides thread. They
are located, the largest at Durango, two at Nombre de Dios, one at Tumal,
two at Cuencami, one at Papasquiaro, and one at Mapiire. Gnremlxi Mer
chant, 58. A mill was proposed already in colonial days, and in 1847 there
were five, with 188 looms and 0.302 spindles, producing more than 1,000,000
varas of cloth, and using 75,023 arrobas of cotton and 4,009 of wool. De
tails in Ewmlero Dttr., 62-3; Dur. Mem. Gob., 1831, 11-14; Pap. Var., xi.,
pti., 22, 43-0; Ramirez, Hiat. Dur., 54-5.

Sinaloa has three, yielding about 15,000 pieces They are at Mazatlan,
Villa Union and Culiacan, the latter the largest, 'que poco mas 6 menos
cubrcn las necessidades,' says Bnchua. Con.p.Sin., 43. With 400 looms and
o\ cr 0,000 spindles, using 12,000 quintals of raw material. Other details in
SIM to. Estadist., i., pt' ii. ; U. 3. Com. Pel., 1879 and other years; Hernandez
Sin., 65; Bcja Cal, 49-50; Mc.r. Mem. Fom., Id. Hac., fr. different years.

With the rapid opening of new outlets and markets, the entry of enter
prising colonists and the existence of cheap and intelligent labor, with un
surpassed natural resources, it is evident that the growth of manufact
ures is but a question of time.

As a rich mining country Mexico has ever been a tempting field for com
merce. Recognizing this, and jealous concerning so valuable a possession,
Spain kept it wholly to herself, isolated from the world. Toward the close
of the last century she relaxed slightly in permitting foreign vessels to trade,
yet only to a very limited extent.

The war of independence, in severing communication with southern
depots, obliged the frontier states to welcome the forbidden visitors, one re
sult of which was to partially change the centres of distribution along the
coast, from inland towns like Hermosillo, Alamos, Culiacan, to sea-ports like
Guaymas and Mazatlan. The latter became known in 1818, and \vas opened
to trade by decree of 1821; the former being opened in 1813 as a more dis
tant and needed harbor, the only really good one in the gulf. Mazatlan is
only partially sheltered. Cortex, Dinrio, xviii., 419; Mex. Col. Dec. y Ord., 115;
History of Maztlan in Sor. Mex. Gcog., Bol., ep. 2, iv., 66 et seq.

Under the republic freedom of trade and use of water routes were
limited only by the convenience of the treasury department. All nations
were received in intercourse; and although established usage and climatic
considerations still maintained the standing of inland towns, the costly
mule -trains, which had so far carried freight at immense cost from the in
terior, had to yield greatly to the increasing traffic by vessels, for foreign
captains absorbed also most of the coast trade. In upland territories like
Durango they still sustained themselves, but Chihuahua soon changed her
sources in part from Tampico and the south, and notably from Matamoros,
and opened traffic with the United States in 1824 by means of caravans of
wagons, known as prairie schooners, which for many years followed the

762 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE.

Santa Fe route, and subsequently passed through Sau Antonio and Presidio
Del Norte.

This prairie commerce or Santa Fe trade had begun more than a dozen
years Lef ori with . Jew Mexico, to which history, of my series, I refer the
reader. S" . e als- Greyy's Com. Prairies, ii., etc. The caravans increased
in size after 183i, forming usually two score wagons, yet Gregg assumes,
1843, that only one-tenth of the total Chihuahua imports, '$2,000,000 to
$3,000,000 in value,' came from the north. Pike, Explor, 353, alludes to the
heavy cost of overland carriage. Bartlett's Narr., ii.. 435; Niles' Hen., Ivi.,
404, etc.

With greater opportunities for disposing of surplus products came in
creased demand for comforts and luxuriea, and so the trade increased until
the custom house record of Guaymas, for the year ending September, 1879,
showed imports to the amount of $300,373, of which $127,121 were from the
United States, besides some $00,000 worth of machinery, and $239,252
from Europe. The latter embraces chiefly fabrics of cotton, wool,
and linen, groceries and provisions, hardware, cutlery, crockery, and
fancy goods. The imports from the United States share in all of
these articles, equalling the European in groceries and provisions,
but falling a little more than half in the other branches, while ex
celling greatly in mining and agricultural implements and drugs. The gro
ceries and provisions amount in all to about 1,300,000 pounds, hardware
and crockery to 610,000 pounds, implements 207,000 pounds, machinery
1,500,000 pounds, iron 94, 000 pounds, drugs 94,000 pounds, purfumery 4,400
pounds, fabrics 760,000 sq. in., fancy goods $33,000, besides some lumber,
coal, silk, clothing, etc. See consular documents in U. S. Com. Rel., 1879,
439. For the preceding year the imports were $504,799 from the United
States, and $390,701 from Europe; of which $288, 000 were in fabrics, $275,000
in provisions, $102,000 in hardware, $117,000 in lumber and machinery. In
1855 the imports were assumed to be $1,150, 000, of which $150,000 national
ized goods from Sinoloa contributed to yield a total of $170,000 to the cus
tom house, and in 1849 $173,000, while the receipts from imports alone in
1879 were $283,962, and in 1878 $312,000. In 1825, 1827, and 1828 the im
ports were $56,280 $103,948, and $83,251, respectively. Prleto, JRentas., 308,
docs 2-3, 7-10; Mcx. Mem. IJac., for the different years; Lerdo, Mem., 108,
558, etc.; Buxto. Estadist, i., 43-7.

The receipts at Mazatlan for the year ending June, i879, were much
larger, $2,732,500; $1,170,000 being for fabrics, $107,000 for groceries,
$130,000 for hardware and $98,000 for machinery, an excess due partly to
Mazatlan being the entrepot for several adjoining sections of the republic, es
pecially Durango, and to the fewer opportunities for smuggling here pre
sented as compared with those offered upon the frontier.

In the other maritime province, Lower California, the imports at La Paz
for the same period amounted to $151,950, while those of Chihuahua are
but faintly represented by the records of its frontier custom houses, as most
of the goods consumed are still obtained from Maiamoros and other Mexican
points JSustn, Estadist, 40, places the revenue of the custom houses at Pre
sidio del Norte, El Paso, and Janos for the year ending June, 1878, at
$52,899, $42,237 and $787, respectively.

Exports consist chiefly of silver and gold, Sonora sending in 1879 $625,-
067, nearly half of it coined, and $82,262 in gold, while other articles
amounted only to $18,000, two-thirds in hides. At Mazatlan also the export
figures of 1879 for $3, 370, 000 embraced $3, 207, 000 in silver and gold, while the
remainder consisted of ores for $118,680, brazilwood for $19,500 and hides
$16,280. The peninsula shows a proportionate gain in the range of her
shipments, valued in 1879 at $533,220, whereof $442,924 represent bullion
and ore, $5,9704 pearl oyster shells, $23,208 hides, $2,670 orchillaand $1,202
oranges, besides some salt, deer-skin, etc. The salt values are not entered at
La Paz; the $2,202 assigned to pearls is evidently unreliable. The $759,094
worth of exports for the preceding year, 1878, ending also in June, embrace

MPORTS AXD EXPORTS. 763

$697,425 gold and silver, .$23, 745 hides, $18,212 pearl oyster shells, $11,309
orchil, $2,925 salt, $1,500 pearls, $1,232 oranges, $3(52 gypsum, ^317 deer
skins, etc., mostly for the II. S. U. S. Com, ltd. and other avithorities, ubi
sup. The totals for the years 1809-76 range from #274,0,,0 to $750,000.

The exports from Chihuahua, are placed for the preceding year at $220,-
860, including a small amount of produce, chiefly live stock and hides, val
ued in 1879 at $23,506. U. S. Com. Rd., 1879, 429. Of the total in the text,
Bust), Eahulht. , 43, assigns $218,251 to Presidio del Norte, $2,597 to Janos,
and only $13 to El Paso. Compare with records for Durango in Escwltro,
Dur., 64-5; Ramirez, Hist. Dio:, 56-7.

The figures given are not only unsatisfactory from the lack of careful
statistics, Ttmt from the prevalence of smuggling, foslered originally by the
illiberal policy of Spain, and subsequently by political disorders and the
semi-independent attitude of distant states toward a weak and constantly
changing administration Revolutions were frequently started, especially
in Sinaloa and Sonora, with the sole object of introducing cai'goes of mer
chandise at different rates from those fixed by the tariff, the receipts, more
over, being absorbed by the rebels, sometimes under the guiac of arrears. A
more common practice was for the consignees or captains to bribe the cus-
to n house officials for reductions, or for overlooking irregularities. Even
honest administrators were induced to close their eyes before the threat to
withdraw expected cargoes to other ports, where better arrangements could
be effected, perhaps, for clandestinely landing the goods at some remote
point, and so deprive a languishing town and state of much-needed funds.
The contraband trade between Sonora and Chihuahua and the United
States, enormous in extent, is carried on by rich and influential firms and
by large bands of organized men.

In addition to the imports of 1879 at Guaymas from the United States,
amounting to $127,121, the introduction across the border was estimated at
$600,000, mostly smuggled. The facilities in Chihuahua, with its convenient
rivers and adjoining Texan border, are even greater.

In addition to the transit of merchandise noted through the leading ports,
a proportion has found its way through minor harbors, opened at different
times to foreign as woll as coast trade, the latter carried greatly in foreign
bottoms, under certain restrictions.

Owing to the inconvenience of sending certain effects direct from abroad to
minor ports, many are transmitted from Mazatlan, after naturalization, to
Sonora and the peninsula. In Sonora, La Libertad is a promising harbor
north of Guaymas. Report in Soc. Mex. Geo</., Boi, x., 263-70,
with plans. At Rio Yacui and below are landing places. Sinaloa
boasts of Topolobampo, a prospective terminus; Allata, the port for
Culiacan; also, Navachisti, Tamazula, Angeles, and Bacorehuis. Lower
Cal. has Todos Santos, Santa Rosalia, San Quentin, San Jose, Loreto and
Mulege, besides La Paz. The movement of shipping at Guaymas, from
abroad, in 1879, embraced the arrival and departure of 38 vessels, measur
ing 17,600 tons, of which 13 were steamers, with a tonnage of 10,500, trad
ing with California. In the preceding year there came 12 steamers and 20
sailing vessels from San Francisco and 5 vessels from Europe, while 179
coasters, with a tonnage of G,187, entered. At Mazatlan arrived in 1879
97 sailing vessels, with a tonnage of 104,034, and 63 steamers. For the year
ending June, 1070, while the Guaymas year counts till September, of tin
Mazatlan learners, 25 appear to be coasters, and a few of the vessels per
formed coasting tours. In 1878, the arrivals and departures embraced 4 .]
steamers and 32 sailing vessels, all from abroad, except 9 steamers. At La
Paz arrived 23 steamers, of 21,000 tons, and 13 sailing vessels from San
Francisco, and 2 vessels from Europe, in 1879, with a tonnage of 2,487
tons. For the year ending in June, in the preceding year, the sailing vessels
numbered 22, with a tonnage of 5,351, 17 being from S. F.

Steam communication between California and Mazatlan was begun with
the opening of the Panama route in 1849, and in the second decade following

764 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE.

a California coast line was extended to La Paz and Guaymas, although both
proved irregular and with long interruptions. The subsidy granted in 1872,
however, brought the shorter line into regular connection with Mazatlan.
and Cape Lucas until 1875, when the Panama steamers assumed the grant
for a monthly communication.

New contracts of 1877 arranged for a special line between California,
Mazatlan, Guaymas, and the Lower California ports, and another from San
Bias to the head of the gulf of California — the latter somewhat irregular,
despite the subvention of §1,500 per trip, every 18 days, and exemption of 5
per cent export duty on $30,000. The coast line agreed to make ten trips a
year for $20,000, with exemption of duty for $-20,000. The Panama line was
allowed $25,000 a month. Altx. Mem, Hac., 1880, 435-6. In 1885 the new
railroad terminating at Guaymas started a new steamer. Mex. Financier,
Mar. 7, 1885. See also Diaz, In forme, 13-15..

Under the later energetic administration efforts were made to increase
not only the native coast shipping, which was so largely absorbed by for
eign vessels, but to extend Mexican maritime interests to wider spheres. In
1853-4, Servo claimed for Mazatlan 49 coasting vessels, with a tonnage of
4,534, and 115 boats. Soc. Mex. Geo</., Bol., vii, ;i?,0-3.

Such had been the neglect hitherto that the first lighthouse on the Pacific
coast was not erected until 1880, at Mazatlan.

River navigation is receiving attention, along Rio Bravo, and Rio
Yaqui is developing interests that must require a water route. Roads
called for larger appropriations so as to permit the extension of wagon traffic,
although Mexicans seemed contented with the time-honored mule-trains,
which adapted themselves to any locality. In 18G3 a stage line was opened
in Sinaloa by Americans, and since then several have followed, so that more
rapid connection can be had during the summer, even between Guaymas and
Mazatlan. In 1819 a monthly mail was ordained for Sonora, and in 1&L9
the weekly mail between Durango and Chihuahua was increased to a semi-
weekly. Gac. Mex,, 1820, xi., 128-9; Arrilla<j<t, Reccp., 1829. 15, 96; M<x.
Mem. Hac., 1848, 130, 1849, 110. 15, wherein the Sonora mail expenses are
given at .$10,204 and the receipts at $12,338. Routes in Soc. Mex. Gco</.,
Bol, v, 293^4. Great hopes now center in the different railroad projects
which embrace not only trunk lines, Lut a series of branches by which to
develop hitherto neglected resources. So far, two international lines are
completed, the Mexico Central, running from El Paso through Chihuahua
and Durango to Mexico, and the Sonora, running from Guaymas through
Hermosillo and Magdalena to Nogales on the Arizona frontier. The Sonora
railroad was suggested in 1850, Monteverde Mem. Son., MS., 118-24, and con
cessions sought in 1861, Pinart, Doc. Son., vi., 185, and in 1869, when a
Chihuahua connection was proposed. In 1872 the Sonora R. R. Co., Con
tracts, 1-30, was seeking grants and taking other steps. Ferrocarrii de Lot.,
1-1G; Ramirez, Id., 1-8; Ariz., Jour. Lef/is., 1875, 31. In 1877 a change of
holders took place. Mex. Recap. Leyes, xxvi., 995-7, 1048-9, xxvii., COO-22,
xxxv., 161-209, 1,057-83; Sonora. R. R. Sept., 1-10; Pap. Far., cv. In 1854
Chihuahua took up the agitation for a line from Presidio Del Norteto Guay
mas, and grants were made to this effect. Mex. Ley-is., 1854, 100-6. Further
step < in Mex, Col. Leyex, 1863-67, ii., 203-12; Ferrocarrit, Itasta Golfo, 19-36.
Even Lower California has thought of a line near La Paz, and one in the
north from S. Diego or Tijuana eastward into Sonora. While many projects
are long delayed, they cannot fail tq serve, in connection with the lines in
operation, as a healthy stimulant to the people so far kept by ind olence from
a proper enjoyment of the wealth provided by a bountiful nature. Rapid
locomotion in itself is an invigorating incentive to enterprise, as in a meas
ure is the rapidly extending telegraph, especially when attended along the
railroad line by such striking results as the springing up of settlements, the
opening of markets, and the budding and blooming of industries and com
merce.

Concerning trade in the republic generally, with ?,c;souiit of methods,

BIOGRAPHICAL. 765

hanks, custom-houses, tariffs, mails, traffic, canals, roads, railroads, etc., I
refer to my chapters in Hht. Hex., iii., vi., this series, which apply equally
to the northern states.

James W. ThroeKuiorton, a native of Tennessee, where he was born in
1825, began life as a physician, and for many years won repute in this call
ing, until inclination prompted him to adopt the profession of law. Remov
ing to what is now Collin county, Texas, in 1841, he was elected 10 years
later to the state legislature, being reflected in 1853 and 1855, and in 1857
was chosen for the senate. During all these years the legislation of the state
bears the impress of his tireless eiiorts, and to none are the people more in
debted for the development of her resources. Though a democrat in politics
he was opposed to secession, but after the outbreak of the war joined the
rank $ of the confederates, in which he remained until its close, though at
intervals disabled by sickness from active service. In I860 he was elected
governor of the state by a vote of nearly four to one, but though his admin
istration was most satisfactory to the people of the state, he was deposed in
the following year. In 1874, and again in 1876, he was chosen for congress,
where he served with distinction until March 1879, when he retired into pri
vate life. Early in his professional career he was married to Miss Ann
Ratten, a native of Illinois, and of their nine children seven still survive.

Genera.] Thomas Neville Waul, whose ancestors on both sides took part
in the revolutionary struggle, is a native of Statesburg, South Carolina,
where he was born in 1813. After receiving his education at one of the best
colleges in South Carolina, and studying law at Vicksburg in the office of S.
S. Prentiss, he was ad nitted to practice in the supreme court of Mississippi
in 1835, and was soon afterward appointed district attorney. Removing
later to New Orleans he took an active part in politics, being a thorough
democrat of the states' rights school, and winning for himself a high reputa
tion among his party. After the war brokj out he organized what was
known as VVaul's legion, which he commanded in many hotly contested en
gagements. At its close he settled in Galveston, where he resumed his pro
fession, and was elected president of the bar association. In 1837 the general
married Miss Mary Sinvnons, a native of Georgia, and in November 1887
celebrated his golden wedding.

. One of the most prominent lawyers in Galveston is M. E. Kleberg, a
native of De Witt county, whither his parents removed in 1847, and a grad
uate in law of Washington university, Virginia, of the year 1873 Soon
afterward he was elected to the legislature, his district representing nine
counties, an 1 at the expiration of his term removed to Austin county, and
thence in 1875 to Galveston, where he has ever since enjoyed a large and
lucrative practice. Robert Justus Kleberg, the father of this gentleman,
was a native of Herstelle, Prussia, where he was born in 1803, and after
gra luating at the university of Goetingen, filled several judicial appointments.
In 1834 he removed to Texas, and after suffering shipwreck on the island of
Galveston, reached the settlement of Harrisburg. During Santa Anna's in
vasion of this country he took an active part in the struggle for Texan inde
pendence, and was present at the battle of San Jacinto.

Worthy of mention, also, among the legal fraternity of Galveston is W.
F. Mott, a native of Louisiana, where he was born in 1837, his ancestors be
longing to one of the oldest southern families. When 15 years of age he
obtained employment as a clerk, saving money while in this position to edu
cate himself for his profession. In L859 he was admitted to the bar, and
since that date has enjoyed an extensive practice.

R. S. Willis, a native of Maryland, came to Texas in 1837, being then
sixteen years of age. After farming, and engaging in mercantile pur
suits in various localities, he finallv established himself in Galveston in 1867,
and there he has ever since remained, his business expanding with the
growth of the cify, until his firm is now able to compete with the merchant
princes of New Orleans for a share in the trade of the southwest. He is also
president of the Texas bank, with which institution he has been for many

766 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE.

years identified. In 1847 he married Miss Worsham, a native of Alabama,
by whom he has several children. In. the business circles of the Texan
capital no man is more highly respected.

Isadore Dyer, a native of Baltimore, where he was born in 1814, and ed
ucated at >St Mary's college in that city, began life as a watchmaker when
fourteen years of age. After being employed as a boatman on the Tennes
see river, and later in a store, ho cams, in 1840, to Galveston, where, after
serving for three years as a clerk, he established the business which he still
conducts, and which has grown with the growth of the city. He is also a
director and ex-president of the national bank, and is identified with the
wharf and gas company, and with other enterprises having in view the pros
perity of Galveston. In 1842 he married Miss E. Louis, and of their three
children two survive.

Gus Reymersh offer, a native of Austria, where he was born in 1860, is
well known to the citizens of Galveston in connection with the Texas .Star
flour-mill, established by himself and his brother in 1878. During the first
year the output of the mill amounted to 20,030 barrels, and in 1888 it had
increased to 180,000 barrels per annum, most of the product finding a home
market, though a considerable quantity was shipped to Louisiana, Mexico,
and Central America. Mr Reymershoffer came to Galveston in 1866, and
there he has ever since resided. He is also a director of the Lone Star
cracker factory, recently organized in that city.

John D. Rogers is a native of Dallas county, .Alabama, where his father
was a planter. After graduating at a medical college in New Orleans, he
began to practise his profession, but removed to Virginia at the outbreak of
the war, and there remained until its conclusion. He then came to Texas,
and in 186S commenced business in Galveston, where he has remained ever
since. At present he is largely engaged in farming, and is the owner of
5,400 acres (-1 rich land on the river bank, the products being cotton and
corn. He has been twice married, and has two sons, one of whom is prac
tising law at Fort Worth, and the other attending the university at Austin.

Among the leading physicians in Galveston is Dr J. F. Y. Paine, a native
of Louisiana and a graduate of a medical college in New Orleans. At the
outbreak of the war he joined the confederate army as a surgeon and re
mained iin til its close, when he began the practice of his profession, first at
Mobile, then at Ennis, Texas, and finally at Galveston, whither he removed
in 1875, being appointed a professor and afterward dean of the Texas medi
cal college, which position he held until 1881. In 1870 the doctor was mar
ried to Miss Estes, a native of Alabama, by whom he has five children.

A. W. Fly, a native of Mississippi, and a descendant of one of the oldest
southern families, also ranks among the prominent physicians of Galveston.
A graduate of the year 1875 at the medical college at Louisville, he began
his professional career at Brian, Texas, removing thence to Galveston, where
he has ever since resided.

To the lawyers of Texas and especially of Houston, the name of J;imes
A. Baker is familiar as that of the local attorney for the Gould system of
railroads. For the past sixteen years he has made corporate law a specialty,
and is now the legal representative of companies owning 3,600 miles of road
in Texas, besides being himself largely interested in railways. A native of
Alabama, where he received his education, Mr Baker came to this state in
1852. Though now a widower, he has been twice married, has five children
and seven grandchildren, and considers himself a permanent resident of
Houston.

In 1870 James Roane Masterson Avas appointed judge of the seventh, or
as it is now classed, the eleventh judicial district, and to that position he has
been four times reflected. A native of Tennessee, his parents being among
the oldest residents of Nashville, he came to Texas with his family in 1839,
while still in his infancy. After receiving his education and being trained
for the bar, he began the practice of his profession at Houston in 1858. He

BIOGRAPHICAL, 767

served throughout the civil war, being appointed to Gen. Hood's brigade,
though never ordered for service beyond tiie limits of his adopted state.

Another prominent lawyer in Houston is W. P. Hamblen, a native of
New Albany, Indiana, where he was born in 1835. Four years later his
facher removed to Houston, and there the family has ever since resided.
Meanwhile Mr Hamblen has seen his adopted town develop from a mere village
into a thriving city. Admitted to the bar in 1855 he has good reason to be
proud of his professional career, of his various business interests, and of his
eleven children, all of whom, except two married daughters, still remain at
his home.

Between 1875 and 1885, at which latter date its proprietor retired from
active business, the banking house of Henry S. Fox was regarded as one of
the soundest financial institutions in Houston. A native of Prussia, where
he wa,s born in 1834, Mr Fox came to the United States at the age of sixteen,
first to New York, and two years later to Texas. Here he engaged in busi-
m- ,-5 at Waco, Corsicana, and other small towns, until 1857, when lie removed
to Houston, and there established himself as a merchant, and concentrated
all his interests. Mr Fox is a widower, and the father of two children who
are now being educated in the state of New York. Though now a retired
merchant and banker, the care of his ample possessions, which include a
large amount of real estate, is sufficient to occupy his leisure.

.Samuel Allen, a native of Houston, where he was born in 1843, is nephew
to the two brothers of that name who organized and laid out the town of
Houston in 1837. Here or in this neighborhood he remained until the war
broke out, when he enlisted in the confederate army and served until its
close. Returning to his native city, he worked for a salary until 1809, v hen
he engaged in the lumber business in a small way, his capital being less than
$1,000. His business now exceeds $1,000, 000 a year, and with two others
he is the owner of 60,000 acres of Texan timber lands.

Prominent among the merchant •» of Houston, as a self-made and most
reliable business man is Adam Clay, a German by birth, who came with his
parents to Houston in 1851. When nine years of age he earned his own
livelihood by selling newspapers on the streets, and at fourteen had attained to
the dignity of a railroad news-vendor. In this occupation he remained until
he was twenty, when, having saved a few hundred dollars, he opened a small
dry-goods and notion store. From this slender beginning he has gradually
built up his present business, which now ranks among the first in the city.

Among other leading citizens in Houston may be mentioned Samuel M. Mc-
Ashan, who, since the organization of T. W. House's bank in 1867, has been its
cashier. A Virginian by birth, though his ancestors on his father's side were
of Scotch descent, and on the mother's French, he came to Texas in 1844,
living on a farm in Fayette county until nineteen years of age, when he ob
tained employment as a clerk in a mercantile house. In 1856 he mar
ried Miss Eames, a native of his own state and county, by whom he has
two sons and two daughters, his eldest son, now over thirty years of age be
ing assistant cashier in the bank.

One of the earliest settlers at Houston was Col W. R. Baker, a native of
New York state, where he was born in 1820. When eight years of age he
was piit to work on a farm and since that time, as he relates, has always
earned his own living. In 1837 he removed to Texas, reaching Houston in
August of that year, when the town contained but fifty families. Here he

?uickly found employment and soon afterward began business for himself,
n 1841 he was elected clerk of Harris county, which position he retained
for seventeen years. He was a member of the first board of directors, the
first secretary, and later the president of the Houston and Texas Central
railroad. In 1870 he was chosen state senator for Harris county, and in
1880 mayor of Houston, being twice reflected to the latter office.

Dr I). F. Stuart, a Virginian by birth, came to Texas in 1850, and after
working for several years on a farm, attended the medical college in Phila
delphia, where he graduated in 1859. At the outbreak of the war he entered

768 RESOURCES AND COMMERCE.

the confederate army as a surgeon, and served until its conclusion. In 1865
he established himself in Houston, where he is still engaged in the practice
of his profession.

One of the oldest residents of Fort Worth is J. F. Ellis, a native of Mis
souri, who after the death of his father in 1847, came to that settlement
while still a young lad, when, as he relates, there were but live white fami
lies within a mile of the spot where the city now stands. When rifteen
years of age he found employment as a teamster, and soon afterward had
teams of his own, remaining in this business until the outbreak of the war,
when he joined the confederate service, and remained until its close. In
1803 he returned to Fort Worth, and engaged in ranching, merchandising,
banking, land-speculations, etc., until his possessions are now valued at
more than §30*3,003, most of them in real estate, including the Ellis hotel,
built in 1885 at a cost of $00,000.

John D. Templeton, a native of Tennessee, where he was bom in 1845,
came with his parents to Texas in 1850, and there received his education.
In 1882 lie entered the confederate army, and served until the end of the
war. He then studied law under Judge Roberts, formerly chief justice of
the state, and was admitted to practice in 1871, commencing his career at
Fort Worth, where, in 1887 he stdl resided. In 1880 he was appointed sec
retary of state, and two years later elected attorney -general for Texas, being
reflected for the ensuing term.

Dr W. A. Adams is a native of Georgia where he was born in 1853,
graduating in 1870 at a medical college in that state. Removing to Texas
immediately afterward, he began to practice at Bryan, where he remained
for live years. In 1881 he was offered a partnership by Dr E. J. Beall of Fort
Worth, one of the most prominent physicians in the state. This he accepted
and has ever since resided in that city, where he still follows his profession.
The success of the firm may be judged from the fact that their income for
the year 1880 exceeded $34,030

In Dallas, Galveston, and, in fact, throughout the state of Texas, the
name of Gen. George F. Alford is familiar, not only as that of a gallant sol
dier, but of an upright and honorable man of business. A native of Missouri,
where he was born in 1837, he ran away from home when thirteen years of
aga, and after living for two years among the Indians, set forth for California,
whence he returned in 1850 with $35,033 in gold, and in the following year
married and settled in Texas. At the beginning of the civil war he joined
the confederate army, and at its clo^e was mustered out with the rank of
brigidier-general. After serving in the state legislature he began business
in Galveston, and soon accumulated a large fortune, which he afterward lost
through the dishonesty of his partner. Assuming the liabilities of the firm,
which amounted in 1875 to $321,000, in less than ten years he paid off the
entire amount with one per cent, interest per month. He is now a perma
nent resident of Dallas, and president of the Dallas, Archer, and Pacific
railway.

Among other prominent citizens of Dallas may be mentioned J. E. Hen
derson, a native of North Carolina, who arrived in 1872, and, as he relates,
has witnessed its growth from a village into a thriving city. Ever since that
date he has there been engaged in business as a contractor, builder, and
land speculator. In his adopted town lie has an abiding faith, believing that
with its railroad facilities and its situation in the midst of a rich agricultural
district, its future is fully assured.

One of the leading medical practitioners in Dallas is Dr R. W. Allen, a
Kentuckian by birth and a graduate of the New York Medical college.
Coming to Dallas in 1872, when it contained only 4,000 inhabitants, he has
remained there ever since, practising his profession and investing his surplus
means in real estate, which he believes to be the soundest and most profita
ble of all investments.

Col J. Gunter, a Georgian by birth, his ancestors on both sides being
southerners, came to Texas with his father in 1853. At the outbreak of the

BIOGRAPHICAL. 769

civil war he left his brother's store, where he was employed as a clerk, and
enlisted in the confederate army, serving until its clo.se. Between 1806 and
1809 lie received his education, at the same time studying law, and was ad
mitted to practice in the latter year. At Sherman he commenced his profes
sional career with a capital of £05; but though very successful, soon found
more lucrative employment in surveying and land speculations, whereby he
made money rapidly, becoming the owner of 200,000 acres and 13,000
head of cattle. He is also a director and one of the largest stockholders ill
the City bank of Sherman, and colonel of the 5th regiment of Texas state
guards.

Prominent among the lawyers of Sherman is Capt. T. J. Brown, who in
1888 was attorney for the Merchants and Planters' bank of that city, and for
the Texas Pacific railroad. A native of Georgia, where he was born in 1820,
all of his ancestors being southerners, he came to Texas in 1840, and by hard
study and close economy, acquired the training and the means to start in his
profession when twenty-seven years of age. He began his practice at Mc-
Kinney in 1858, and there remained for fourteen years, except for a brief
period, when lie served in the confederate ranks, though disabled by sickness
from protracted service.

One of the foremost citizens of Bosque county, Judge L. H. Scrutchfield,
settled there in 1851 and was the first county judge, also holding the
offices of county-surveyor, justice of the peace, and notary public. On many
occasions he took a prominent part in defending the settlers against the dep
redations of Indians, and later of the bands of white marauders who infested
the state. In 1805 he was present at the engagement at Double creek, in
which a body of Texans attacked the stronghold of the Kickapoos, and drove
them across the Mexican border. In 1851 the judge married Miss Profitt,
by whom he had five children, two of his widowed daughters residing with
him at his home at Valley Mills.

Well known among literary circles in Texas is Mrs C. A. Westbrook, a
resident of Lorena, and the author of several works that have won more
than a local reputation. Among them may be mentioned her Piljritu, a
poetical adaptation of Bunyan's famous allegory. To it is appended, under
the title of Fragments, a number of shorter poems, most of them of a religious
character.

Worthy of note as among the most prominent men in San Antonio is Col.
Geo. W. Brackeuridge, who became a resident of that city in 1851, and has
ever since been identified with its leading interests. In. 1866 he organized
the San Antonio National Bank, of which he was elected the first president
and still held that position in 1889. He is also the president and one of the
largest stockholders in the city water-works and in its gas company, and is
largely interested in lands and cattle.

John Darragh, a native Texan, ranks among the largest owners of real
estate in San Antonio, which city he has made his permanent home since
1880, being then in possession of a considerable fortune acquired by inherit
ance. With the result of his investments he is fully satisfied, and has the
utmost confidence in the future of his adopted city.

Charles Hummel, to whom belongs the distinction of being the oldest mer
chant of San Antonio, \vhere he arrived in 1847, when there were but fifty
white people in the settlement, is also a large owner of city property.
Among his transactions ma}'- be mentioned the purchase of a lot in 1849 for
$325, which he afterward sold for $21,000.

By the late John H. Kampmann, a Prussian by birth, and by profession
an architect, who came to San Antonio in 1848, were planned and built nearly
all the large residences ami stores erected in that city between 1849 and 1880.
A man of eminent business ability, he was closely identified with a number
of enterprises tending to the development of western Texas, where heHvas
also a large land-owner and stock-raiser, and at the time of his decease,* in
1885, the possessor of a handsome fortune. His wife, Mrs. Caroline Kamp
mann, to whom he was married in 1850, is still a resident of San Antonio,
HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 49

770 BIOGRAPHICAL.

where her eldest son, H. D. Kampmann has succeeded to his father's business
and is esteemed as a young man of remarkable promise.

One of the largest lumber merchants in southwestern Texas is A. C.
Schryver, president of the San Antonio Fair Association. Arriving in that
city from Chicago in 1877, his first year's transactions amounted to §50,000.
lu 1888 they were considerably over $500,000.

Among the railroad men of Texas should be mentioned the treasurer of
tve San Antonio and Aransas Pass R. R. Co., A. Hansl, a Viennese by birth,
who came to the United States in 1875 and in the following year settled in
western Texas, where he engaged in banking and farming, accepting his
present position, in June, 1888.

At the head of the street railroad system of San Antonio is Col. Augustus
Belknap, by whom wa? built, at the request of the citizens, the first street-car
line in that city. In 1382 he was elected a member of the city council, and
has since been re-elected in each succeeding year. In 1888, when republican
nominee for congress, he reduced by more than one-half the democratic
majority returned at the previous election.

Prominent among the sugar -planters of western Texas is Col. Edward H".
Cunningham, the owner of a tract of 3,300 acres on Oyster creek, the crop
from which sold in 1888 for $280,000. Between 1878 and 1883 he held a
contract for the labor of the prisoners at the state penitentiary, whereby he
relieved the burden of taxation to the extent of $85,000 a year. Coming to
Texas for his health's sake in 1855, he is now a permanent resident of San
Antonio, in the future of which city and of western Texas he has the greatest
confidence.

Among the many eminent lawyers of San Antonio is Charles W. Ogden,
whose father was formerly chief justice of the supreme court of Texas.
A 'iexan by birth, and educated at the military institute at Austin, he began
the practice of his profession in 1875. He is now largely interested in an enter
prise for deepening the water at the mouth of the Brazos river, a project which
will materially add to the prosperity of the southern portion of the state.

Edward Dwyer is also one of the most prominent lawyers in San Antonio,
though since the decease of his father, in 1884, his time has been largely
occupied in the management of his estate. Mr. Dwyer is descended from one
of the oldest families in western Texas, his grandfather being a resident of
San Antonio prior to 1840, and in 1844 was elected its mayor. His father was
a native of the same city, in the politics of which he played a leiding part.

In the ranks of the medical profession at San Antonio none are more highly
esteemed than Dr. Amos Graves, the medical director for Texas of the Southern
Pacific & San Antonio & Aransas Pass railroads. He came to Texas in 1878,
on account of a pulmonary affection, which was cured by a two years' residence
on a sheep ranch in western Texas. For such ailments he believes that this
section will eventually rank among the leading health resorts of the world.

In this opinion he is indorsed by Dr. F. Hern0, also a resident of San
Antonio, and whose experience as a medical practitioner in western Texas
dates from 1846. Here, as he relates, all diseases appear to assume their
mildest form, and in no other atmosphere do wounds heal so rapidly.

In Laredo, on the Rio Grande, one of the leading physicians is A. W.
Wilcox, M. D., who, after taking his degree at Galveston, was appointed, in
1874, surgeon of the Mexican National railroad at the former point.

For the same railroad J. P. Flynn was selected as general agent at Laredo
in 1884, and in the following year was chosen by President Cleveland as United
States consular agent at the town of the same name on the Mexican side of
the Rio Grande. In April, 1887, Mr. Flynn resigned both these positions,
devoting himself to the organization of the Laredo Improvement Company,
of which he was elected and is still the president.

.The president of the Laredo Water Company is A. L. McLane, a native of
Texas and a lawyer by occupation, who came to that town in 1873, and has
ever since engaged in the practice of his profession.

BIOGRAPHICAL. 771

The pioneer banker of Eagle Pass is S. P. Simpson, who, in 1881,
removed to this portion of Texas for his health's sake. E. H. Cooper and
W. A. Fitch, who came to Eagle Pass for the same reason, are now ei: gaged
in business, and with health completely restored. Worthy of note, also, is

D. W. Nicholson, the county attorney, and one of the foremost lawyers in
this frontier city.

Capt. M. Kenedy, a resident of Corpus Christi and the pioneer stock-
raiser of southwestern Texas, is now one of the largest cattle-farmers in the
world — one of his ranches near that city containing 400,000 acres under
fence. He also owns a controlling interest in the San Antonio and Aransas
Pass railroad.

One of the most successful sheep-raisers of Texas is E. H. Caldwell,
who, while engaged in that business from 1873 to 1883 netted a clear profit
of 50 per cent, a year. He is now a prominent merchant and real estate
owner in Corpus Christi.

Among the many able lawyers of Corpus Christi may be mentioned
District Att'y D. McNeill Turner, now serving his fourth consecutive term.

Among the leading business men of Galveston was M. Kopperl, of the late
firm of Lipman& Kopperl. Worthy of note, also, are H. Rosenberg, abanker;
H. Kempner; Major J. G. Goldthwaite & W. F. Ladd, cotton merchants;
R. B. Hawley & Max Maas, wholesale grocers, and C. H. Moore, lumber
merchant; Capt. C. Fowler, whose war record is known throughout the
State; Capt. T. W. English, coal merchant; J. Seinsheimer, a wholesale
liquor merchant; M. W. Shaw, a manufacturing jeweler; Capt. J. N.
Sawyer, agent for the Mallory Steamboat line, and J. S. Rogers, president
of the Texas Co-operative Institution. W. F. Beers is one of the leading
men in insurance circles, representing thirteen substantial companies.

Of the real-estate men should be mentioned Leon Blum, president of the
Leon & H. Blum Land co. ; M. Lasker, president of the Lasker Real Estate
co. and a director of several banks; I. Dyer and H. M. Trueheart.

Prominent among the lawyers of Galveston are Gen. T. N. Waul, B. T.
Masterson, Col. W. B. Denson and W. Gresham. Among physicians may
be mentioned Dr. J. F. Y. Paine, dean of the faculty and professor of
obstetrics in the Texas medical college at Galveston.

Among the bankers of Houston should be mentioned T. W. House, who,
on the death of his father in 1881, succeeded to his business, and was
appointed administrator of his estate, valued at $2,500,000. In 1883 W. O.
Ellis organized the banking firm of which he is the manager. Business
men deserving of mention are R. B. Morris, a hardware merchant; E. L.
Coombs, a jeweler and large real estate owner; H. Prince, in the ice busi
ness; D. C. Smith, who served through the war and in 1886 was elected
mayor of Houston; E. L. Dennis, a cotton merchant; E. B. H. Schneider,
formerly assessor; Captains F. A. Reichardt and W. Christian — the latter
manager of the cotton business of T. W. House; and J. Bute, who is in the
line of paints and oils.

G. Ellis, the sheriff of Harris co. and for three terms county commis
sioner, is engaged in farming. Among the real-estate men of Houston is
W. Harral, and among railroad men R. Adair, formerly city assessor.

Prominent among the lawyers are E. P. Hamblen, formerly county judge;
0. T. Holt, who, in 1874, was appointed attorney of the Houston and Texas
Central railroad, S. R. Perry man, for several terms dist. att'y; and Capt

E. P. Turner, a veteran of the civil war. Two leading physicians are B. Pow
ell and E. L. Castleton, the latter owning a large sugar plantation in partner
ship with his brother. The principal architects are E. T. Heiner and
N. J. Clayton — the former having designed the most prominent buildings in
thirty counties of Texas. Other professional men are W. S. Sutton, supt.
of public schools, and C. W. Welch, principal of the Houston academy.

D. C. Giddings, jr., a native and resident of Brenham, now conducts, in
partnership with his father, the leading bank in this portion of Texas.
Other prominent men are W. Perry, who is engaged in the compress busi-

772 BIOGRAPHICAL.

ness; W. Watson, in the nursery business; W. A. Wood and S. Schlenker,
the latter tax-collector and formerly a cotton merchant.

Among the more prominent lawyers of Brenham is C. R. Breedlove,
a native of Danville, Va., and a graduate of the Baylor University, Inde
pendence. Other leading practitioners are C. C. Garrett and Lafayette
Kirk, both graduates of Baylor.

Dr G. F. Frouwen, a native of Pottsville, Pa., and a graduate of the
Ohio Dental college, Cincinnati, is the leading dentist in Brenham.

The Rev G. E. Taylor, a native of Montgomery, Ala., has for many
years been engaged in parochial work in Texas, his present charge being the
Chapel Hill district of the West Texas conference of the Methodist Episco
pal church.

Worthy of mention among the leading citizens of Austin is A. P. Wool-
dridge, who, in 1885, organized the City National bank, of which he is presi
dent. A native of New Orleans and a lawyer by training, in 1873 he
removed to Austin for his health's sake, and there for ten years practiced
his profession until compelled by sickness to abandon it. As secretary of
the board of regents of the State university, and the one who secured its
location at Austin, and also as the former president of the board of trustees
of the public schools, he has labored earnestly to promote the educational
interests of the capital.

Col L. A. Ellis, another of Austin's prominent citizens, also began life as
a lawyer, though after a brief experience he abandoned his profession to
engage in merchandising and farming. In. 1878, in partnership with Col
Ed H. Cunningham, he obtained a five years' lease of the Texas penitentiary,
and during that term greatly improved the condition of its inmates. Since
1879 he has been largely engaged in sugar planting, having 5,000 acres
under cultivation at his Sartartia plantation in Fort Bend co., arid more
than half of an 11,000-acre tract in Louisiana.

Major W. M. Walton, of the firm of Walton, Hill & Walton, formerly
attorney-general of Texas, was born at Canton, Miss., in 1832. On being
admitted to the bar in 1853 he began to practice in Austin, where he has
ever since resided, except for the time of the civil war, through which he
served aa a cavalry officer.

J. P. White, the presiding justice of the court of appeals, who is now serving
his third term in that capacity, is a native of Virginia, where he was born in
1832. Removing to Texas when 23 years of age, he settled at Seguin, prac
ticed law until the outbreak of the war, when raising a company he joined
the ranks of the confederates. In 1874- he was appointed dist. judge, which
office he held when the new state constitution created a court of appeals.

Osceola Archer, a native of Maryland, came to Texas in 1846. After
serving through the war in the confederate army he was admitted to the bar
in 1866, and has ever since engaged in practice in western Texas.

Col S. H. Darden, who was born in Jefferson co., Miss., in 1816, is proba
bly the only living attache of the first provisional govt. of Texas, was thrice
elected state controller, and was afterward a member of the state senate.

J. M. Moore, secy, of state for Texas, which office he has held since
1877, is a native of Houston co., where he was born in 1853. After receiv
ing his education at the Washington-Lee university, he graduated in law at
Cumberland college, Lebanon, Tenn. In 1874 he began to practice his profes
sion in E-istland co., Tex. In 1882 he was elected to the state legislature.

Capt R. M. Hall, the commissioner of the land office, is a native of North
Carolina, and by profession a civil engineer, Himself a large owner of real
estate, no one is better informed as to the lands and land laws of Texas, and
to his reputation in this respect is partly due his reelection in 1888 by the
largest majority ever recorded in Texas to a state official.

Dr C. B. Stoddard, a native of Ohio, and formerly a prominent dentist in
New York and Chicago, is one of those who came to Texas for his health's
sake. He is now the owner of a large ranch near Austin, which he devotes
to the breeding of ponies, trying the novel expedient of crossing Texan mares
with Shetland stallions.

BIOGRAPHICAL. 773

Oscar H. Cooper in 1888 was elected for the second time state superin
tendent of schools, is a native of Carthage, Tex., and a graduate of Yale,
where as at Henderson college and the Sam Houston normal school, he was
formerly a professor.

R. M. Castleman, a native of Tennessee, came to Texas when five years
of age, and between I860 and 1887 was one of the leading merchants of Aus
tin. His attention is now given to farming and stock-raising, especially to
the breeding of horses.

In Waco one of the leading citizens is Capt M. D. Herring, whose prac
tice as a lawyer in that city dates from 1850. As an Odd Fellow his stand
ing is of the highest, and he is now grand representative of his state to the
sovereign grand lodge of the world. The leading merchants are the Sanger
Brothers, of whom, Sam Sanger came to Waco in 1873. Beginning in a small
way. the firm now transacts a business of $450,000, and at Dallas handles at
least three times that quanttiy of goods.

As president of the Traders' National bank, and one largely interested in
lands and livestock, W. J. Boaz ranks among the leading citizens of Fort
Worth. T. A. Tidball, vice-president of the Fort Worth National bank,
and Z. Cetti, a director of the First National bank, are also large owners of
real estate. Other prominent business men are W. A. Huffman, whose trade
in agricultural instruments exceeds £500,000 a year; W. T. Fakes, the owner
of a furniture warehouse; F. J. Tatum, lumber merchant; A. J. Anderson,
whose line is in firearms and sportsmen's articles; S. M. Fry, who conducts
a boot and shoe business; W. H. Taylor, dry-goods; J. B. Little John and
Capt. T. P. Martin, insurance agents, and S. O. Moodie, whose business is
in real estate; L. Short and H. N. Conner.

Of the legal fraternity should be mentioned J. Y. Hogsett, vice-president
of the Traders' National bank, and H. M. Furraan, formerly prosecuting
attorney for Washington co. Among physicians a high rank is conceded to
DrR. B. Grammer, a graduate of the Louisville medical college, and to
AV. W. Ron th, who graduated at the New York Homoeopathic Medical col
lege. Among clergymen may be mentioned the Rev. W. P. \Vilson, pastor
of the Fourth street Methodist church.

W. F. Sommerville is the organizer and general manager of the Matadoe
Land and Cattle company, whose property includes 550,000 acres and over
100,000 head of cattle.

In Dallas may be mentioned, as among her principal business men, J. S.
Armstrong, T. F. Wallace, andT. L. Marsalis, wholesale grocers, the head
quarters of the first being at Louisville, where is the main establishment;
J. Moroney, a hardware merchant; Col W. H. Lemmon, whose line is in
agricultural implements; J. A. Hughes, president of the Eagle mills; F. M.
Cockrell, of the Todd mills, formerly a lawyer and member of the city coun
cil; L. Reicheiistein, agent of the Aiiheuser-Busch Brewing co.; H. Hamil
ton, who beginning with a capital of $5, is now worth .$200,000; R. B. Godley,
formerly a lumber merchant, but now trading in lands and livestock; and
among other real-estate men, J. E. Land, J. C. Kearby, J. L. Henry, W. B.
Gano, J. D. Ihomas, Capt. T. Scurry, W. H. Prather, E. M. Powell and
A. C. Ducker, of the firm of Ducker & Dudleigh. One of the largest real
estate owners is J. S. Daugherty, who came to Dallas with $400, and is now
worth at least #250, 000.

Among the more prominent lawyers are Col W. S. Simkins, J. M. Hurt,
now judge of the court of appeals, H. C. Coke, Col W. L. Williams,
R. Morgan, A. P. Wozencraft, attorney for the Gould system of railroads,
and G. H. Plowman. Among physicians, W. F. Thatcher, E. E. Davis,
J. D. Parsons and W. Thomas, the last a leading dentist.

Worthy of note also are S. W. S. Duncan and the postmaster, J. H.
Cochran, for several terms a member of the state legislature.

At Denison one of the most successful men is J. T. Munson, who came to
that city with .$5.000, and is now worth $1,000,000, accumulated by bank
ing and real estate transactions. Others are S. Hanna, a wholesale grocer;
J. B McDougal, a liquor merchant; F. R. Guiteau & D. H. Bailey, wholesale

774 BIOGRAPHICAL.

druggists; J. D. Ourand & J. H. Nolan — the latter a large owner of real
estate; J. J. Fairbanks, in the fruit business and also in real estate; H. Tone,
a real estate agent and examiner of titles; S. C. O'Dair, G. Miller & A. H.
Coffin — the last two in. a real estate, brokerage and insurance business.
Among professional men are Judge J. M. Cook and Capt S S. Fears, as
lawyers; and as physicians J. Rhea, W. M. Nagle and A. W. Acheson, who
was the first practitioner in Denver. Worthy of mention, also, are Judge
J. Nevins, county recorder, and B. C. Murray, proprietor of Sunday Gazette.

B. J. Chambers, who came to Cleburne, as he relates, without a dollar,
became finally one of its leading merchants and bankers. The bank of
Cleburne was started in 1878 by S. B. Allen, who also organized the Cleburne
Building and Loan association. Others deserving of mention are B. L. Dur
ham, a wholesale druggist; J. E. Horton & S. G. Graham, stock-raisers; and
Col M. A. Oatis and M. M. Crane, who rank high in the legal profession.

In Sherman the following are among the leading business men : Col A.
Fulton, cotton, merchant and bank director; L. C. Gilmore, the owner of
valuable marble works; J. P. Geren, mayor and in the real estate and fire
insurance; W. H. Lankford, a wholesale druggist; E. Arnoldi, manager of
the Sherman Ice company; T. Wood, R. Walsh and Dr J. C. Carpenter— the
last in the fire insurance business arid formerly a baptist minister; T. D.
Joiner, a wholesale grocer; W. M. Scott, who is in the stockyard business;
S. Wilson, C. F. Wantland, and J. P. Wakefield, stock-raisers. Others
worthy of mention are Dr. J. T. Wilson, E. G. Douglass, formerly state sen
ator; J. P. Austin, county clerk; Capt T. J. Brown, attorney for the Kansas
Pacific railroad and the Merchants' and Planters' banks; E. P. Gregg, county
judge; Dr H. C Morrow; R. L. May, sheriff; Rev S. O. Woods, pastor of the
Cumberland Presbyterian church; C. B. Randell, county attorney; E. Y.
Skaggs, formerly J. P., and M. O'Callaham, formerly U. S. marshal.

The following are prominent citizens of Paris : R. R. Gaines, supreme
court judge. He located in Clarksville in 1866, practiced law there, was twice
elected to the bench, resigned in 1883 and moved to Paris, Tex., elected jus
tice sup. court in 1886; Dr E. W. Rush, vice-president of the Paris exchange
bank; C. F. Thebo, a retired merchant; E. L. Dohoney, formerly state senator;
T. Henderson, who has been twice elected to the state legislature; Dr. J. F.
Hooks, whose practice dates from 1860, and F. Lee, a rising lawyer.

Chief-justice J. W. Stayton, a resident of Victoria, first came to Texas
in 1856, after graduating at the university of Louisiana. A member of the
constitutional convention in 1876, he was raised to the supreme bench in
1881, and to his present position in 1888. J. M. Brownson, a banker, was
born in 111., 1836. He came with his father to Texas in 1852; served through
out the war, he located in Victoria in 1867; has been engaged in banking
since 1868; and T. M. O'Connor, who was born in Texas in 1857, has always
made Victoria his home and has ever been a prominent livestock raiser.

One of the most enterprising citizens of Corsicana is G. T. Jester, whose
residence dates from 1858. After serving through the war, enlisting when
only sixteen years of age and then working a.s a railroad clerk, he started in
business in that city, where he afterward founded the bank at first kn^wn as
Jester Bros., and now as the Corsicana National. He is also the owner of a
large ranch stocked with Jersey and Durham cattle, and to him is largely
due the introduction of blooded stock into this portion of Texas. Worthy
of mention, also, are Dr S. W. Johnson, a practising physician and the
author of several medical treatises; Senator E. J. Simkiris; Col H. Jones,
a prominent figure in the earlier history of Texas ; Col W. Croft, a leading
lawyer, and Capt S. J. T. Johnson, a cotton merchant.

M. Martin, elected in 1882 lieut. -governor of Texas, is a native of
Kentucky, where he was born in 1830. Removing to Texas in 1853 he
began his career as a farmer, and in 1859 was chosen for the state senate,
being re-elected for the following term. He is now a resident of Corsicana.

Among the leading citizens of Waxahachie are Senator and ex-Mayor
W. H. Getzendaner, B. McDaniel, county judge; W. J. F. Ross, post-

BIOGRAPHICAL. 774a

master; W. D. Ryburn, sheriff; J. C. Gibson, a retired merchant, and R.
Vickery, a large owner of real estate

At Honey Grove the following are worthy of mention: Dr \V. T. Booth,
a leading physician; C. H. Walcott, B. O. Watcott & T. H. Seaton, large
owners of real estate; J. P. Gilmer, ex-mayor and postmaster; and G. G.
Henderson, cashier of the exchange bank.

At McKinney, Dr J. McCarty, the leading physician; Capt E. R. Stiff,
stock-raiser; H. A. McDonald, hardware merchant, and E. W. Kirkpatrick,
a farmer and fruit-raiser, are prominent citizens.

Capt E. Duggan, a resident of San Aiigelo and a native Texan, was born
in Travis co. in 1840. After serving throughout the war and then following
various occupations he engaged in sheep-raising, and his flocks, now number
ing some 11,000 head, are among the finest in this section of the state.

For the atmosphere of San Angelo tho healthful qualities are claimed by
one of its leading physicians, Dr S. L. S. Smith, formerly an army surgeon,
who. resigning his commission in 1878, selected that city as his home mainly
on account of the excellence of its climate. In all his practice he has known
only one case of pneumonia and has never heard of a single case of typhoid
or any kindred disease.

F. Lerch, the principal land agent in San Angelo, and one largely identi
fied with its interests, is a native of Germany. Arriving in New York in
1808, entirely without means, he is one of the self-made men and also one
of the most successful men in this portion of his adopted state. Other
prominent men are Col H. C. Fisher, the most successful lawyer, who came to
Texas in 1874 and associated himself in the practice of law with his brother
at Georgetown, moved to San Angelo in 1885; and J. C. Raas; born in Texas
in 1861, and educated in Paris, France; he ret'd to U. S. 1876, and located
in San Angelo in 1883; and L. Schwartz, leading merchants of San Angelo.

Major J. Y. Rankin, the father of Brownwood, as he is termed, is aKen-
tuckian by birth, removing to San Augustine, Tex., in 1853, when 20 years
of age. After serving throughout the war, in 1870 he settled at Brown-
wood, where he established a land agency; his first addition to the town,
purchased for $10 an acre, is now the best business portion of the city.

W. C. Morgan, the present mayor of Brownwood, came to that city
penniless, but on the day after his arrival found employment as a surveyor,
and now ranks among its wealthiest citizens, owning among other property
20;000 acres in various portions of the state. Other prominent men are Judge
G. I. Goodwin, a leading lawyer, by whom were framed the acts of 1874 and
1875 providing for the agricultural and mechanical college, and Professor
P. C. Rag.sdale, superintendent of schools, born in S. C. in 1856, when 17
years of age came to Texas, worked on a farm, then attended college,
graduated in 1878.

Referring again to San Antonio, mention is required of B. F. Yoakum,
as one closely connected with the railroad interests of Texas. A native of
Limetone co., he is a son of Dr. F. L. Yoakum, who settled in that state in
1844, a nephew of the well-known historian of Texas. At 17 he entered the
employ of the International and Great Northern company, with whom he
remained until it was absorbed in the Missouri Pacific, for which he M-as
appointed division freight agent at San Antonio. This post he resigned in
1885 to accept the position which he still holds as general manager of the San
Antonio and Aransas Pass company. To A. Hansl, the treasurer of this
road, already mentioned, I am indebted for interesting manuscripts on the
resources, etc., of the counties of Texas, and on Texas a* a Field for Invest nent
and Irrigation; also for a Banking Map of Texas, containing valuable statistics.
Leonard Orynski, who settled in San Antonio in 1880, is now one of the
leading wholesale druggists in that city, and also one of the most prominent
men in all matters tending to advance its interests. By him was orignated
the idea of promoting trade with Mexico by placing travellers on the road,
by which means he has secured a large and increasing business. Others
worthy of mention are Gen. G. W. Russ, president of the Armandale Cattle

774b BIOGRAPHICAL.

co. He located in Dallas in 1880, moved to San Antonio in 1883, lias advanced
the land interests of this section through his influence to a wonderful degree;
J. H. Presnall, president of the Stockton Land and Livestock co. has been
in stock-raising since early youth and is devoted to the cattle interests of
Texas; and J. J. Stevens, insurance broker.

W. H. Graham, of Cuero, came to Texas in 1866. He has held several
positions of trust, and has a large and successful real-estate business.

Judge Sam A. Wilson was born, in San Angelo, Texas, in 1835. By
special act of the Legislature he was admitted to the bar when 17 years of
age, and was elected district attorney in 1856. He served throughout the
war in Gen Hood's brigade. In 1868 he settled in Rush, was elected dis
trict attorney in 1870, and judge of the court of appeals in 1882, being
re-elected in 1888.

Augustus Lewy, of Temple, was born in Alabama. He came to Texas
in 1880. In 1882 he was elected city attorney, and in 1886 was elected
mayor, being re-elected in 1888.

F. F. Downs, of Temple, is a native Texan, having been born in Waco
in 1856. He has always been prominently connected with banking interests
throughout the state, and is president of the First National bank of Temple.

Judge W. Acker, of Lampasas, is one of the most prominent members
of the Texas bar, Was elected district attorney in 1878, and re-elected in
1880. In 1887 he was elected com. court of appeals, which office he now
holds.

Prominent in real-estate circles of Taylor is John Threadgill, M. D. He
came to Texas in 1870; first practised in Washington co. ; in 1872 he moved
to Brenham and in 1875 to Taylor. He was mayor of this city for four
years; but now devotes his entire time to the advancement of land interests.

C. W. Welch was born in Illinois in 1848; came to Texas in 1867;
settled in Tavlor in 1883, and organized the First National bank, and has
proved himself one of the most enterprising citizens of the place.

Among the prominent bankers of Belton we find Col J. Z. Miller. He
was born in Kentucky in 1834; emigrated to Texas in 1860, and served four
years in the war. He began business as a merchant, but in 1885 organized
the Belton National bank, and is its president. He holds the same office in
connection with the Texas State Banking Association.

Judge E. Hobby, of Austin, is a native of Florida. He came to Texas
in 1 859, and served four years in the war. He was admitted to the bar in
1867; has been state senator; in 1880 was elected district judge and
re-elected in '82, '84, '86. He is now commissioner of the court of appeals.

Judge J. C. Matthews, of Lampasas, came to Texas in 1874, and has
been prominently identified with public enterprises. He was elected county
judge, but resigned the office to give his undivided attention to the practice
of law.

Want of space forbids more than the merest mention of the following
promising citizens of Texas: W. R. Camp and G. B. McDonald, of Jefferson;
Capt J. B. Smith, now of Shreveport, La.; J. N. Browning, of Mobeetie; G.
W. Voiers, of Kaufman; M. Sansom, of Alvarado; W. G. Nunn, of
Ladonia; F. J. Abernathy, of Boiiham; M. Hinzie, of Palestine; J. M. Hoiis,
of Burton; J. Baldridge, of Ennis; Dr W. B. Dashiell, of Terrell; N. Zucker-
mann, of Mineola; W. B. Wynne, of Wills Point; E. H. Pendleton, of
Farm^rsville; T. M. Campbell, of Longview; R. S. Porter, of Cameron; Dr
J. D. Rankin, of Groesbeck; Judge J. M. Lindsey, of Gainesville; Dr J. H.
McCain, C. L. Watson and S. B. Love, of Mexia; F. L. Dilley, and J. H.
Boiinei, of Tyler; Dr D. S. Williams and Dr J. W. Talbot, of Texarkana;
R. A. Brown and J. H. Drennaii, of Calvert; T. H. King, Judge E. W.
Terhune and T. E. Byrd, of Greenville; J. A. B. Putnum and G. Garrison,
of Sulphur Springs; E. B. Stroud, of Hillsboro'; H. H. Dawson and J. M.
Copley, of Denton; S. Moore, of Bastrop; and E. E. Bryan and F. Raube,
of Giddings.

INDEX.

Ab Initios, party, ii. 495; protest

against constitution, 1808, ii. 49(3.
Aberdeen, Lord, mention of, ii. 338.
Abolitionists, Texas, ii. 420.
AcapuLo, Spilberg touches at, 1615,

i. 1013.

Acaxees, revolt of, 1601-2, i. 313-15.
Acebedo, P. A. de, the Tepehuane

revolt, 1616-17, i. 325; in charge at

•San Jose del Cabo, 1737, i. 4'31.
Acklin, Kit, mention of, ii. 397.
Adaes, Texan tribe, Aguayo, among,

1721, i. 625-6.

Ala-no, Father L., the Tehuecos' re
s' ol , 1611-12, i. 220.
Adaais, Dr W. A., biog. of, ii. 708.
Agriculture, Texas, ii. 557-8; cotton,

it. 557; cereals, ii. 557-8; farms, ii.

558-9; droughts, floods, etc., ii.

559; L. Cal. drought, etc., 1863-4,

ii. 726; N. Mex. states, ii. 748, et

seq.; soils, ii. 748; land titles, ii.

748-9; products, ii. 749-50.
Agricultural and Mechanical college,

Texas, ii. 546.
A^u\yo, Marques de S. M., gov. of

""Nueva Vizcaya, 1687, i. 338; gov.

of Coahuila and Texas, 1719-22, i.

61 1; exped. to Texas, 1720-2, i.

622-3.
A^ iero, J. C. de, gov. of Nueva Viz-

cnya, 1768, i. 582.
Agmla, Father, death of, 1641, i.

231.
Aguilanin,- A. M. M. de, bishop of

Durango, etc.. 1774-81, i. 684.
Aguilar, Villa de, location, etc., of, i.

355, fight with Indians near, 1650,

i. 356-7; Spaniards massacred at,

1652, i. 358.
Aguilar, A. M., with Vizcaino's ex-

lpsd., 1602-3, i. 153; death of, i. 159.
Aguilar, Gov. Jose, resignation, etc.,

1851, ii. 672; appointment of, ii. 694.
Aguirre, Father M., mission affairs in j

Pimeria, i. 562.

Aguirre, Capt. M. R. de, mention of,

i. 159.
Aguirre, Brothei T. de, dispute with

Jesuits, 1673, i. 243-4.
Ahomes, Sinaloan tribe, Hurdaide

protects, 1001, i. 211-12; alleged

conversion of, i, 212, 214.
Aivinos, exped. against the 1622, i.

226.
Alabamas, Indians, docility of, ii.

442.
Alamo, description of, ii. 205; ground

plan of, ii. 206; battle of, ii. 207;

massacre at, ii. 211 et seq..
Alaman, Lucas, measures suggested

by, 1830, ii. 113.

Alarcon, Capt. F., works of, i. 93.
Alarcon, H, de, exped. of, 1540, i. 90-

8; meeting with Alvarado, i. 93;

Metidoza displeased with, etc., i.

94.
Alarcon, M. de, gov. of Coahuila and

Texas, 1716, i. 604; rule, i. 617-18.
Alarcon, P. de, exped. of, 1540, i. 83,

88.
Alberoni, Minister, mention of, i.

443-4.

Albieuri, Father J., ' Historia, ' i. 12.
Albury, Mrs, at Alamo massacre, ii.

213.

Alcantro, battle of, ii. 327-8.
Alcarez, D. de, in charge at San

Gerdnimo, i. 88-9; meeting with

Vaca?s party, etc., i. 69; death of,

i. 90.
Aldai, M. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,

1720, i. 581, 583.

Aldaina, Envoy, executed, ii. 18-19.
Alemy, Leon, artesian well privileges,

ii, 97.

Alford, Gen. G. F., biog. of, ii. 768.
Allen, Ebenezer, mention of, ii. 571.
Allen, DrR. W., biog. of, ii. 768.
Allen, S. T., mention of, ii. 172.
Allen, Samuel, biog. of, ii. 767.
Alley, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 185.
(775)

'76

INDEX.

Almizan, F. P. ue, gov. of Coahuila
and Texas, 1722-6, i. 604; with
Aguayo's exped., 1720-2, i. 023;
gov. of Texas, i. 628, 630; rule,
1722-6, i. 630-2.

Almonte, Gen., 'Noticia sobre Tejas,'
ii. 148; surrender of, ii. 262; pro
test against Tex. annexation, ii.
394.

Alonso, Father, protest against the
Jesuits, 1677, i. 367.

Altamira, Marques de, rept of, 1744,
i. 641.

Alvarado, Capt., exped. to New Mex.,
1540, i. 85.

Alvarado, P. de, exped. of, 1523, i.
17-18; meeting with Alarcon, 1540,
i. 93; northern exped. of, i. 96;
death, 1541, i. 96.

Alvarez, Senora, humanity of, ii. 237.

Alvarez, Friar R., murder of, 1702, i.
59J.

Alvear, Alcalde J., the Tepehuane re
volt, 1616-17, i. 323.

Alvear y Salazar, G. de, gov. of
Nueva Vizcaya, 1615-18, i. 306;
subdues the Tepelmaiies, 1617, i.
325-8; quarrel with Jesuits, i. 342.

Amador, Gen. J. V., courage of, ii.
211; appointed gov., 1760, ii. 725.

Amat, Col, Filisola's commissioner, ii.
270.

America, early discoveries in, i. 2-5.

Americans, first in Texas, ii. 5;
attacked by Spaniards, ii. 6-7;
Mex. dislike of, ii. 88.

Ampudia, Gen., mention of, ii. 203;
defeats Texans, ii. 361; treatment
of prisoners, ii. 365; capitulation of,
ii. 396.

Amusements, Texas, ii. 392.

Anahuac, Tenorio attacked at, ii. 156.

Amayr, Gen., mention of, ii. 327.

Anderson, K. L., elected vice-pres.,

1844, ii. 378.

Andrade, Gen., disobedience of or
ders, ii. 281.

Andrews, John S., mention of, ii.
561.

Annexation, Texans, desire for, ii.
284; agitation for, ii. 382; U. S.
rejects, 1837, ii. 342; admission of,

1845, ii. 382.

Anson, Capt. G., voyage of, 1740-2,

i. 201.

Anthony, D. W., mention of, ii. 549.
Antonio, Jose, Ind. chief, ii. 595.
Anza, Col J. A., exped. of, 1774-6, i.

716-18,

Anza, Capt. J. B., exped. against
Apaches, 1758, i. 558; 1766, i, 559;
mention of, i. 699-700; in Alta Cal.,
1776, i. 768.

Apaches, Indians, raids, etc., of the,
1696-8, i. 272-4; 1724, i. 516-17;
1730, i. 635; 1734, i. 636; 1760-1, i.
650, raids in Sonora, i. 702; 1834,
ii. 653; 1846-7, 670; 1851-87, ii.
703-4; Gallardo's orders concerning
the, 1750, i. 534; war with, 1754-
66, i. 557-9; defeat of, i. 635; efforts
to convert, 1757, i. 644; war with
Comanches, i. 644-5; policy in
dealing with, 1786, i. 682-3; defeat
of, 1790, i. 669; operations, etc.,
against, 1774-97, i. 714-15; hostile
tactics of, ii. 597.

' Apostolicos Afanes de la Campania
de Jesus,' i. 253.

Aquino, Father!', de, with Vizcaino's
exped., 1602-3, i. 154.

Aragoii, Don P. G. de, mention of, i.
567.

' Araucano,' war vessel, ii. 707,

Arbucke, Brig. -gen., succeeds Gaines,
ii. 288.

Arce, Gov. J. A., succeeds Gonzalez,
etc., 1825, ii. 590.

Arce y Arroyo, 1*. de, gov. of Sinaloa
and Sonora, i. 554; rule, 1753-5, i.
554.

Archer, B. T., member state conv.,
1833, ii. 133; pres. S. Felipe coun
cil, ii. 171-2; apptd ambassador, ii.
173; appeals for Texas aid, 284;
mention of, ii. 290.

Archive war, 1842, ii. 353.

Arellano, F. K de, project of, i. 168.

Arellano, Capt. T. de, with Coroiia-
do's exped., 1540-2. i. 84-8.

'Argo,' U. S. prize brig, ii. 667.

Argiielles y Miranda, Doila, bequest

rguelles y
of, i. 476.

Argiiello, Gov. Jose, resignation of,

ii. 708.

Arispe, deputy mention of, ii. 79.
Arista, General, force of, ii, 328;

defeats centralists, ii. 329; procla
mation of, ii. 347.
Arista, Father F., succeeds Espinosa,

1602, i. 311.
Arizona, name, i. 525-6; real de, i.

526.
Arizpe, Intendencia, organized, 1786,

i. 712.
Arizpe, town, capitol agitation of, ii.

644; revolt of, 1833, ii. 655; cap-

ture of, 1838, ii. 659.
Arlegui, Father J, 'Chrdnica,' i.

INDEX.

777

119; mention of, i. 334; chronicles

of, i. 590-1.

Armesto, Father, mention of, i. 469.
Armizo, Gov. M., Tex. Santa Fe ex-

ped., ii. 335-7.
Armona, M. cle, gov. of Baja Cal.,

1770, i. 728-9.
Arnes, Father V., in Baja Cal., 17(34-

6, i. 473-4.
Arnold, guide, battle of S. Antonio,

ii. 182.
Arredondo, Col, defeats Toledo, ii.

27 et seq.
Arriaga, J. H. do, gov. of Tsueva

Vizcaya, 1600, i. 306.
Arredondo, Col, appt'd gov. Orient

division, ii. 582.
Arregui, Gov., removal of, 1833, ii.

655.
Arrellano, General, succeeds Yafiez,

ii. 693.

Arrieta, J. M., mention of, ii. 584.
Arrillaga, Capt., lieut gov. of Baja

Cal., 1783, i. 747; tour of, 1785, i.

748; gov. of Baja Cal., i. 753-9.
Arrillaga, J. J., gov. ad int. of Alta

Cal., 1792-3, i. 772.
Arrington, William W., mention of,

ii. 172.
Arricivita, Father J. D., works of, i.

720.

Arroyo Hondo, boundary line, ii. 10.
Arvina, P. Rafael, pres. missions,

etc., 1802-4, ii. 706.
Ascension, Father A. de la, with Viz
caino's exped., 1602-3, i. 154, 160;

' Relacion Breve,' i. 154, 167-8.
Asylums, Texas, ii. 537-9.
Atkinson, J. G., execution of, ii.

520-1.
Atotoiiilco, Spaniards massacred at,

1616, i. 322.

Augustm, Major, mention of, ii. 321,
Aury, Luis de, appt'd commodore,

etc., 1816, ii. 34-5; abandons Gal-

veston, ii. 39.

'Austin,' sloop of war, ii. 351.
Austin, J. B., mention of, ii. 300.
Austin, John, joins insurgents, 1832,

ii. 120; attacks oil Velasco, ii.
121-3; reply to Mejia, ii. 125.
Austin, Moses, biog., colony, etc., ii.

56 et seq. ; death of, ii. 58.
Austin, S. F., mention of, ii. 57;
founds Austin colony, ii. 59 et seq. ;
grant confirmed, ii. 63; additional
grant, ii. 69; additional grant,
1827, ii. 74; opposes Edwards
revolt, 1826, ii. 107; commended
by Mex. govt, ii. 110; member

state conv., 1833, ii. 133-4; before
Mex. congrejs, ii. 136; arrest, etc.,
of, ii. lo8-42; Texan council, 1834,
ii. 146; return and advice of, 1S35,
ii. 162-4; com'd'r iu chief of
Texan j, it. 168; ambassador to the
U. S., ii. 173; battle cf Concep-
cioii, ii. 175-7; siege of Be jar, ii.
177 et seq.; resign 3 command, ii.
178; favors independence, ii. 215;
appeal of in aid of Texas, ii. 284;
defeat, etc., of, ii. £00-2; appYd
sec. of state, ii. C94; death and
biog. of, ii. L9S-COO.

Austin, Uaii Felipe dc, named, ii. 64,
capital at, !8Li), ii. S37-8; archive
war at, ii. 353.

Axi3t:n, Col Vr. J., battle of S. Anto
nio, ii. 1G2.

Austin, W. T., Houston's aid-de
camp, ii. 238.

Au.3tin colony, grant, ii. 56 et seq.;
settlement of, ii. 59 et seq.;' grant
confirmed, ii. 63; gov't, ii. 63-5;
additional grants, ii. 69

Austin parly, mention of, ii. 291.

Austin's map of 1835, ii. 75.

Avalos, exped. of, i. 14-15.

Aval os, Province, subjugation, etc.,
of, i. 14-15.

Ayestaran, Gen'l J. J., removal of, ii.
589.

Ayutla, plan of, in Chili, and Duran-
go, 1855, ii. 617.

Azpilcueto, Father M., missionary
labors, etc., of, 1630, i. 228-9.

Aztatlaii, Guzman at, 1530, i. 29

B

Bacoburitos, Sinaloan tribe, revolt of,
1604, i. 213.

Baegert, Father J., mention of, i.
469.

Baegert, Father, biog., i. 478; works
of, i. 478; map of, 1757, i. 479;
the Jesuit expulsion, 1767-8, i.
479-81.

Bahia, presidio, establ'd 1722, i. 628;
site of changed, i. 631; removal of,
1749, i. 642; descript. of, 1778, i.
659.

Baines, J., mention of, ii. 410.

Baines, J. W., biog. of, ii. 578.

Baia California, see California, Baja.

Baker, arrest ordered, ii. 161; execu
tion of, ii. 334-5.

Baker, B. F., biog., etc., ii. 544.

Baker, James A., biog. of, ii. 766.

778

INDEX.

Baker, Capt. M., co. of, at San
Felipe, li. 240; burns San Felipe,
ii. 247; rejoins Houston, ii. 253.

Bakar, Col \V. ii., biog. of, ii. 767.

Baldwin, N. C., mention of, ii. 561.

Bale sera, Father A., retirement of,
1644, i. 234.

Ban,l3i-as, Incl. chief, revolt and
deithof, 1825-1832, ii. 652.

Bandit; ti, Texas, ii. 443.

BauUhment law, Texas, 1862, ii. 458.

Banking, Tex. R. R. Navig. & Bank
ing co., ii. 296-7.

Banks, General, expedition ag'st
Sabine City, ii. 459-61; other ex
pels ag'st Texas ii. 468-7.

Baptists, Texas, first church, ii. 547.

Barela, Cliico, leader Salt lakes riot,
ii. 521.

Bir'cir, Stephen, mention of, ii. 48.

Barnird, Doctor, mention of, ii.
231-2.

Barragan, Col, mention of, ii. 254-5;
humanity of, ii. 365.

Barratarian freebooters, doings of, ii.
36.

Barraza, Capt. J., exped. of, 1630, i.
333-4; defeats the Tobosos, 1644, i.
348; superseded, i. 349; the Tara-
humare revolt, 1649-51, i. 354-8.

Barrera, I. D. de la, bishop of Du-
rango, 1705-9, i. 593-4.

Barrett, Judge D. C., mention of, ii.
160, 172, 174; elected judge advo
cate gen'l, ii. 193-4.

Barrett, C>>1 T. H., battle and retreat
Palmetto rancho, ii. 475.

Barri, F. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,
1783, i. 676; gov. of Baja Cal., etc.,
1771-5, i. 730-9.

Burriga, A. G., cruise, etc., of, 1644,
i. 181-2.

Barrionuevo, Father, mission to Tar-
ahmnara, 1673-4,. i. 362-3.

Barrios y Jauregui, J. de, gov. of
Coahuila, 176;), i. 694; gov. of
Texas, 1751-60, i. C39, 643.

Barrota, J. E., exped * of, 1686-7, i.
413.

Barrutia, I. F. de, gov. of Nueva Viz
caya, 1728, i. 581.

Bartlett, Jesse, mention of, ii. 160.

Basaldua, Father J. M., mention of,
i. 426-7; mission to Mex., 1704, i.
428-9; in charge of Guaymas mis
sion, 1709, i. 511.

Basilio, Father, death of, 1652, i.
358.

Bastan, Capt. A., proiect of, i. 170.

Bastrop, Baron de, app't'd, ii. 64.

Battle creek, battle of, ii. 311.
Baylor, Lieut-col J. R., exped. ag'st

Indians, 1859, ii. 411; captures

Forts Bliss and Fillmore, ii. 451.
Bays, Elder Joseph, mention of, ii.

547.
Bazan, F. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,

1584-5, i. 113; exped. to Sinaloa,

1585, i. 114.

Beall, Dr Elias, mention of, ii. 577.
Bean, E. P., biog. of, i. 7-8.
Beaujeu, Capt. La Salle's exped., i.

397-401.

Beaumont, F. deG., 1662-5, i. 337.
Becerra, D., exped. of, 1533, i. 45-6;

murder of, i. 46.
Beckham, Mayor R. E., mention of,

ii. 574.

Bee, B. E., commis. to Mex., ii. 340.
Bee, Gen'l, proclaims martial law, ii.

457.
Bejar, San Antonio de, (see also San

Antonio); mission of founded, 1718,

i. 618; Aguayo at, 1721, i. 623-4;

1722, i. 627-8; descript. of natives

at, i. 663; siege of, ii. 177 et

seq. ; captured by Vasquez, 1842,

ii. 348.
Bejar, San Fernando de, villa of

founded, 1730, i. 632; memorial of,

1770, i. 652-3; condition of, i. 653-

4; garrison of increased, 1772, i.

656.
Belaunzaran, J. B. de, gov. of Nueva

Vizcaya, 1738-48, i. 582.
Belen, presidio of, founded, 1760, i.

585.
Beleiia, Licentiate E. V., mention of,

i. 711.

Belgium, recognizes Texas' independ
ence, ii. 340.

Bell, J. H., mention of, ii. 160.
Bell, Gov. P. H., election of, 1849, ii.

398; vetoes Texas debt bill, 1852,

ii. 404; elected to U. S. congress,

ii. 405.
Bellisle, S. de, adventures of, 1718-

21, i. 620.
Benevolent institutions, Texas, ii.

537.
Benitez, Father E., murder of, 1686,

i. 363.
Bennett, Lieut-col, at council of war,

ii. 258.

Beranger, exped. of, 1720, i. 619.
Bernal, Lieut C. M., exped. of, 1697,

i. 264-5.

Bernstein, Max. mention of, ii. 736.
Berrotaran, Capt. J. de, report to

viceroy, etc., 1748, i. 584,

INDEX.

779

Berry, Capt., death of, ii. 363.
Bevii, John, mention of, ii. 172.
Bibliography, Texas, ii. 383 et seq.
Bickley, Geo. W., mention of, ii. 434.
Biglow, Horatio, mention of, ii. 48.
Biography, ii. 570-8, 705-9.
Bischotf, Father J. J., at Loreto,

1752, i. 469.
Blancarte, Gen. J. M., revolt, etc.,

of, ii. 724.
Blanco, General, succeeds Carrasco,

ii. 672; ultimatum to filibusters, ii.

677-8; defeat of, ii. 679; recall of,

ii. 681.
Blanco, Victor, elected vice gov., ii.

86.
Bleihoe, A., comptroller, 1869, ii.

498.

Blind asylum, Texas, ii. 537-8.
Blount, Col S. M., biog., ii. 576.
Bogarro, Anselmo, escape of, ii. 213;

casual :y report of, ii. 215.
Bohorque.*, Adjutant N., with Salva-

tierra's exped., 1701, i. 494.
Bolas de Plata mines, discovery of,

1736, i. 525; richness of, i. 526;

claimed for the crown, i. 527.
Bonavia y Zapata, B., gov. intendent

of Durango, 1796, i. 678; zealousy

in royal cause, ii. 584.
Boneo y Morales, J., gov. of Texas,

1743, i. 639.

Bnuham, death of, ii. 212.
Bonifacio, Father L., death of, 1644,

i. 234; biog., i. 234.
Bonilla, exped. of, 1595, i. 128-9.
Boimell, Geo. W., mention of, ii. 550.
Bonner, Judge M. H., associate jus
tice, 1878, ii. 522.
Boone, H. H., mention of, ii. 518.
Borden, Gail, mention of, ii. 170, 549.
Borden, T. ft., mention of, ii. 549.
Borica, D. de, gov. of Cal., 1794, i.

751; 1800, i. 759, 772.
Borrego, T., arrest of, ii. 623.
Botello y Serrano, Capt. A., report,

etc., of, 1636, i. 177-8; license

granted to, i. 178.
Boulbon, Raousset de, early career

of, ii. 674; scheme? of, ii. 676;

ultimatum to, ii. 677-8; captures

Hermosillo, ii. 679; illness of, ii.

680; return to S. F., etc., ii. 682;

Santa Annaappts a colonel, ii. 683;

interference of Cal. authorities, ii.

684; second exped. of, ii. 685;

Yafiez outwits, ii. 686; defeat and

capture of, ii. 687-9; execution of,

ii. 690-1.
Boundary, Louisiana possessions, ii

45-7; Texas, denned, ii. 297; New

Hex. and Tex., 1848, ii. 398; Red

river, ii. 525-6; bill, for Texas,

synopsis, ii. 400.
Bourne, Col, explor. of, ii. 644.
Bowie, Col James, mention of, ii.

128; biog., etc., 175-7; grass fight,

ii. 178-9; Alamo massacre, ii. 201

et seq.; death of, ii. 212.
Bowles, Cherokee chief, ii. 321.
Bradburn, Davis, tyranny of, ii. 115-

17; proclaims martial law, ii. 119;

meu.tion of, ii. 215.
Bradburn, John D., mention of, ii. 97.
Bradley, Capt. J., biog., ii. 578.
Brambila, Lieut-col, surrenders com
mand, 1844.
Branciforte, mission, founded, etc.,

1797, i. 772.
Bravo, Father J., expedt., etc., of,

1718-21, i. 444-9; death of, 1744, i.

462.
Bravo, J. V. D., bishop of Durango,

etc., 1769, i. 684.
Bravo, Nicolas, mention of, 373.
Braw, A. L., mention of, ii. 410.
Brazitos, battle at, ii. 606-7.
Brazoria, founded, ii. 110; angry

meeting, etc., at, ii. 117.
' Brazoria, ' schooner, ii. 121.
Brazos, Indian agency, formation of,

ii. 406-7.

Breece, Capt., mention of, ii. 179.
Bremond, Paul, mention of, ii. 574.
Brenham, Dr, death, etc., of, ii. 366.
Brenham, R. F., Texas Santa Fe

exped., ii. 334.
Brincourt, captures Chihuahua, etc.,

1864, ii. 621.
Bringas, Col Juan, mention of, ii.

263.

Bronson, Lieut-col, victory of at Pal
metto rancho, ii. 475.
Brotherton, Capt., mention of, ii. 524.
Brown, Capt. J., capt. schooner In
vincible, ii. 271; captures the

' Pocket, ' ii. 272.
Brown, Mayor J. T., mention of, ii.

574.
Brown, P R., escape, etc., of, ii.

219-20.

Brown, Capt. T. J., biog., of, ii. 769.
Brown, Capt. Wm, capt. schooner

Liberty, ii. 271.
Brownsville, Cortina's raids on, ii.

444; captures and recaptures of, ii.

466-8.
'Brutus,' schooner, mention of, ii.

272; loss, etc., of, ii. 283-4.
Bryan, G. M., mention of, ii. 296.

i80

INDEX.

Bryan, William, mention of, ii. 352.

Bucareli, Nuestra Senora del Pilar de
pueblo of establd, 1774, i. 656; site
of removed, 1779, i. 656-7.

Buckley, defeat of, 1858, ii. 427.

Buckley, 8. B., mention of, ii. 553.

Bueiia y Alcalde, Father M. A., men
tion of, i. 70(5.

Bull'aloes, Texas, ii. 559.

Buford, M. N., mention of, ii. 554.

Bullock, James W., defeat of Piedras,
ii. 127.

Burle^on, Col E., succeeds Austin, ii.
178; at council of war, ii. 258; bat
tle of Sail Jacinto, ii. 260-1 ; Cher
okee battle, ii. 323; elected vice
pres., 1841, ii. 342; defeat of, elec
tion, 1844, ii. 378.

Burman, Jesse, mention of, ii. 171.

Burnett, Pres. David G., colony
grant, ii. 74, 110; member state
conv., 1833, ii. 133; election of,
1836, ii. 218; proclamation, March
1S36, ii. 246; at Camp San Jacinto,
ii. 268; army officers' letter to, ii.
273; charged with treason, ii. ?74;
message of, Oct. 1836, ii. 292; res
ignation of, ii. 293; elected vice
pres., 1838, ii. 313; defeat, election,
1841, ii. 341.

Burnlev, mediation of Mex. & Texas,
ii. 340.

Burr, Robert, app't'd postmaster gen
eral, ii. 294.

Burr lei, Padre A M., 'Noticia de la
California,'!. 281-2.

Burton, Col, campaign, etc., of L.
Cal., ii. 713 et seq.

Burton, Major L, achievements of,
ii. 282.

Burt.s, WmP., mayor Fort Worth,
ii. 574.

Bu-itamante, Capt. B.,exped. against
Apaches, 1756, i. 557.

Bustamante, Capt. F., with Figueroa's
exped., 1636, i. 174; alcalde mayor
of San Felipe, 1636, i. 207; lieut-
gov. of San Felipe, 1636, i. 231-2.

Bustamante y Velasco, election orders
of 1821, ii. 635.

Buster, Capt., writing of, ii. 360.

Bustillo y Cevallos, J., gov. of Texas,
i. 634; rule, 1730-3, i. 634-6.

Byrom, John S. D., mention of, ii.
172.

0

Caballero y Carranco, Friar J., with
Luceiiilla's exped., 1668, i. 184.

Caballero y Osio, J., aids Sal vatierra,
1697, i. 280.

Caborca, attacked by Pi mas, 1541, i.
544.

Cabello, D., gov. of Texas, 1778-81,
i. 660, 668.

Cabezas, raids of the, 1641-5, i.
348-9.

Cabildos, Coah., decree ordering,
1812, ii. 79.

Cabrera, bandit, capture and execu
tion of, ii. 445.

Cabrillo, J. R., exped. of, 1542-3, i.
133-5; ' Relacion,' i. 133; discovers
upper Cal., 1542, i. 135; death of,
i. 135-6.

Caderita, Viceroy, decree of, 1636, i.
178.

Cadillac, M., gov. of Louisiana, etc.,
1713, i. 610.

Cajen, Gov., captures Durango, 1859,
ii. 618; defeat and death, ii, 619.

Cajenie, Ind. chief, execution of, ii.
704.

Calahorra, Father, exped. of, 1760, i.
649-50.

Calder, Capt. R. J., mention of, ii.
260-1.

Calderoii, M., alcalde mayor at San
Felipe, 1671. i. 237.

Caldwell, Col M., battle with Woll,
ii. 357-8.

California, name, i. 82.

California (Alta or upper), discovered
by Cabrillo, 1542, i. 135-6; Fer-
relo's voyage, 1543, i. 136; Viz
caino's exped., 1602-3, i. 158-60;
Vizcaino's scheme for colonizing,
1620, i. 167-8; expeds to, 1769,
i. 489-90; Anza's exped., 1774-6,
i. 717-18; occupation, etc., of,
1769-1800, i. 765-73; Franciscans
in, i. 767-70; exploration of,
1775-6, i. 768; mission affairs
in, 1781-90, i. 769-73; industries,
etc., in, i. 771; filibustering expeds
from, 1852-4, ii. 673 et seq.

California (Baja or lower), Ulloa's ex
ped., 1539, i. 78-82; Alarcon's,
1540, i. 90-5; Cabrillo's, 1512, i.
133-4; Vizcaino's exped., 1597, i.
147-51; 1602-3, i. 153-60; Cardona's
exped., 1615, i. 164; Vizcaino's
scheme for colonizing, 1620, i. 167—
8; regarded as an island, i. 1GS-9;
map of, 1624-5, i. 169; Or;ega'o ex
peds, 1632-6, i. 171-5; Cafias' ex
ped., 1642, i. 181; Barriga's, 1G44,
i. 182; Casanate's, 1648, i. 183-4;
Luceiiilla's, 1668, i. 184-5;0tondo's,

INDEX.

781

1683-5, i. 187-93; Itamarra's, 1694,
i. 194-5; Dampier's, etc., 1704-10,
i. 190-200; Frondac's, 1709, i. 200;
Shelvock's, 1721, i. 200-1; effect of
failures to colonize, i. 276-7; Sal-
vatiei'ra'd exped. to, 1697-1700, i.
281-304; Loreto founded in, 1697,
i. 284-6; map* of, i. 427, 447, 464,
471, 479, 743; mission affairs, etc.,
in, 1701-17, i. 421-438; 1769-74, i.
7_6; 178J-1800, i. 745; mission sys
tem, i. 439-41; mission funds, i.
411-2; mission affairs, etc., in,
1717-69, i. 443-91; Jesuits in, 1717
-63, i. 443-82; Ugarte's explor. of,

1721, i. 450-2; locu.j plagae ir>,

1722, i. 453; Taraval's explor.,
1732, i. 456; Lilian outbreak.* in,
i. 457-62; epidemic in, 1742-8, i.
432; Consag s explors, 1746, i. 463-
4; 1753, i. 470; Escobar's rept,
1745, i. 465; industries of, i. 467-8,
483; native diplomacy in, i. 474-5;
Jesuits expelled from, 1767-8, i.
477-82; Franciscans in, 1767-9, i.
482-90; Salvatierra's exped., 1701,
i. 493-8; Kino's, 1701-6, i. 495-
502; Dominicans in (1777) i. 742;
pestilence, etc., in, 1781, i. 745; ex
plorations of, 1794-7, i. 752-4; set
tlements, etc., of, 1763-1800, i.
730-3; population, i. 762; indus
tries, i. 762-3; progress an.l e/ents,
18JO-1888, ii. 705-69; separation
from Alta Gal., ii. 705; neglect of,
ii. 703; foreign intercourse, 1826-
32, ii. 711; war with U. S., ii. 712;
U. S. restoration of, etc., ii. 719;
Walker's filibustering exped., 1851,
ii. 720etseq.; French intervention
in, ii. 726; revenue of, ii. 742; edu
cation in, ii. 742; ii. 755-6; iron,
lead, tin, quicksilver, etc., ii. 756;
graphite and saltpetre, 757-8,
pearls, ii. 757-60; mills, ii. 760-1.

Calleja, Felix, mention of, ii. 581.
Caltzontzin, King, murder of, i. 28.
Calvo, Consul, surrenders filibusters,

ii. 689.
Calvo, J. J., Commandante gen'l,

1834, ii. 590, 593.
Ca-mbon, Father, in charge at San

Fernando, 1773, i. 737.
Oamea, Juan. M. I., Yaqui gen'l,

death of, ii. 659.
Cameron, Capt., disobedience of, ii.

360; b-.ttle of Mier, ii. 363; escape,

etc., of, ii. 365; execution of, ii.

338.
Cameron, John, colony grant, ii. 74;

mention of, ii. 97, 155; apptd Ind.
commission, ii. 199.

Campos, Father, escape of, 1695, i.
261; the death of Kmo, 1711, i. 505
-6; labors in Pimeria, i. 507; ex
plor. of, 1715, i. 507-8.

Cainpuzaiio, Commandant, surrender
of liuaymas, ii. 065, 667.

Canales, Col, mili. disaster, ii. 361.

Canales, Gen'l Antonio, battle of Al-
cantro, ii. 327-8; inaction of, ii.
328; Arista defeats, ii. 329; Davis'
defeat of, ii. 357.

Canalizo, Gen'l, incites Ind. hostili
ties, ii. 321; capture of correspon
dence, ii. 322; force at Matamoras,
1840, ii. 326.

Caiias, L. C. de., exped. of, 1642, i.
181; alcalde mayor of San Felipe,
1641-4, i. 207; commandaiite of
Sinaloa, 1641, i. 232.

Can by, Gen'l, defeat in battle of Val-
ocide, ii. 452; battle at Peralta, ii.
453; surrender of Kirby Smith, ii.
475; letter on Texas affairs in
Texas, 1S68, ii. 497.

Cancio, Capt. L., letters to viceroy,
etc., 1766-7, i. 567-71; the Jesuit
expulsion, 1767, i. 575-7, 704; men
tion of, i. 696, 699.

Candelaria mission, establd 1744, i.
641; founding of, 1761-2, i. 650.

Caned, Gov., election of, 1877, ii.
702.

Canedo, D. de, at La Paz, 1633, i.
172.

Canto, Gen'l, murders Pantoni, ii.
623.

Caravajal, Gen'l, mention of, ii. 445.

Carhajal, J. S. L de, gov. of Nueva
Yizcaya, 1723, i. 581.

Carbonel, E., exped., etc., of, 1636,
i. 175-6.

Cardelle, Cara, ' W. B. Dewees' Let
ters,' ii. 385.

Cardeuas, Capt., exped. to the Col
orado, 1540, i. 85.

Cardenas, Jose S. de, councillor, ii.
86.

Cardenas, Father L., hostility to, i.
228.

Cardis, Louis, death of, etc., ii. 519

Cardona, N., voyages of, 1613-15, i.
163-5.

Cardona, Capt. S., voyages of, 1613-
15, i. 163-7; memorial of, i. 178.

Carnes, Capt., scouting exploits of,
ii. 244; commh. to Mex., ii. 281-2.

Cams, Henry, ab battle S. Antonio,
ii. 184.

782

INDEX.

Cora, Ramon M., estimates of Alamo
casualties, ii. 214.

Carranco, Padre, murder of, 1734, i.
458.

Carrasco, Capt. D., with Kino's ex-
ped., 1698, i. 266.

Carrasco, Col J. M., death of, ii. 672.

Carrera, Father A., mention of, i.
378.

Carrillo, Gov., proclaims Iglesias
pres., etc., 1876, ii. 624.

Carrion, ('apt. J. F., the Tarahumare
revolts, 1649-52, i. 354, 359.

Carson, S. P., Letter to Bunnett, ii.
246; retired, ii. 269.

'Cart,' war, Texas, 1857, ii. 417-19.

Casa Grande, ruins of explored, 1697.
i. 265.

Casanate, Adm'ral, comandante of
Siualoa, i. 233.

Casanate, Capt. P. Portery, survey
proposed by, 1635, i. 177; report,
etc., of, 1636, i. 177-8; license
granted to, i. 178; revoked, i. 178;
captured by pirates, 1637, i. 178-9:
memorial of, 1638, i. 179; commis
sion, 1640, i. 179-80; at Santa Cruz,

1643, i. 181; ship building projects,
i. 181-2; cruise of the 'Kosario,'

1644, i. 182; vessels, etc., of burned,
i. 1S2-3; royal favor to, i. 183; voy
age of, 1648, i. 183-4.

Casayantes, G., revolt -of, 1829, ii.

625.

Cash, John S., execution of, ii. 3G7.
Castaneda, Lieut F., Texans defeat

of, ii. 165-6.

Castaniza, Bishop, mention of, ii. 584 .
Castaiio, Father B., missionary labors

of, 1638-9, i. 230.
Castilla, P. H. de, captain at San

Felipe, 1680, i. 237.
Castillo, Capt. D. del, map of, i. 80-1;

exped. of, 1650, i. 3S5-6.
Castillo, G. del, gov. of Nueva Viz-

caya, 1695, i. 338.
Castini, Father P., retirement of,

1644, i. 234.
Castini, Padre P. J., missionary

labors of, 1621, i. 225.
Castleman, S., mention of, ii. 300.
Castrillon, Gen'l, courage of, ii. 262.
Castro, Gov. A. M. de, installation of,

ii. 649.
Castro, Brother F., death of, 1527, i.

230.

Castro, Jose, murder of, ii. 725.
Castro, Gov. M. M., succeeds Caneda,

ii. 703.
Castro, Capt. Mauricio, defense prep.

of, 1847, ii. 712; orders to Pineda,

ii. 713; capture of, 1847, ii. 718;

suspended, etc., ii. 720.
!ave, E. W., refusal to take confed.

oath, ii. 440.

Cavelier, priest, with La Salle's ex
ped., i. 406-11.
Cavendish, SirT., voyage of, 1588, i.

144.
Ceballos, Gov. Rafael, appointment

of, ii. 663.

Cepeda, Father, remarks on Ind. out
break of 1644-5, i. 351-2.
Cereals, Texas, ii. 557-8.
Cermenon, S. R., voyage of, 1595, i.

147.
Cerralvo, Viceroy, grants license, etc.,

to Ortega, 1631, i. 171; to Casa-

mate, 1636, i. 177-8.
Cerro Gordo, fortified camp at, 1645,

i. 351; presidio site removed, i.

680.
Cervantes, Father B., death of, 1649,

i. 234.
Cervantes, G. G. de, gov. of Nueva

Vizcaya, 1631-3, i. 306.
Cespedes, Col, battle San Jacinto, ii.

263.

Chalmers, W. L., sec. state conven
tion, ii. 482.
Chambers, A. J., biog. mention, ii.

544.
Chambers, Judge Thomas, biog. of,

ii. 144.
Chambers, T. J., defeat of election,

1853, ii. 405; 1861, ii. 451; 1863, ii.

466; treason of, ii. 425.
Chambers, William, defeat election,

1876, ii. 515.
Chametla, Port, Cortes' exped. at,

1535, i. 49-50; Guzman's, i. 58;

name, i. 203.
Chametla, Province, Guzman in, 1530,

i. 30-2; Ibarra's occupation of,

1565, i. 110.

'Champion,' capture of, ii. 284.
Chandler, Capt., party of, ii. 371.
Chapman, Rev. R. M., mention of,

ii. 648.
Chaves, Lieut, arrests Negrete, ii.

720.

Cheape, Geo. C., biog. of, ii. 736.
Cherokees, Inds., petition for land-
grant, ii. 103; battle with, 1839, ii.

323.
Chevalie, Major M., mention of, ii.

397.

Chichimecs, country of the, i. 12-13.
Chicuris, Sinaloan tribe, conversion

of, 1671, i. 239.

INDEX.

783

Chihuahua, see also Xueva Vizcaya;
name, i. 600; Iturbide revolt in, ii.
586; admitted as a state, ii. 587;
political events, 1825-43. ii. 589-
603; events in 1843-88, ii. 604 et
seq.; invasion threatened, 1843, ii.
604-5; map of, ii. 606; Doniphan's
capture of, ii. 608-9; retreat of
French from, 1866, ii. 622; revolt
1871-2, 1876, ii. 624; boundary with
Durango, ii. 626; revenue of, ii.
711; education in, ii. 746.

Chihuahua, town, provis. capitol,
1S6±, ii. 620.

Chi nip a, Hurdaide's exped. to, 1601,
i. 211.

Chinipas, missionaries among, 1620,

1. 224-5; missions founded among,
1526-7, i. 227; revolt, etc., of, 1631-

2, i. 229-30.

Chirrines conservatives, party, ii. 588.

Chirinos, P., with Guzman's exped.,
1529, i. 28.

Chivington, Maj., battle with confed
erates, ii. 452.

Cibola, province, Coronado's exped.
in, 1540, i. 85.

Ciguatan, province, Guzman in, 1831,
i. 33-5.

Cinco Seiiores, Pueblo, founding of,
1728, i. 584.

Cisneros, Father B., death of, 1616, i.
323.

' City of Monterey,' plan, ii. 395.

Civil war, Texas, ii. 450 et seq.

Clark, Gov. Edward, succeeds Hous
ton, ii. 440; proclamation, June
1861, ii. 451; defeat election, 1861,
ii. 451.

Clark, Judge Geo., state attorney-
gen '1, ii. 518; biog. of, ii. 578.

Clark, W. T., representative, 1869,
ii. 498.

Clark, James B., mention of, ii. 546.

Clay, Adam, biog. of, ii. 767.

Clay, Sen. Henry, boundary and debt
of Texas, ii. 399.

Clavigero, F. S., * Storia della Cali
fornia,' i. 282.

Clements, J. D., mention of, ii. 172,
174.

Climate, Texas, ii. 556-7; L. Cal., ii.
730.

Clingman, Senator, mention of, ii.
435.

Clough, Col J. M., mention of, ii. 577.

Coahuila, annals of, 1582-1600, i. 126.

Coapa, the Tepehuane revolt, 1616-
17, i. 324.

Coahuila, limits of, i. 375; church

affairs in, i. 375-6: map of, i. 377;
boundaries of, i. 603-4; govs. of,
1702-89, i. 604; condition of, 1701-
1800, i. 605; population, i. 605-6;
settlements, i. 606-7; missions
affairs, etc., in i. 607-8; despotism
in, 1824, ii. 77; population, 1803-

10, ii. 78; gov't of towns, ii. 78-9;
resources, ii. SO; independence in,

11. 82; state formed with Texas, ii.
83; constitution of, ii. 83; election,
1827, ii. 86; finances of, 1827, ii.
86-7; administ. of justice, 1827-9,
ii. 94-5; education, 1811-30, ii. 95-
6; separation of Coah. & Tex. dis
cussed, ii. 130 et seq.; factional
tight in, ii. 143 etseq.; state auth
orities deposed, ii. 154-5.

Cocke, J. 1),, execution of, ii. 367.

Codallos y Rabal, Dr J., vicar-gen, of
Texas, 1721, i. 625.

Coe, Philip, mention of, ii. 171.

Coke, Gov. Richard, election of 1872,
ii. 510-11; message, 1875, ii. 512;
reelection of, 1876, ii. 515; pro
poses constitutional changes, ii.
516-18; elected U. S. senator, 1876,
ii. 518.

Coker, John, mention of, ii. 260.

Coleto, battle of the, ii. 227-33.

Collantes, Father J., retirement of,
1644, i. 234.

Collard, E., mention of, ii. 171.

Colleges, Texas, list of, ii. 546.

Collingsworth, Capt. George, capture
of Goliad, ii. 169.

Colling.sworth, J., sec. of state, 1836,
ii. 269; commis. to Washington, ii.
284; suicide, etc., of, ii. 313.

Collins, L. B., mention of, ii. £61.

Colombo, town, Guzman at, 1531, i.
35.

Colonization in Tex., Spanish, ii. 54-
5; Austin's, ii. 56 et seq., other colo
nies, ii. 73 et seq.; L. Cal., 1864,
ii. 727; act of, 1883, ii. 729; N.
Mex. states, ii. 744.

Colonization law, Texas & Coah.,
1825, ii. 70.

' Colorado,' war brig, ii. 351.

Colorado river, Diaz on the, 1540. i.
88; Alarcon, i. 91-3; Sedelmaira
explor., 1744, i. 537; 1748-50, i.
540-1.

Columbia, revolutionary meeting at,
1835, ii. 162.

Columbus, theory, etc., of, i. 2-3.

Comanches, war with Apacnes, i.
644-5; massacre at San Saba, 1758,
i. 645-8; exped. against, 1759, i.

784

INDEX.

649; further raids of, i. 649; defeat

of, 1790, i. 669; hostilities of, 1840,

ii. 324; troubles with, ii. 405; res
ervation for, ii. 407.
Commerce, Texas, imports and ex
ports, 1834, ii. 148; 1838-40, ii.

*142; 1870-82, ii. 567; shipping, ii.

568; L. Gal.. 1800-17, ii. 707; N.

Mex. states, imports and exports,

ii. 762; ports, ii. 763.
Cornpostela, capital of Nueva Galicia,

1531, i. 39.
Comuripa, Sinaloa, alleged miracle

at, i. 243.

Concepcion, battle of, ii. 175-7.
Concepcion de Alamos, declared capi-

tol 1827, ii. 644.
Conchd, native name for Loreto, i.

286.
Couchos, revolt of the, 1645, i. 349-

50.
Conde, brig., A Garcia, gov Sonora

& Sinaloa, ii 582; capture of, ii.

630.

Conde, Garcia, mention of, ii. 586.
Condor, Max. war brig, ii. 665.
Confederates, Texas, Twiggs* surrend
er to, etc,, ii. 437 et seq; capture

of Forts Arbuckle & Brown, ii.

450; of Forts Bliss & Fillmore, ii.

451; New Mexico invasion, ii. 45l

et seq.

Confederate congress, act of conscrip
tion, ii. 471
Confederate currency worthlessness

of, 1864, ii. 469.
Congress, Texas, session 1836, ii. 295;

1837, ii. 303.
Congress of U. S., act for gov't of

rebel states, 1867, ii. 487.
'Congress,' U. S. frigate, ii. 667-
Congressmen, Texas, list of, 1845-61,

ii. 449.
Conner, J. C. representative, 1869,

ii. 498.
Consag, Father F., biog., i. 457; ex-

ped. of, 1746, i. 463-5; 1751, i.

469; 1753, i. 470; map, i. 464; death,

1759, i. 470.

Conservatives, Durango, ii. 588.
Constitution, Texas state, 1876, ii.

515-16.
Constitutional legislature, Sin. &

Sonora, 1824, ii. 637.
Cook, guide, battle of S. Antonio, ii.

182, 185.
Cook, Major Hamlin, mention of, ii.

48-50.

Cook, Dr T. C., biog. of, ii. 577.
Cooke, Col, surrender of, ii. 335.

Cooke, Capt. P. St G., disarms
Snively, ii. 371.

Cooke, W. G., commis. Tex. Santa
Fe expect, ii. 334.

Copala, province, location, etc., of, i.
203.

Copart, Father J. B., with Otondo's
exped., 1683, i. 187, 192.

Corbalan, P. de, gov. ad int. of
Sonora & Sinaloa, 1769-72, 1777, i.
711.

Cordero, Gov., deposed, ii. 617.

Cordero, Ant., com. geii'l Occidente
section, etc., ii. 586.

Cordova, Vicente, Nacogdoches re
bellion, ii. 320.

Cordova, Vicente, death of, ii. 358.

Corn, Texas, ii. 557.

Coro, Cacique, victory over Apaches,
1698, i. 274.

Coronado, E., captures Durango, 1858,
ii. 618.

Coronado, F. V. de, gov. of Nueva
Galicia, 1538, i. 71-2; exped. of,
1539, i. 72-7; 1540-2, i. 83-7; ex-
ped. of, i. 381.

Coroiiados island, pearl fishing at,
1698, i. 294.

Corona, harrasses imperialists, 1866,
ii. 622.

Corona, Gov., succeeds Resales, ii.
698.

Corpus Christi, capture of, ii. 454.

Corral, Brig. I. del, resignation of,
ii. 586.

Correro, Mex. schooner, ii. 161.

Cortes,H.,expeds,etc.,of,i. 4-25; Guz
man's hostility to, i. 26-7, 42-50;
expeds despatched by, 1532-3, i.
40-7; appeal to the audiencia, i.
48; exped. of, 1535, i. 49-52; rup
ture with Mendoza, i. 95; return to
Spain, 1540, i. 95.

Cortes, Father J., with Canas exped.,
1642, i. 181.

Cortina, J. N., depredations, etc., of,
ii. 443; victory of, ii. 446; defeat
of, ii. 448; capture of Brownsville,
etc., ii. 468.

Corvan, T. G. de, with Vizcaino's ex
ped., 1602-3, i. 153, 159.

Cos, Genl M. Prefecto de, action in
Coah. affairs, ii. 153-5; conciliatory
circular of, ii. 156; proclamation of,
Ii. 157; mention of, ii. 161; march
to Tex., Oct. 1835, ii. 165; siege of
Bejar, ii. 177 et seq. ; capitulation
of, ii. 187; capture of, ii. 265.

Casas, Juan B., seizes governor, 1811,
ii. 17.

INDEX.

785

Coshattas, Indians, docility of, ii.

442.
Cossin, Father B. de, martyrdom of,

i. 116.

Gotten, G. B., mention of, ii. 548.
Cotton, coiifed. restrictions on, ii.

457; demands for, ii. 457; cultiva
tion of, ii. 557.
Crabb, H. A., colony scheme of, ii.

694; execution of, ii. 695.
Crane, Capt., at battle S. Antonio, ii.

183.

Crawford, M. L., mention of, ii. 546.
Crespo, B., bishop of Duraiigo,

1723-34, i. 594.
Crespo, F., gov. of Sonora and Sina-

loa, 1774, i. 711.
Crime, Texas, ii. 391; 1864, ii. 472;

1865-6, ii. 480; 1850-80, ii. 530;

penitentiaries, ii. 534-6.
Cristobal, "C. de, alcalde mayor of San

Miguel, 1534, i. 59.
Croix, Gen. T. de, commandante-gen.

of Provincias Internas, 1777, i. 671,

681; tour of, i. 671; powers, etc.,

of, i. 671-2; recommendations of,

i. 672-3; viceroy of Peru, 1783, i.

673; reforms, etc., of, 1779, i. 714-

15.
Crocker, Frances, captures Sabine

City, ii. 455.
Crocker, Lieut Fred, defeat of, ii.

460.

Crockett, David, death of, ii. 212.
Crockett, Lieut-gov. J. M., election

of, 1861, ii. 451.
Croix, Commander C. de, visits Coa-

huila, 1777-8, i. 608; arrival at

Bejar, 1778, i. 660; regulations of,

i. 662-3.

Crosby, S , elected commis. land-
office, ii. 483.
Crozat, A., charter granted to, 1712,

i. 609-10.

Cruger, J. W., mention of, ii. 550.
Cruz, General, surrender of, 1821, ii.

585.

Cuchas (liberals) party, ii. 588.
Cuernavaca, plan of, Durango adopts,

ii. 592; Chihuahua adopts, ii. 593.
Cuesta, Gov., removes Gandara, 1841,

ii. 660; installation of, 1845, ii. 663.
Cuervo, J. T. de, gov. of Sinaloa and

Sonora, 1760-2, i. 564-5.
Cuervo y Valdes. F., gov. of Coahuila

and Texas, i. 376.
Cuevas, Col, pronunciamiento, 1838, ii.

657-8.
Cueto, Padre, mission to Hina, 1630-1,

i. 330.

Cuiliacan, Coronado's exped. at,

1542, i. 86; capital Sinaloa, ii. 650.
Cuiliacan, province, Guzman in,

1531, i. 35-8; location, etc., of, i.

203.
Cunningham, E. H., mention of, ii.

535.
'Cyane,' U. S. war vessel, ii. 666.

Dale, U. S., warsloop, ii. 665, 668.
Dampier, W., map of, 1699, i. 195;

voyages, etc., of, 1704-10, i. 196-

200.
Daney, J. W., vote of, election 1853,

405.
Darden, S. H., Texas comptroller, ii

518; reelection of, 1878, ii. 522.
D'Auteroche, M. C., 'Voyage,' etc..

i. 727-8.
Davalos, Gen. B., gov. L. Cal , 1868.

ii. 726; revolt against, ii. 737.
Davenport, Samuel, mention of, ii.

48.
Davila y Pacheco, E., gov. of Nueva

Vizcaya, 1654-61, i. 337.
Davis, Gen., defeats Canales, ii. 357.
Davis, Gov. E. J., pres. state conven
tion, 1868, ii. 495; election of, 1869,

ii. 498; inaugural address, ii. 502;

message April 1870, ii. 503; pro
clamations of martial law, 1871, ii.

507; Am. message, 1873, ii. 509;

proclamation, etc., Jan. 1873, ii.

510.

Davis, George W., mention of, ii. 172.
Davis, Pres. J., presents medal to

Texans, ii. 461.
Dawson, Frederick, navy contract of,

ii. 350.
Dawson, Nicolas, defeat, etc., of, ii.

358.
Day, G. H., mayor Fort Worth, ii.

574.
Deaf and Dumb asylum, Texas, ii.

537.
De Berry, A. W., Texas sec. of state,

ii. 518.
Degener, Edward, representative,

1869, ii. 498.
Delgado, Col, capture, etc., of, ii.

262-3.
Democrats, party, victory of, 1855, ii.

4'20; 1857, ii. 423; state convention,

1858, ii. 424, 427; defeat election,

1859; ii. 426; victory of, ii. 508;

successful scheme of, ii. 509-10;

victory of, 1876, ii. 515.
'Descripcion Topografica/i. 687.

786

INDEX.

Devine, T. J., mention of, ii. 437.

Dewees, W. B., 'Letters,' ii. 385.

Dewitt, Green, colony of, ii. 73.

Dexter, P. B., sec. S. Felipe council,
ii. 172.

Diaz, Father G., founds San. Gabriel,
1631, i. 334.

Diaz, Capt. H., the Tepehuane re
volt, 1616-17, i. 327.

Diaz, M., alcalde mayor of San Mi
guel, 1536-7, i. 59; meeting with
Vaca's party, etc., i. 69; explora
tion, etc., of, 1540, i. 83; exped. of,
1540-1, i. 88-9; death, 1541, i. 89.

Diaz, Gen. Porfirio, revolt of, ii. 624;
defeats Fuero, ii. 624-5.

Dickinson, Mrs Lieut, at massacre of
the Alamo, ii. 212-13.

Dickson, Lieut-gov. D. C., election of,
1853, ii. 404; defeat of, 1855, ii.
420.

Diez, Father J. J., in Baja Cal.,
1766, i. 473-4.

Dillon, Consul, advises R. de Boulboii
ii. 676.

Dunit, Capt. P., in command at
Goliad, ii. 188; urges Matamoras
exped., ii. 195.

Dionisio, Cacique, mention of, i. 287.

Dixon, Hep worth, mention of, ii.
531.

Dodge City, a cattle mart, ii. 561.

Dolores, Mange's exped. at, 1694, i.
256-8; fiesta at, 1698, i. 263-4;
mission founded, 1698, i. 379; 1716,
i. 615; massacre at, 1734, i. 459.

'Dolphin,' see ' Whartoii. '

Donvnicans, in Baja Cal., 1768-74, i.
733-9; 1777, i. 742-4; 1783, i. 747;
1780-1800, i. 749-64, zeal of, ii.
705; in Alta Cal., i. 767.

Donaldson, Maj., evacuates Santa Fe,
ii. 452.

Doniphan, Col., defeats Vidal, ii.
606-7; captures Chihuhua, ii. 608-
9; Joma wool, ii. 610.

Doraine, Ind., execution of, ii. 634.

Dorantes, A., with Vaca's exped.,
etc., i. 61, 66, 70.

Dorn, A. J., Texas treasurer, ii. 518.

Douay, Father A., with La Salle's
exped., i. 406-10.

Douglass, Senator, amendment Mis
souri compromise, 1854, ii. 423-4.

Douglas, Gen., defeats Cherokees, ii.
323.

Dover, Capt. T. , voyage, etc., of
1708-10, i. 197-200.

Doyle, Percy, mediation Mex. and
Texas, ii. 734.

Drake, Sir F., expeds of, i. 140-3.

Duarte, M., ' Testimonio iuridico ' i.
123-4.

Ducrue, Father, the Jesuit expulsion,
1767-8, i. 478; biog., i. 478; works
of, i. 478-9.

Duhaut, with La Salle's exped., i.
403-17.

Duncan, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 185.

Dunham, Maj. R., execution of, ii.
367-8.

Dupont, Comn'der, blockades Guay-
mas, 1847, ii. 665, 667.

Dupuj', R., mention of, ii. 410.

Duque, F., succeeds Brambila, 1844,
ii. 662.

Durango, see also Nueva Vizcajra,
mining explorations in, 1554-62. i.
100; Jesuits in, 1593-1600. i. 124-
5; the Tepehuane revolt, 1616-17,
i. 324, 327; Iturbide revolt in, ii.
586; revolt, 1871-2, ii. 623-4; 1875,
ii. 624; affairs of the diocese, 1620-
1800, i. 307-8, 338-9, 593-5, 6S4-7;
Intendencia, established, 1786, i.
676-8; govs intendent, 17S5-1SCO,
i. 678; population, 1790-1800, i.
691; epidemics, etc., in, 1784-98, i.
693; boundary with Chih., ii. 626;
and Chihuahua, map of, ii. 583: de
clared a state, ii. 587; and Sinaloa,
map of, ii. 591; favors constitution
of, 1824, ii. 601-2; events in, 1843-
88, ii. 604 et seq. ; invasion threat
ened, 1843, ii. 604-5; revenue of,
ii. 741 ; education in, ii. 747.

Durango City, founding of, 1563, i.
103-4; progress of, 1563-1600, i.
111-12; Jesuit college founded at,
1593-4, i. 124; capital of Nueva
Vizcaya, i. 305-6; declared a city,
1621, i. 306; Jesuit college at, 1742
-51, i. 586-7; descript. of, 1780. i.
692; surrender of, 1821, ii. 585;
capture of, 1858-9, ii. 618; French
evacuate, 1866, ii. 623.

Duval, Robert, Indian massacre of.

Dyer, C. C., mention of, ii. 171.

Eagle, Commodore, surrender to, of

Galveston.
Eastland, Capt. W. M., mutiny of,

ii. 360; execution of, ii. 3G8.
Ecanuela, B. de, bishop of Guadian,

1676-84, i. S39.
Education, Coah. and Texas, 1811—

30, ii. 95-6; Texas, 1836-85, ii.

5C9-47; N. Mex. states, ii. 745-7.

INDEX.

787

Edwards, at battle S. Antonio, ii.

185.
Edwards, Benjamin, letter to Alm-

macla, ii. 109-10.
Echeandia, Lieut-col, appt comd'r of

the California.^ 1825, ii. 709.
Ec'ieverria, Procurador, exped. of,

1729, i. 455.
Ed \vards, Hayden, colony of, ii. 73;

grant to, ii. 98; difficulties of, ii.

9';); measures adopted by, ii. 100;

alcalde election, ii. 10iM; annul
ment of title, ii. 102-8; revolt of,

ii. 105 et seq. ; biog. and death, ii.

100.
E'idiano, Father A., death of, 1677,

i. 239.
Elections, Texas, 1836, ii. 291; 1838,

ii. 313; 1841, ii. 341; 1844, ii. 378;

1849, ii. 39S; 1853, ii. 404; 1857, ii.

423; 1866, ii. 482; 1869, ii. 498;

1872, ii. 50S; 1876, ii. 515; Chili.

and Durango, 1875, ii. 624.
Elguezabal, Juan J., appt gov., ii.

145.
Elizacoechea, M. de, bishop of Du-

raugo, 1736-47, i. 594.
Elizondo, Col D., exped. of, i. 567,

572; campaigns of, 1768-71, i. 695

-701.

Elizondo, Dionicio, councillor, ii. 86.
Elizondo, Col Ignacio, defeat of, 1813,

ii. 25-S; death of, ii. 32.
Elliot, Charles, British charge d' af
faires, ii. 374.

Ellis, J. F., biog. of, ii. 768.
Elmer, Hon. R. A., mention of, ii.

735.

Eloxua, Col Ant., mention of, ii. 128.
El Paso, Spaniards at, 1685, i. 388.
El Paso county, Salt lakes riot in, ii.

519.
'Einpresario system ' of colonization,

ii. 70; term, of, ii. 71-2.
Eacinal del Perdido, battle of, ii. 227

-33.

England, (see also Great Britain) en
croachments in Texas, i. 662;

threatened seizure of Cat., 1797-9,

i. 754-8; relations with Texas, ii.

338-40.
English, Capt., mention of, ii. 179; at

battle S. Antonio, ii. 184.
Eiisenada, see also Todos Santos,

Walker's occupation of, ii. 722.
Escalante, Col, position of, etc., !

1829, ii. 645-6.

Escalante, Capt., mention of, i. 431. |
Escalante, J. B., expeds of, 1697- j

1700, i. 264, 275.

Escalante, Orov. L., promotes divis.
of Son. and Sinaloa, ii. 647; defeats
Yaquis, 1832, ii. 654; vice gov.,
1838, ii. 656; capture of, ii. 659.

Escalante, M. de, bishop of Durango,
1701-4, i. 593.

Escalante, P. J., surrender of office,
ii. 592.

Escalante y Arviga, Gov. M., instal
lation of, ii. 649.

Escalona, Viceroy, exped. ordered
by, 1642, i. 181.

Escanjeques, defeat of the, 1601, i.
383; 1662, i. 387.

Escaray, Father, in Coahuila, i. 377.

Escobar, provincial, rept of, 1745, i.
465, 538.

Escoces' party, Durango, ii. 588.

Esparza, Capt. A. C., corresp. with
Gov. Pineda, 1767, i. 570-1.

Espejo, Col, resignation of, ii. 693.

Espejo, A., exped. of, 1582-3, i.
127-8.

Espinosa, Col, jefe politico, 1849, ii.
720.

Espinosa, Father, death of, 1602, i.
311.

Espinosa, Father A., mission to Pi-
meria, i. 561.

Espinosa, Friar I. F., president of
'lexan missions, 1721, i. 625.

E.spiritu, Ind. leader, execution of,
ii. 634.

Espiritu Santo Bay, expeds to, 1720-
1, i. 619-22; presidio establd at,
1722, i. 628; site of, removed, i.
631, 642.

Espiritu Santo, port, named by Or
tega, 1632, i. 172.

Espiritu Santo de Zuiiiga mission,
founded, 1722, i. 628; site of,
changed, i. 631; descript. of, 1778,
i. 659.

Estado Interno de Occidente, constit.
cong. of, 1824, ii. 637.

Este, E. E., execution of, ii. 368.

Estevan, Miguel, Indian, ii. 640.

Este van ico, with Vaca's exped., etc.,
i. 61, 66, 70.

Esterez, Father F., in Coahuila, i. 377.

Estrada, B. de, gov. of Nueva Viz-
caya, 1682, i. 338.

Evans, L. D., defeat of election,
1853, ii. 405; election of, 1855, ii.
420.

Everitt, S. H., mention of, ii. 172.

Evia y Valdes, F. D. de, bishop of
Guadiana, 1639-40, i. 308, 338; ef
forts at secularisation, 1645, i. 351;
1652, i. 360-1.

788

INDEX.

Evia, D., murder of, 1702, i. 590.
Exports, Texas, 1838-40, ii. 342.

Fages, P., gov. of Cal., 1782-90, i.

747, 709-70; in command at San

Carlos, 1770, i. 767.
Fajardo, D., gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,

1648-51, i. 337; the Tarahumare

revolts, 1649-52, i. 354-9.
Falcon, Gov. Jose M., appointments,

etc., of, ii. 155.
Famiin, Col. J. W., battle of Con-

cepcion, ii. 175-7: at S. Felipe, ii.

195; apptd milit. agent, ii. 198-9;

force, etc., at Goliad, ii. 219; fatal

mistake of, ii. 226; defeat of, ii.

227-33; surrender of, ii. 233; death

of, ii. 235.

Faqua, Benjamin, mention of, ii. 172.
Farias, Gomez, vice-pres. of Mex.,

ii. 134-5.
Federalists, overtures to Texas, ii.

327; victory of, battle of Alcantro,

ii. 327-8; Aresta's defeat of, ii. 329;

system overthrown, ii. 601.
Fernandinos, Cal. missions granted

to, etc., 1767, i. 482-3.
Fernando, IV., cedula of, 1747, i.

539.
Ferrelo, Pilot B., on coast of Cal.,

1843, i. 136.

Field, Dr, mention of, ii. 237.
Fields, Ind. chief, ii. 103-5; murder

of, ii. 109.
Figueroa, B. dell., with Salvatierra's

exped., 1697-8, i. 284, 288, 293.

San Javier, 1701, i. 423; removal
of, i. 423.

Figueroa, Gen'l Jose, com. gen'l, 1826,
ii, 638; victory of, ii. 641; ineffi
ciency of, ii. 642.

Filibusters, Sonora, 1852-4, ii. 673 et
seq.; Walker's L. Cal., 1851, ii.
720 et seq.

Filisola, Gen. V., colony grant to, ii.
75; in Santa Anna's invasion, ii.
203; retreat, etc., of, ii. 265; in
structions of. May 1836, ii. 279-81;
succeeded by Urrea, ii. 281.

Finances (see also revenue); Coah.
and Tex , 1827, ii. 86-7; Texas
bonds issued Nov. 1836, ii. 294;
May 1837, ii. 303; indebtedness,
notes, etc., 1837-8, ii. 312; securi
ties, etc., 1838-9, ii. 318-19; ex-

chequer bills, etc,, 1842, ii. 345-6;

debt., 1850, ii. 401-3; 1864, ii. 469;

1870, ii. 505; 1874, ii. 513; 1879, ii.

522; taxation, etc., 1852-61, ii. 415-

16.
Fireash, E., Indian massacre of, ii.

410.
Fisher, secretary Tampico exped., ii.

190.
Fisher, S. R., app't'd sec. of navy, ii.

294.
Fisher, Col Wm S., mention of, ii.

172; elected commander, ii. 361.
Fitzgerald, Capt., death of, ii. 366.
Fitzgerald, W., mention of, ii. 410.
Flag, of Texas, descript., ii. 295;

iirst exhibit of, ii. 296.
Flanagan, Lieut, gov. J. W., election

of, 1869, ii. 498.
Flores, Viceroy, consolidates Provin-

cias Interims, 1787, i. 674; Indian

policy of, i. 683.

Flores, Pilot A., with Vizcaino's ex
ped., 1602-3, i. 154; death of, i.

159.

Flores, Gasper, mention of. ii. 65.
Flores, J. de, conquest of Nayarit,

1721-2, i. 518-19.
Flores, Gov. J. M., election of, ii.

625; succeeds Carrasco, ii. 672.
Flores, Manual, death of, etc., ii.

322.

Fly, Dr A. W., biog. of, ii. 766.
Foncubierta, Father, president of San

Francisco mission, 1690, i. 415;

death of, i. 417.
'Fondo piadoso de Calif oriiias, ' origin

of, 1697, i. 280.

Fonte, B. de, voyage of. 1640, i. 180.
Fonte, Father J. de, labors in Tara-

humara, 1607-11, i. 124-5, 333.
Foote, H. S., 'Texas and the Texans,'

ii. 384.
Forbes, app't'd Indian commiss., ii.

199.

Forbes, John, mention of, ii. 549.
Ford, Col, captures Fort Brown, ii.

450; Cortina's defeat of, ii. 468.
Ford, John S., report, etc., of, ii.

537.
Foreign relations, Texas, 1838^2, ii.

338-40.
Fort Arbuckle, confederate capture

of, ii. 450.

Fort McKibbin, siege of, ii. 722-3.
Fort Ringgold, Cortina's capture of,

ii. 448.

Fox, Henry S., biog. of, ii. 767.
France, claims on Texas, 1712, i.

609-10; war with Spain, 1719, i.

INDEX.

789

618; relations with Texas, 1838-42,
ii. 338-9; mediation of requested,
1842, ii. 376.

Franciscans, in Nueva Galicia, i. 97;
in Durangoand Zacatecas, i. 100-3;
in Nueva Vizcaya, 1534-90, i. 116-
19, 311; 1600-45, i. 334-6; 1640-
1700, i. 363-8; 1702-67, i. 590-
601; 1768-1800, i. 688-91; in Coah
uila, 1582-1600, i. 126; 1711-72, i.
607-8; 1781-7, i. 607-8; in Sono-
ra, i. 232-3; Queretaro in, i.
704-6; Sonora & Sinai oa, 1767-
1800, i. 704-10, 716-25; list of, i.
725; Jaliscan, in Sonora, 1768, i
710; in Baja Cal., 1767-9, i. 482-
90; 1769-74, i. 726-33; in Alta Cal.,
1769, i. 489-90. 767-70; Queretaro
friars, missions of removed, 1731,
i. 635; in Texas, i. 639-42; secular
ization of Texas missions, 1794, i.
669.

Franco, Father,!., mention of, i. 473.

Franco y Luna, Don A., bishop of
Gnadiana, 1632-9, i. 308.

Franklin, Gen'l, Sabine City expert.,
ii. 460.

Franklin, Judge B. C., dist. judge, ii.
295.

Franks, Col Nidland, battle of San
Antonio, ii. 182.

Franquis, Col C. de, gov. of Texas,
i. 637; rule, 1736-7, i. 637-8.

Fredomans, revolt of, ii. 107 et seq.

Freedman, 1865-6, Texas, ii. 479.

French refugees, coloniz. of, Texas,
1818, ii. 44-5.

French, army of, rebel alliance and
defeat of, ii. 468; intervention, ii.
619 et seq.; fears of U. S. troops,
ii. 621; intervention in Sonora, ii.
696; in Sinaloa, ii. 697.

Freytas, Father N. de, with Peiialo-
sa's exped., 1662, i. 386; 'Rela-
cion,' i. 387.

Frondac, Capt., voyage of, 1709, i.
200.

Fuca, J. de, voyage, etc. of, 1592, i.
145-7.

Fuente, Gen., campaigns of, 1695-6,
i. 272-4.

Fuero, Gen'l, Diaz defeats, ii. 624-5;
election of, 1884, ii. 625.

Fueros, P., gov. of Coahuila, 1783-9,
i. 604-5.

Fuerte, Rio del, Guzman's exped. on
the, i. 56.

Fuerte, town, legislature at, ii. 644.

HIST. TEXAS, VOL. II. 50

(i

Gadsden purchase, ii. 693 et seq.

Gaines, General E., mention of, ii.
286; occupies Texas territory, ii.
287; succeeded by Arbuckle, ii.
288.

Galan, C. F., arrest, etc., of, ii. 726.

Gali, F. de, voyage of, 1582-4, i. 143-
4.

Galicia, Professor, 'Expedicion,' i.
103.

alinzoga, D. M. de, bishop of Sono
ra, 1794-5, i. 713.

Gallardi, Father L. M., at Caborca,
1720, i. 507.

Gallardo, J. R. R., visitadcr-gen.,
1748, i. 531; instructions to Gov.
Parrilla, 1749-50, i. 531-5.

Gallego, Capt. , meeting with Corona-
do, etc., 1542, i. 86.

Gallego, P. Miguel, pres. missions,
1804, ii. 706.

Galveston, sale of island, ii. 209;
U. S. capture of, 1862, ii. 454; con
federate recapture of, ii. 455-6.

Galveston & Brazos Navigation co.,
ii. 568.

Galvez, Gen. J. de, visitador-gen., i.
485; measures, etc., in Baja Cal.,

1768, i. 485-9; exped's to Alta Cal.,

1769, i. 489-90; correspond, with
Cancio, 1766, i. 568-9; campaigns
of, 1768-71, i. 695-701.

Galvez, Vriceroy, author., etc., over
Provincias Internas, i. 673-4; ' In-
strucciou, ' i. 682; Indian policy of,
i. 682-3.

Gamboa, Father J. M., mission to
Tarahumara, 1673, i. 363.

Gamon, M., Ibarra's mastre de
campo, i. 103; execution of, i. 103.

Gandara, Gov. M. M., provis. gov.,
etc., 1837-8, ii. 656; counter revo
lution of 1837-8, ii. 658; defeats of,
etc., ii. 659; removal of, ii. 660;
revolt of, 1843, ii. 661; plots against
Urrea, 1845, ii. 662-3; reinstalla-
tion of, 1847, ii. 664; plot against,
etc., 1848, ii. 671-2; appointment
of, etc., 1853, ii. 681; revolt, etc.,
of, 1855, ii. 694.

Gandarestas, revolts, etc., of the,
1845, ii. 662.

Gandia, Duchess, bequest of, i. 470.

Gaona, General, mention of, ii. 203;
ordered to support Sesma, ii. 247;
failure to arrive, ii. 248.

Garavito, Bishop L., visits Coahuila,
1682, i. 376,

790

INDEX.

Garay, Col, humanity of, ii. 237.
Garay, F. de, mention of, i. 11.
Garces, Father, exped. of, 1774-6, i.

1716-17.
Garcia, Capt., m command at Bejar,

1721, i. 023; exped. of, i. 624.
Garcia, Father J- A., labors in Nueva

Vizcaya, 1715-25, i. 591-2.
Garland, Peter, Indian massacre,

1853, ii. 410.

Garner, John, mention of, ii. 260.
Garnett, M. W., mention of, ii. 546.
Garrett, Jacob, mention of, ii. 170.
Garza, C. de la, gov. of Coaliuila,

1733, i. 604.
Gastesi, A., gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,

1752-4, i> 582.
Gato, Port, named by Ortega, 1632,

i. 172.
Gaxiola, Gov. J. M., imprisomnent

of, 1876, ii. 702.
Garay, Col, occupies Fort Defiance,

ii, 229.
Gaxiola, Gov. N. M., succeeds Iriarte,

1827, ii. 638, 645; resignation of

requested, ii. 646.
Gibbs, Lieut-gov. B., biog., etc., ii.

533.
Gil y Barbo, A., alcalde of Bucareli,

etc., i. 656.
Gila river, Diaz on the, 1540, i. 88-9;

Kino reaches, 1694, i. 259; Bor-

iial's exped. to, 1697, i. 264-5;

Kino's, 1 (593-1 709, i. 266-71; Sedel-

mair's explor., 1744, i. 537; 1748-50,

i. 540-1.
Gilbert, Felix, jefe politico, 1864, ii.

726.

Gillespie, Capt., death of, ii. 396.
Glasscock & Miller, contractors, ii.

538.
Goliad, named, etc., ii. 110; captures

of, ii. 169, 348; defense prep, at, ii.

219.
Godinez, Father C., mention of, i.

353; the Tarahumare revolt, 1649-

51, i. 355-6; murder of, i. 356.
Godinez, Padre M., missionary labors

of, 1620-1, i. 225; retirement of,

1644, i. 234; biog., etc., i. 234.
Gomez, Father A., with Urdincla's

exped., 1610, i. 318; death of,

1652, i. 344.
Goni, Father P. M., mention of, 1683,

i. 187; with Otondo's exped., i. 192.
Gonzalez, town, founded, 1825, ii.

110; attack threatened, 1835, ii.

165; burned, 1836, ii. 225.
Gonzalez, Father F., with Kino's

exped., 1699, i. 269; 1702, i. 500.

Gonzalez, Gov. J. M. , battle of Alcan-

tro, ii. 327-8; revolt of, ii. 588-9;

installation of, 1833, ii. 655.
Gonzalez, P., capture of, ii. 718.
Gonzalez, Gov. b. E. , election of, etc. ,

ii. 590, 638; nomination, etc., of,

1834-7, ii. 593.
Goodbread, Joseph, death, etc., of,

ii. 355.

Goodnight, Chas, mention of, ii. 560.
Gordejuela, Capt., the Tepehuane

revolt, 1616-17, i. 323, 326.
Goribar, Jose M., app't'd milit. gov.,

ii. 144-5.
Gorospe y Aguirre, J. de, bishop of

Guadiana, 1660-71, i. 338-9.
Gorostiza, Mex. minister, complaints,

protest of, etc., ii. 285-8.
Goycoechea, Gov. F., appointment

of, 1804, ii. 705.
Granados, J. J., bishop of Durango,

1794, i. 685; works of, i. 685; bishop

of Sonora, etc., 1787-94, i. 713.
Grande, Rio, exploration of, 1729, i.

607.
Granger, Gen'l, in command Texas,

1865, ii. 476.

Grant, Doctor, scheme of, ii. 194.
Grant, Col James, battle of S. An
tonio, ii. 182.
Grant, Pres. U. S., Davis' appeal to,

1873, ii. 510.
Grant and Johnson, defeat of, ii.

220-2.

Grass fight, ii. 178-9.
Grashoffer, Father J. B., mission to

Pimeria, 1731-3, i. 523-4.
Gray, F. C., biog., of, ii. 549.
Grayson, P. W., atty-gen'l, 1836, ii.

269; coinmis. to Washington, ii.

284; suicide, etc., of, ii. 313.
Great Britain (see also England),

builds war vessel for Mex. , ii. 356;

mediation Mex. & Texas, etc., 1842,

ii. 374.
Green, Gen'l T. J., advice of, ii. 273-

4; mention of, ii. 358; Mier exped.,

ii. 361 ; quarrel with Houston, ii.

369-70.
Griffin, Gen'l, app't'd milit. com'd'r,

dept of Texas, ii. 488; registrars,

etc., app't'd by, ii. 490; death of,

ii. 494.
Grijalva, H. de, exped. of, 1533, i.

45-6; with Cortes' exped., 1535, i,

49-52.
Grimarest, E., intendente gobernador

of Arizpe, 1789-92, i. 712.
Grimarest, Col Pedro, mention of, ii.

582.

INDEX.

791

Grimes, Jesse, mention of, ii. 171,

174.

Gritton, Edward, app't'd revenue col
lector, ii. 194.

Groos, J. J., land commissioner, i. 518.
Ground plan of the Alamo, i. 200.
' Guadalupe,' Mex. war ship, ii. 356.
Guadalupe mission, founded, 1710, i.

014.
Guadalajara, city, site of removed,

1501, i. 97; seat of audiencia at, i.

97.
Guadalajara, D. de, exped. of, 1054,

i. 380.
Guadalajara, Father T. de, mention

of, i. 300-7.
Guadiana, Bishopric of (see also Du-

rango, diocese of); establ'd, i. 307;

bishop, 1020-40, i. 307-8.
Guajuguilla, presidio founded at,

1752, i. 585.
Guanecevi, attacked by Tepehuanes.

1010, i. 323.
Guatiniape, Spaniards besieged at,

1010, i. 322-3.
Guayabal, Port, Cortes' exped. at,

1535, i. 51; Alarcon's, 1540, i. 90.
Guaymas, U. S. blockade of, 1847,

ii. 005; surrender of, ii. 007; French,

capture of, 1804, ii. 090; capture

of, 1870, ii. 701.

Guazapares, Sinaloan tribe, submis
sion, etc., of, i. 248, 250.
Guazaves, Sinaloan tribe, subjugation

of, 1000, i. 209-10, 235.
Guerra, Donato, rival leader, 1871-2,

and 1876, ii. 024; Poriirist leader,

Sinaloa, 1876, ii. 702.
Guevara, Father M. de, with Penalo-

sa's exped., 1062, i. 386.
Guijosa, Father J., with Otondo's

exped., 1683, i. 187.
Guillen, Father, mention of, i. 435-6;

exped. of, i. 449.
Guillen, Visitador C., measures of

1734-5, i. 458-9; death of, 1748, i.

402.

Gunter, Col J., biog. of, ii. 708-9.
Gutierrez, Col J. I., intrigue of, 1834,

ii. 592.
Gutierrez, Father P., death of, 1010,

i. 322.
Guzman, D. de, hears of Hurtado's

fate, 1533, i. 45; exped. of, 1533,

i. 55-0; ' Relacion,' i. 55.
Guzman, Padre D. de, missionary

tour of, 1018-19, i. 224.
Guzman, N. de, rule, etc., of, i. 11-

12; hatred, etc., of, i. 26-7; hostil
ity to Cortes, i, 20-7, 42-50; plans

of conquest, i. 27; exped. of, 1529-
31, i. 27-39; map of exped., i. 31;
gov. of Nueva Galicia, i. 39; aggres
sions of, i. 47-8; death of, i. 39.

Guzman, P. de, exped. to Sinaloa,
1529, i. 28.

Guzman y Cordoba, Capt. B. de, with
Otondo's exped., 1083, i. 187.

Gwin, WmM., colony scheme of, ii.
090.

Hadra, B., mention of, ii. 546,
Hagerty, John, death of, ii. 306.
Hall, Dr, mention of, ii. 237.
Hall, C. A., R.R. strike 1886, ii. 576.
Hamblen, W. P., bios, of, ii. 767.
Hamilton, A. J., app t'd provis. gov.

Texas, ii. 476; suffrage in state

conven., 1868, ii. 495.
Hamilton, Gen'l James, contract

with, ii. 317; representative to

England, ii. 339; proposals to Santa

Anna, ii. 349; purchase of the

'Zavala,' ii. 351; death of, ii. 421;

biog., 422.

Hamilton, W. 0., biog., ii. 530.
Hammersley, Win, mention of, ii.

736.

Hancock, Mier prisoner, ii. 366.
Hancock, Gen'l, succeeds Sheridan,

ii. 493; removal of, ii. 494.
Handy, R. E., mention of, ii. 550.
Hanks, Elder Thomas, mention of, ii.

547.
Hanks, Wyatt, mention of, ii. 172,

174.

Harden, George, mention of, ii. 410.
Hardiman, Bailey, elected sec. of

treasury, ii. 218.

Hardiii, A. B., mention of, ii. 172.
Hardy, Lieut, explor. of, 1826, ii.

644, 647-8.

Harris, J. P., mention of, ii. 410.
Harris, William P., mention of, ii.

172, 174.
Harrisburg, Santa Anna burns, ii.

251.

Harvey, Mier prisoner, ii. 366.
Harwood, T. M., mention of, ii. 545-6.
Hatch, Col Edward, quells Salt Lakes

riot, ii. 521.
Hawkins, Capt., defeats the 'Monte-

zuma,' ii. 272.
Hayes, Col John C., ruse, etc., of, at

Bejar, ii. 357; battle of Monterey,

ii. 395-6.
Health and disease, N. Mex. States,

ii. 744.

792

INDEX.

Heard, Capt., mention of, ii. 244-5. j
Heintzelman, Major, defeats Cortina,

ii. 447-8.

Henderson, J. E., biog. of, ii. 768.
Henderson, Gen'l J. P., mention of, ]

ii. 2^3; app't'd attorney -geii'l, ii. !

294; connnis. to Lond. and Paris, |

ii. 338; biog and inauguration of,

ii. 393; battle of Monterey, ii.

395-6.
Herbert, Gen'l, superseded, ii. 455;

proclaims martial law, ii. 457.
Heredia, Gen'l, mention of, ii. 605;

defeats of, ii. 608-9, 618.
Heredia, Father J., exped. of, 1630,

i. 333-4.
Heredia, J. A., Gov. Durango, 1841,

ii. 602.
Herera, Jose M. de, revol. doings of,

ii. 34-5.
Heriller, Gen'l L., victory of, 1864,

ii. 620.
Hermosillo, French capture of, 1865,

ii. 696.
Hermosillo, Bishop G. de, visit to

Sinaloa, 1631, i. 2^0; death, etc.,

of, i. 230-1; bishop of Guadiana,

1620-31, i. 307-8.
Hermosillo, J. M. G., revol. exped.

of, 1810,ii. 630-1; captures Rosario,

ii. 631 ; defeat of, ii. 632.
Herrera, M. de, bishop of Guadiana,

1686-9, i. 339.

Herrera, Simon, death of, ii. 582.
Herring, Capt. M. D., biog., ii. 577.
Hey wood, Lieut, occupation of La

Paz, etc., 1847, ii. 716.
Hidalgo, see also Parral; founding of

mission, i. 377.

Hidalgo, President, ' Inf orme, ' i. 749.
Hidalgo, Father F., in Coahuila, i.

377.
Hiens, Buccaneer, with La Salle's

exped., i. 406-11.
Highsaw, H., mention of, ii.,410.
Hightower, T. J., Indian massacre,

1858, ii. 410.
Hill, Capt., evacuates Fort Brown, ii.

450.
Hinas, missions, etc., among the,

1630-2, i. 330; subjugation of,

1633, i. 330.

Hitchcock, Gen'l, seizure of the
'Arrow,' ii. 722.

Hockley, Geo. W., app't'd commis
sioner, ii. 375.

Hodges, James, mention of, ii. 172.
Holland, recognition of Texas inde
pendence, ii. 339.

Holley, Mary Austin, 'Texas,' ir.
385.

Hollingsworth, O. N., mention of ii.
518.

Holmes, mention of, ii. 180.

Holsinger, Lieut-col, surrender of
Faniiin, ii. 233.

Honey, G. W., state treasurer, 1869,
ii. 498.

Hnod, J. L., pub. money committee,
ii. 170.

Hopkins, M., mention of, ii. 550.

Horse marines, achievements of, ii.
282-3.

Horton, A., mention of, ii. 172.

Horton, Col A. C., arrives at Goliad,
ii. 226; charge on Mex. forces, ii.
227; at battle of Coleto, ii. 229.
capital commis., 1839, ii. 337.

Hospitality, Texas, ii. 533-4.

Houston, town, capital removed from,
1839, ii. 337; aR.R. centre, ii. 572.

Houston, A., mention of, ii. 172, 174,
192

Houston, Gen'l Felix, arrival of, ii.
290; defeats Comanches, ii. 325.

Houston, Gen'l Sam, member state
conv., 1833, ii. 133; mention of, ii.
167, 170; elected com'd'r in chief,
ii. 173; milit. measures of, ii. 192-
3; delegate to conv., etc., ii. 199;
speech to volunteers, ii. 219.; proc
lamation of, ii. 224-5; 1842,
ii. 348; of blockade, 1842, ii.
350; against Com. Moore, ii. 352;
for volunteers, 1842, ii. 358; retreat
to Colorado river, ii. 225, 238;
biog. of, ii. 239 et seq., 380,
461; plans of, ii. 244-5; insubordi
nation of troops, ii. 246; impatience
at policy of, ii. 251 ; supposed plan
of, ii. 252; speech of, ii. 253; march
of, ii. 253^-4; battle of San Jacinto,
ii. 255 et seq.; council of war, ii.
258; outline of policy, ii. 259;
wound of, ii. 263; succeeded by
Rusk, ii. 269; release of Santa
Anna, ii. 275-6; letters to Gen.
Games, ii. 289; elected pres., ii.
291 ; inaugural address of, ii. 293;
reelection of, 1841, ii. 341; defeat
election, 1857, ii. 423; elected gov.,
1859, ii. 426; messages May, 1837,
ii. 303; Dec. 1841, ii. 344; June
1842, ii. 357; farewell message,
1844, on S. Carolina resolutions, ii.
429; letter to Santa Anna, ii. 348-
50; archive removal, ii. 353; de
nounces Green, ii. 369-70; invokes
interposition Mex, and Texas, 1842,

INDEX.

ii. 373-4; retirement of, ii. 380;
opposition to secession ii. 434-5;
speech on, ii. 43$; removal, of etc.,
ii. 440; death of, ii. 461-5.

Howard, Capt.,, mention of, ii. 324.

Howard, C. H., salt lakes riot, ii.
519; execution of, ii. 521.

Howland, execution of, ii, 334-5.

Hoxey, Asa, mention of, ii. 171.

Hubbard, Gov , succeeds Coke, ii.
518; b?.og., ii. 518-10; message,
1879, ii. »22.

Huajuguilla, presidio, site of re
moved, i. 680.

Huidrobo, Gov. M. B., exped. of,
1736, i. 460; gov. of Sinaloa and
Sonora, 173i-41, i. 520-1.

Huller, Luis, colony project of, ii.
734.

Humana, exped., etc., of, 1595, i.
128-9; death of, i. 383.

Hu:nes, missions among the, 1G83-5,
i. 330-1.

Hunt, General M., mention of, ii.
273; defeat of, ii. 341; envoy to
Q. S., ii. 342.

Hunter, John D., effort? in behalf of
the Cherokees, ii. 103-5; biog., etc.,
of, ii. 104 et seq.; murder of, ii.
109.

Kurd, Capt., defeats Thompson, ii.
161-2; mention of, ii. 272.

Hurdaide, Capt. D. M. de, in com
mand at San Felipe, 1599, i. 16-26,
123, 207, 209; subdues the Guaza-
ves, i. 209-10; the Suaquis, i. 210-
12; exped. to Chinipa, 1601, i. 211;
protects the Ahomes, i. 211-12;
subdues the Tehuecos, i. 211-13;
visit to Mex., 1603-4, i. 212; de
feats the Bacoburitos, 1604, i. 213:
the Ocorones, i. 213, 216; subdues
the Yaquis, 1610, i. 216-19; exped.
to Tepahue, 1612-13, i. 220-1;
against the Aivinos, 1622, i. 226;
death of, 1626, i. 227.

Ibarra, Emilio, revolt of, ii. 737.
Ibarra, F. de, mining explorations of,

1554, i. 100; assists Franciscans, i.

101; gov. of Nueva Vizcaya, 1561,

i. 102; exped. of, 1562-5, i. 103-10;

death, 1575, i. Ill; gov. of Nueva

Vizcaya, 1,^76, i. 112.
Imperialists, menace of the U. S.

toward?, etc., 1866, ii. 622,
Imports (see also commerce), prohibit.

of Coah. and Tex., 1829, ii. 87;
Texas, 1838-40, ii. 342.

Inde, mining camp, Tobosos attack,
etc., 1644, i. 348-50.

Independence, Texas, declaration of,
ii. 215-17; signers of list, ii. 216;
recognition of, ii. 301, 238-40.

'Independence,' schooner, defeats the
Mon^ezuma, ii. 272; capture of, ii.
284.

' Independenoia, ' Avar vessel, ii. 707.

Independents, revolt of, 1811-14, ii.
17 et seq.; defeat royalists on Sali-
tre pruirie, 1812, ii. 20; siege of
La B iliia, ii. 21-2; battle of Rojttlo,
1813, ii. 23; assassination of royal
ists, 1813, ii. 24; victory over Eli-
zondo, ii. 25-6; defeat of, ii. 26-32.

Indians (see also tribal names); hos
tile incurs* jns of, ii. 286; attack on
Fort Parker, ii. 287; hostilities at
Austin, ii. 337-8; hostilities of
1837-8, ii. 310-11; 1838-9, ii. 319-
26; Cherokee battle, ii. 323; depre
dations of, ii. 405; colonization of,
ii. 406; extermination council, 1858,
ii. 409; massacre of, ii. 410; Texas,
removal of, ii. 411-12; affairs of
1859-82, ii. 524-5; hostilities, Nueva
Vizcaya, etc.pl771-1845, ii. 593-
601; Viceroy Galv es' war against,
ii. 59 1; Apache murders, Durango,
ii. 595; uprising of Sonora, etc.,

1831, ii. 596; systematic raids of,
ii. 597; Galves' retaliation system,
597-8; head premiums on, ii. 599;
American aid to, ii. 599-60; Gov.
Conde's method, ii. 600; hostili
ties, 1850-6, Chih. and Duran
go, ii. 614-16; robbers, disguised
a^, ii. 616; joint action agst by
Mex. & U. S., ii. 626-7; Apache
campaign, 1813-14, ii. 633; Opata
outbreak, Sonora, 1820, ii. 633-4;
Yaqui revolt, 1825, ii. 639-43;

1832, ii. 652; outbreaks in Sonora,
1842, ii. 660; Apache raids, 1834-6,
ii. 653-4; 1846-7, ii. 670; 1851-87,
ii. 703-4; L. Cal., condition, 1825-
6, iir*709; tribes of, treatment, etc.,
N. Mex. states, ii. 742-3; pop. of,
ii. 745.

Indian war debt of Texas, ii. 413.
Ingraham, L. R., mention of, ii. 735.
Intendencias, establd., 1786, i. 676;

officials, i. 676; working of system,

i. 678-9.
International company of Mexico, ii.

730 et seq.

794

INDEX.

Interne del Norte, formation of, ii.

587.
'Invincible, ' Texasschooner, ii. 271-2;

capture of 'Avispa,' etc., ii. 283.
Iriarte, Gov. F., succeeds Gonzalez,

ii. 638; removal of, ii. 644-5.
Iriarte y Laurnaga, Father J. P.,

mission to Baja Cal., etc., 17G8-72,

i. 733-0.

Irigoyen, Gov., resignation of, ii. 605.
'Isabella,' U. S. store ship, ii. 718.
Itamarra, F. de, voyage of, 1694, i.

194-5.
Iturbe, J. de, voyage of, 1614-15, i.

164-5.

Ives, Rev. C. S., church of, ii. 548.
Izarzabal, Brother I., mention of, i.

488.

Jackson, Pres. Andrew, message of,
ii. 301-2; letter on Tex. Santa Fe
exped., ii. 336,

Jackson, C. W., organizes 'Regula
tors,' etc., ii. 355.

Jalisco, Guzman's exped., 1530, i. 28.

Jaunegui, Mex. commissioner, 1842,
ii. 375.

Jaurequi y Urrutia, Visitador J., de,
investigations of, 1737, i. 638.

Jarvis, J. J., mention of, ii. 577.

Jecker, surveying exped. of, ii. 695.

Jefe Politico, L. Cal., mode of app't-
ment, 1849, ii. 720.

Jefferson, Thos, mention of, ii. 167.

Jesuits, in Nueva Vizcaya, 1590, i.
119; 1602-40, i. 311-34; 1641-1700,
i. 340-63, 366-72; 1701-67, i. 585-
9; list of, i. 589-90; expulsion of,
1767, i. 688-91; in Slnaloa, 1591-
1600, i. 119-23; 1600-9, i 207-15;
1650-1700, i. 238-40, 572-6; expul
sion of, 1767, i. 575-8; list of, i.
578-80; in Durango, 1593-1600, i.
124-5; annals of the, i. 207-8; in
Sonora, i. 232-3; 1650-1700, i. 242-
50, 572-6; expulsion, etc., of, 1767,
i. 575-8, 704; list of, i. 578-80; in
Baia Cal., 1697-1700, i. 284-304;
1701-67, i. 421-74; expulsion of,
1767-8, i. 476-82; list of, 1697-1768,
i. 482; in Pimeria, 1750, i. 543-4;
1751-67, i. 560-4; quarrel with
Governor Parrilla, 1752, i. 548-54;
secularization of missions, i. 704.

Jesus Maria y Jose, mission, mention
of, i. 417; location, i. 418; aban
doned, i. 419.

Jimenza, F., pilot toBecerra's exped.,

1533, i. 45, murder of, i. 47.
Jirouza, I)., gov. of Sonora, 1693, i.

255; campaigns of, i. 255-6; in

Pimeria, 1695, i. 262, 272-4.
Johnson, Pres , leniency of, ii. 479.
Johnson, jailer, murder of, ii. 444.
Johnson, A. E. C., mention of, ii.

172.

Johnson, A. R., biog. of, ii. 5C9.
Johnson, Col F. W., revolt of, 1832,

ii. 119; arrest ordered, ii. 161; bat
tle of San Antonio, ii. 182; succeeds

Milam, ii. 184; favors Grant's plan,

ii. 196; defeat, etc., of, ii. 220-2.
Johnson, J., mention of, ii. 564.
Jones, Pres. Anson, mention of, ii.

244, 297; opposition to Island land

sale, ii. 309; election of, 1844, ii.

378; inaugural address, ii. 382;

proclamation for annexation, ii.

382; 'Memoranda,' etc., ii. 386;

opposition to Know-nothing party,

ii. 420.
Jones, Lieut-gov. G. W., election of,

ii. 483.

Jones, J. R., mention of, ii. 160.
Jones, Maj. J. B., mention of, ii. 311,

520.

Jones, R. , mention of, ii. 171.
Jones, T. L., execution of, ii. 368.
Jordan, Col S. W., battle of Alcan-

tro. ii. 327-8; return to Texas, ii.

329; defeats Centralists, ii. 330 et

seq.; retreats to Texas, ii. 33 1.,
' Josiah Bell, ' victory of, ii. 459.
Joutel, with La Salle's exped., i. 400-

11.

Juarez, Capt., exped. of, 1633, i. 330.
Juarez, Pres., reception of, at Chih.,

1864, ii. 620; at El Paso, 1865, ii.

622; revolt against, death, etc., of,

1868-72, ii. 623-4.
'Julius Ctesar,' capture of, ii. 284.
Junco y Espriella, P. del B., gov. of

Texas, 1748-50, i. 639.
Justice, administ. of in Tex., ii. 4;

1876, ii. 531; Coah. <fe Texas, ii.

94-5; N. Mex. states, ii. 742.
Juzucanea, Juan P. (see also 'Ban-

deras '); revolt of, ii. 639-43.

K

Kansas, agitation over admission, ii.

424-5; polit. strife in, ii. 428.
Kappus, Father A., joins Mange's

exped., 1694, i. 257.
Kearny, Gen'l, mention of, ii. 398.
Keenan, C. G., mention of, ii. 538.

INDEX.

795

Keller, Father, mission to Pimeria,
1731-7, i. 523-5; Gov. Vildosola's
hostility to, i. 530; exped. of, 1743,
i. 536; charges against Parrilla,
1752, i. 548-9.

Kellog, A. G., mention of, ii. 172.

Kemper, Major, mention of, ii. 21-2.

Kendall, ' Texas Santa Fe Exped.,' ii.
334 et seq.

Kennedy, William, ' Texas Rise,
Progress,' etc., ii. 383.

Kerr, Peter, news of Fannin's massa
cre, ii. 245.

Kickapoos, Indians, troubles with, ii.
406.

King, Capt., defeat and death of, ii.
222-3.

King, V. 0., mention of, ii. 262.

Kino, Father E., with Otondo's ex
ped., 1683, i. 187; diary of, i. 190-

Kino, Father E. F., biog., i. 250-1;
labors, etc., of, i. 250-4; expeds.,
etc., of, 1694-1700, i. 257-71; 1701-
6, i. 495-502; enthusiasm of, i. 277-
8; meeting with Salvatierra, i. 278-
9; exploration of, 1701, L 421; 'in
tercourse with Salvatierra, i. 421-2;
labors in Pimeria, i. 492-3, 502-5;
map of, 1701, i. 498-9; death of,
1711, i. 505; life and character, i.
505-6.

Kirker, James, scalp hunter, ii. 599-
601.

Kittredge, Lieut J. W., captures
Corpus Christi, ii. 454.

Kleberg, M. E., biog. of, ii. 765.

Knechler, Jacob, land-office commis.,
1869, ii. 498.

Knight, James, delegate to council,
1835, ii. 160.

Knights of the Golden Circle, objects,
etc., of, ii. 433; murders of, ii. 435.

Know-nothing party, defeat of, 1855,
ii. 420.

Koogle, W. C., mention of, ii. 559.

L'Archveque, murder of La Salle, i.
408.

LaBahia, siege of, 1813, ii. 21-2.

La Harpe, exped. of, 1721, i. 619-21.

La Paz, Lower Cal., Vizcaino's exped.
at, 1597, i. 149-50; colony establd.
at, 1633, i. 172-4; settlement,
founding, etc., of, '1633, i. 172-5;
abandoned, i. 174-5; reestabl'd,
1683, i. 187-8; hostility of natives,

i. 188-9; again abandoned, i, 190;
surrender of, 1847, ii. 712; U. S.
j occupation of, 1847, ii. 713 et seq.;

iplan of, position of troops, etc., ii.
715; siege of, ii. 714-16; filibuster
; capture of, ii. 722.
La Salle, R. C., cle, exped., etc., of,

1678, i. 393; 1684-7, i. 396-408;

death of, 1687, i. 408-9; character,

i. 409.

Laba, Friar I. M., 'Informe.'
Labado, Father F., murder of, 1645,

i. 349.
Labranche, Alcee, charge d'affaires to

Texas, ii. 301.

Lafitte, Jean, biog., etc., of, ii. 39-43.
Laguna, region, Jesuits in, i. 311-12.
Lallemand, colony of, 1818, ii. 44-5.
Lamar, M. B., appt'd sec. of war,

1836, ii. 269; opposition to Santa
Anna's treaty, ii. 271; app't'd
major-general, etc., ii. 289-90;
elected vice-pres., ii. 292; inaugu
ral address of, ii. 293; elected
president, 1838, ii. 313; inaug.
address, ii. 314; message, ii. 315;
Ind. policy of, ii. 322; encourages
Santa Fe exped., ii. 333; message
of, Nov. 1841, ii. 341; extravagance
of, ii. 345-7.

Landeras, Mex. commissioner, 1842,

ii. 375.
Land-grants, to Texan volunteers, ii.

217; frauds in, 1835, ii. 171; L.

Cal., ii. 727 et seq.
Land-office, Texas, certificates issued,

ii. 311.
Landrun, Col, at battle S. Antonio,

ii. 184; battle with Cherokees, ii.

323.
Lands, Texas, bills to sectionize, etc.,

1835-7, ii. 306; general law adopted,

1837, ii. 3C8.

Land titles, N. Mex. states, ii. 749.
Lane, Gov., mention of, ii. 617.
Lapham, Moses, mention of, ii. 260.
Lara, B. G. de, revol. movements of,

ii. 19 et seq.; appointed gov. 1813,

ii. 24.
Lara, D. de, the Tarahumare revolt,

1649-51, i. 356.
Larios, F. G., gov. ad int. of Texas,

1743-8, i. 639.
Larios, Father J., visits Coahuila,

1670, i. 375.
Larrea, J. B. , gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,

1700, i. 338, 581.
Las Palmas bay mission, founding of.

1733, i. 457.
Lavalette, Capt., captures Guaymas,

796

INDEX.

1847, ii. 667-9; capture of Mazatlan,
ii. 670.

Laws, Texa.4 legisl., 1867, ii. 485-6.

Lea, Lieut-commander, death of, ii.
45o.

Leal, Visitador A., with Kino's ex-
ped., 1699, i. 269.

Let'twich, Robert, colony of, ii. 73.

Leger, T., mention of, ii. 549.

Legislature, Texas, Kansas resolution
of, ii. 425; extra session, 1861, ii.
434; session, 1867, ii. 485; 14th ses
sion, ii. 511-12; Durango, suspen
sion of members, ii. 590; Sonora
and Sinaloa, 1826, ii. 638.

Leon, Capt. A. de, comandante of
Santiago de Monclova, i. 376; ex
ped 4 of, 1689-90, i. 414-15.

Leon, Brig. F. Ponce de, gov. and
com. -gen. , 1844, ii. 661.

Leon, Gen. M. de, revolt of, 1879, ii.
703, 738-9.

Leon, Martin dfc, colony of, ii. 73.

Letter, J. S., mention of, ii. 172.

Lecona, Jose M., elected gov. Tex.,
1831, ii. 116.

Lewis, Capt., Tex. Santa Fe exped.,
ii. 334-7; treachery of, ii. 335.

Lewis, Capt. M. B., recaptures ar
chives, ii. 354.

Leza:ria, Contador M. de, project of,
i. 170.

Liberals, Durango, ii. 588.

'Libertador/ capture of the 'Inde
pendence,' ii. 284.

Liberty, town, establishment, etc.,
of, ii. 116; milit. aid from, ii. 170.

'Liberty,' Texas schooner, ii. 271;
sale of, ii. 283.

Liqui mission, founding, etc., of, 1705,
i. 432.

Linares, Viceroy, aids the Jesuits, i.
436.

Lincoln, Pres. A., election of, I860,
ii. 433; rebellion proclamation, ii.
449.

Link, Father W., in charge at Borja,
1762, i. 472; expeds of, 1765-6, i.
473.

Linn, E. D., biog. of, ii. 577.

Linn, J. J., mention of, ii. 577.

Lipans, raids of the, 1722-6, i. 631;
subjugation of the, i. 640; Quintero
defeats, 1813, ii. 32.

Lipantitlan, town, surrender, etc., of,
ii. 188-9.

Littlefield, G. W., mention of, ii.
560.

Littleton, Lieut, defeat of, ii. 446.

Lizazoin, Father T. I., refounds San

Jose mission, 1751, i. 554; report,
etc., of, 1763, i. 565-6.

Llewellyn, Capt., at battle S. An
tonio, ii. 184.

Lok, M., map of, 1582, i. 151.

Lomelin, P. B., bishop of Guadiana,
1656-8, i. 338.

Londo, Canada de, Salvatierra's ex
peds to, 1698-1700, i. 294-5, 299,
301.

Long, Gen., mention of, ii. 548.

Long, David, mention of.

Long, James, exped. into Tex., 1819,
ii. 47-51; deatli of, ii. 51.

Lopez, with Guzman's exped., 1530-1,
i. 30, 36-7.

Lopez, Col, treachery of, ii. 329 et
seq.

Lopez, A., exped. of, 1654, i. 386.

Lopez, Padre D., the Tepehuane
revolt, 1616-17, i. 329; mission to
the Jumanas, 1629, i. 385.

Lopez, J. A., revol. exped., 1810.

Lopez, Father J. F., rept on Texan
missions, 1785, i. 664-8.

Lopez, Father N., exped. of, 1684, i.

Loranco, Col, Cortina's defeat of, ii.

446.
Lorenzo, C., with Ortega's exped.,

1636, i. 174.
Lorenzo, Capt. E. R., in command at

San Javier, 1701, i. 423; death of,

1746, i. 462; biog., i. 462-3.
Lorenzo y la Rea, B. R., in charge at

San Jose del Cabo, 1736, i. 461.
Loreto . mission, founded by Salva-

tierra, 1697, i. 284-6, 290-1; map

of, and vicinity, 1700, i. 285;

troubles with natives, i. 287-8,

292-3, 298-9; reinforcements, etc.,

for, i. 293-4, 298; prosperity of, i.

296; Salvatierra leaves, i. 303-4;

distress at, 1701-2, i. 422-5, 429;

outbreak at, i. 424-5; Franciscans

at, 1768, i. 484; Galvez' measures,

etc., 1769, i. 726-7.
Los Angeles, founded, 1781, i. 770.,
Louisiana boundary dispute, ii. 9-11;

treaty, 1819, ii. 45-7.
Love, Capt. Wm M., mention of, ii.

311.

Loving, Geo. B., mention of, ii. 560.
Lowder, W. J. F., mention of, ii.

410.

Lower California, see California,Baja.
Lower Cal. Colonization and Mining

co., ii. 727.
Lozada, Ind. chief, invasion of, 1860,

ii. 696.

INDEX.

797

Lozado, General, captures Mazatlan,

ii. 697; defeats Corona, ii. 698.
Lubbock, Gov. F. R, election of,

1861, ii. 451; suggestions of, ii.

457; state treasurer, 1878, ii. 522.
Lucenilla y Torres, Capt. F., voyage

of, 1668, i. 184-5.

Luckett, P. N., mention of, ii 437.
Luis, Cacique, the Pima revolt, 1751-

2, i. 544-5.
Luna, Father, with Barriga's exped.,

1644, i. 182.

Lunatic asylum, Texas, ii. 537-8.
Luyando, Father J. B., in Baja CaL,

1727-8, i. 454.
Lyons, Patrick, death of, ii. 366.

McAshan, S. M., biog. of, ii. 767.
McBride, Sergeant, execution of, ii.

521.
McCormick, Geo., state atty-gen., ii.

522.

McCoy, Col J. C., biog. of, ii. 577.
McCulloch, B., mention of, ii. 397.
McCullough, B., mention of, ii. 434;

captures San Antonio, ii. 437.
McDermott, Lieut-coin., death of, ii.

460.
McDonald, Lieut Wm, at battle S.

Antonio, ii. 183.

McGowan, J. B., mention of, ii. 397.
McKinney, equips lexas schooners,

ii. 271

McKinney, A. T., biog., etc., ii. 543.
McLanahan, Midshipman, bravery,

etc., of, ii. 716; death of, ii. 717.
McLeod, Gen. H. D., mention of, ii.

296; Comanche council, 1840, ii.

324.
McLeod, Gen. Hugh, Tex. Santa Fe

exped., ii. 334; surrender of, ii. 336.
Me Mullen, mention of, ii. 397.
McNeal, W. \V., Indian massacre of,

ii. 410.
McNeil Stirling, delegate to council,

1835, 'ii. 160.

Mackay, T. J., testimony of, ii. 482.
Macomb, David B., mention of, ii.

172.

Madero, Francisco, arrest of, ii. 116.
Madero, Gov. J. L, mention of, ii.

590.
Madison, Pres., proclamation ag'st

filibusters, 1815, ii. 34.
Magee, Lieut August, revol. move
ments of, ii. 19 et seq. ; elected col

of revolutionists, ii. 21; death of,

ii. 22.

Magruder, Gen., recaptures Galves-
ton, ii. 455-6; disagreement with
state authorities, ii. 472.

Mahaii, Patrick, execution of, ii. 368.

Mail service, Texas, ii. 569-70.

Maillard, N. D., 'History of Texas,'
ii. 141; misrepresentations of, ii.
214.

Maldonado, Capt., exped. of, 1540, i.
87-8.

Maldonado, A. del C., with Vasca's
exped., etc., i. 61, 66, 70.

Maldonado, L. F. de, voyage of, 1588,
i. 144-5.

Malhado island, Spaniards wrecked
on, 1528, i. 61; location of, i. 63.

Mange, Capt. J. M., 'Historia de la
Pimena Alta,' i. 256; expeds of,
1694-9, i. 256-70; with Salvatierra's
exped., 1701-2, i. 494-500.

Manufactures, Texas, ii. 566; Soiiora
and Sinaloa, ii. 760.

Mapimi, presidio of, reoccupied, 1711,
i. 583.

Maps and plans, region north and
west of Mexico, i. 11; Guzman's
expedition, 1531, i. 31; explora
tions, 1532-6, i. 43; Cabeza de
Vaca's route, i. 67; explorations of,
1539-42, i. 73; Castillo's, 1541, i.
81; Nueva Vizcaya, i. 101, 592,
677; Lok's, 1582, i. 151; Wytfliet-
Ptolemy's, 1597, i. 152; Vizcaino's
1603, i. 156; Dutch map, 1624-5, i-
169; D'Avitty's, 1637, i. 176; Dam.
pier's, 1699, i. 195; Harris, 1705, i.
196; Sinaloa and Sonora, i. 208;
Pimer.'a, i. 251; Loreto and vicin
ity, 1700, i. 285; Orozco y Berra's,
i. 310; southern Nueva Vizcaya,
1700, i. 312; northern Nueva Viz
caya, 1700, i. 347; Coahuila, i. 377;
Texas, i. 381, 615; peninsular mis
sions, i. 427; California missions, i.
447; Consag's, 1746, i. 464; Vene-
gas, 1757, i. 471; Baegert's, 1757,
i. 479; Kino's, 1701, i. 499; Sonora
and Sinaloa, i. 555; Sonora in the
eighteenth century, i. 703; Palou's,
i. 771; Austin's map of 1835, ii. 75;
San Antonio and environs, ii. 181;
Santa Anna's march, ii. 203; ground
plan of the Alamo, ii. 206; sectional
map of 1835, ii. 249; fortress of
Perote, ii. 368; city of Monterey,
ii. 395; Durango and Chihuahua, ii.
583; Durango and Sinaloa, ii. 591;
Chihuahua, ii. 606; Sonora and
Sinaloa, ii. 629; Sinaloa, ii. 657; new
map of Sonora, ii, 66G; positions of

798

INDEX.

troop, LaPaz, 1847, ii. 715; Urrea's

campaign, ii. 228; routes of armies,

Santa Anna and Houston, ii. 252;

plan of battle-tield, San Jacinto,

11. 25(3.
Mariscal, Gov., election, removal,

etc., of, ii. 702.
Marjiano, Father L. M., at San Ig-

nacio, 1722-3, i. 507.
Marie, Sieur de, with La Salle's ex-

ped , i. 403-8.
Marras, Hector D. A., dispute with

Aguirre, 1073, i. 243-4.
Martial law, Texas, proclaimed, 1832, j

ii. 119; 1862, ii. 456-7; proclama
tions of, 1871, ii. 507; Chili, and

Durango, 1864, ii. 619-20.
Martin, Capt. H., expecl. of, 1650, i. j

385-6.
Martin, Wylie, polit. chief, ii. 160; j

mention of, ii. 171; company of, at j

S- Felipe, ii. 246; rejoins Houston,

ii. 250, 253.
Martinez, Gen , defeat, etc., of, 1868,

ii. 697, 700.
Martinez, Capt. F., with Teran's ex-

ped., 1691-2, i. 416-17.
Martinez, Father G., mention of, i.

365.
Martinez, Padre M., death of, 1632,

i. 229.
Martinez, Col M., resignation, etc.,

1835, ii. 710.
Martos y Navarette, A. de, gov. of

Texas, 1760-7, i. 643, 649, 652.
Masanet, Father D., with Leon's ex-

?eds, i. 414-15; with Teran's exped.,
691-2, i. 416-17.
Mascarenas, Gov., proclaims martial

law, ii. 620.

Mason, General, mention of, ii. 286-7.
Masterson, Judge J. R., biog. of, ii.

766-7.
Matagorda, municipality created, ii.

144.
Matamoros, exped. against, ii. 194

et seq. ; federalists' siege of, ii. j

328.
Maverick, at siege of Be jar, ii. 180; j

guide, battle of 8. Antonio, ii. 182.
Maverick, S. A., mention of, ii. 437.
Maxey, Senator S. B., biog. of, ii.

578.

Mayorga, Father, mention of, i. 434.
May os, Sinaloan tribe, mission found
ed among, 1613, i. 222; conversions

among, i. 226; revolt of, 1826, ii.

640: 1867, ii 701.
Mazatlan, founding of, i. 206; name,

i. 206; hist, of, ii. 650; captured

by Paredes, etc., 1838, ii. 658; sur
render to the U. S., ii. 669-70;
blockade of, etc., 1864, ii. 697;
French evacuate, ii. 699.

Mediavilla y Ascona, M. de, gov. of
Texas, 1726-30, i. 632-4.

Medina, Father P. I. de, mention of,
i. 340.

Mejia, Gen. Jose A., Texas exped.,
ii. 125; Tampico attack, etc., ii.
189-90.

Melendez, commandant, murder of,
ii. 725.

' Memorias para la Historias de la
Provincia de Sinaloa,' MS., 120.

Menard, P. J., mention of, ii. 170.

Mendarozqueta, Gov. B., gov. Du
rango, 1833, ii. 591; removal and
replacement of, ii. 592; succeeds
Heredia, ii. 602.

Mendez, Father P., mission to Sina
loa, 1600-6, i. 209-14; theTehuecos'
revolt, etc., 1611, i. 219-20; labors
among the Mayos, i. 222; mission
ary labors of, 1621, i. 225-6; 1628,
i. 228; retirement of, 1635, i. 231.

Mendigutia, Father A., mention of, i.
591.

Mendoza, Viceroy, designs of, i. 72;
Coroiiado's exped., i. 83; rupture
with Cortes, i. 95; contract with
Alvarado, 1540, i. 96; exped. to
Nueva Galicia, i. 97.

Mendoza, Capt. A. G., de, with Sal-
vatierra's exped., 1699, i. 297-9;
complaint, etc., of, i. 302-3; resig
nation of, 1701, i. 423.

Mendoza, D. H. de, Cortes' instruc
tions to, i. 41; exped. of, 1532, i.
41-5.

Mendoza, Friar G. de, mission to
Durango, i. 100-1.

Mendoza, J. de, gov. of Sinaloa, i.
556; rule, 1755-60, i. 556; death of,
1760, i. 556.

Mendoza, J. D., de, mention of, i.
388-9.

Menifee, William, mention of, ii. 171.

Mercado, G. V. de, exped. to Zacate-
cas, 1552, i. 100.

Mexico, Texan affairs, 1716, i. 616-17,
622; action in Santa Anna treaty,
ii. 279-80; Texas peace proposals,
1839, ii. 340; ports of Texas block
aded, 1842, ii. 350 et seq.; threat
against the U. S., 1842, ii. 376.

Mexican border, troubles of, 1876, ii.
518.

Mexicans, race troubles with Texas,
1857, ii. 416 et seq.

INDEX.

799

Mezieres, Lieut A. de, rept on Texan
affair^, 1778, i. 600-2; expeds of,
1778-9, i. 663-4.

Michoacan, subjugation of, i. 13-14.
Middendorf, Father B., mission to

the Papagos, 1756, i. 561.
Mier disaster, ii. 361 et seq.; at
tempted escape and execution of
prisoners, ii. 365; foreign corres
pondence on, ii. 369.
Mier y Teran, Manuel, app't'd com'd
gen'l, ii. 115; tyranny of, ii. 116-17.

Milan, Benj. R., colony of, ii. 74;
arrest and escape of, ii. 154, 169;
battle of San Antonio, ii. 180 et
seq; death and biog. of, ii. 184.

Miles, capture of San ta Anna, ii. 264.

Military movements of U. S. and
Mex., 1805, ii. 11; army ordinance,
Texas, 1835, ii. 173; appropriations
for, ii. 305; protection of frontier,
1839, ii. 317; posts, list 1861, ii.
437; movements, 1861-5, ii. 450 et
seq; withdrawal of, ii. 502; militia
organization of, 1870, ii. 506; milit.
colonies, Mex. frontier, decree,
1848, ii. 612; militia Mex. frontier,
ii. 613; force in Sonora & Sinaloa,
1826, ii. 638; frontier force, Sonora,
1848-50, ii. 671; milit. colony, L.
Cal,, 1850, ii. 720.

Millard, Lieut-col H., mention of, ii.
172, 174; at council of \var, ii. 258;
battle San Jacinto, ii. 260.

Miller, Major, capture of, ii. 233-4.

Miller, J. B., member state conv.,
1833, ii. 133-4.

Mina, Javier, movements of, 1816-17,
ii. 36-7.

Miller, John F., quarantine bill of,
ii. 562.

Miller, S. A., 'Journal,' ii. 372.

Mines and minerals, Texas, ii. 564-6;
N. Mex. states, ii. 751; gold, ii.
751; statistics, ii. 752; silver, ii.
752; leading mines, ii. 753; Sonora,
ii. 754; placers, ii. 754; Sinaloa,
Durango, & L. Cal., ii. 755; miscel.
minerals, ii. 756.

Minon, Col Jose, at battle of the
Alamo, ii. 210.

Minutili, Father G., at Loreta, 1702,
i. 426-7.

Miramon, Lieut-col A., Paredes ap
points gov., etc., ii. 669.

Miranda, Col, neutrality, 1847, ii.712.

Miranda y Castro, Gov., appointment,
etc., of, ii. 737-8.

Missions, Sonora and Sinaloa, decline
of, 1833, ii. 651.

Missouri compromise, ii. 423.

Mitchell, Asa, mention of, ii. 171.

Mixton war, 1540-2, i. 96-7.

Moctezuma, Viceroy, mention of, i.
280.

Moderators and regulators, war of, ii.
354.

Molano, Col., treachery of, ii. 329 et
seq.

Molina, Father, massacre at San
Saba, 1758, i. 646-8.

Moiiclova, Presidio, site of trans
ferred, 1772, i. 608.

Moiidragon, B., comandante of Sina
loa, 1589, i. 115.

Monroy, A. de, gov. of Nueva Viz-
cay a, 1586-9, i. 113.

Moiioalve, L. de, gov. of Nueva Viz-
caya, 1639, i. 306.

Montalvo, O. de, ' Sergas de Esplan-
dian, ' i. 82.

Montano, Capt. F., the Tepehuane
revolt, 1616-17, i. 326; the Toboso
outbreak, etc., 1644-5, i. 349-50.

Monterde, J. M., gov. -gen'l Chih., ii.
602.

Monterde, M., appointment, etc., of,
1830, ii. 710.

Monterey, Cal., Vizcaino discovers,
1603, i. 159-60; mission founded at,
1770, i. 767; capital of Cal., i. 768;
plan of, ii. 395.

Monteros, deputy, reforms and ob
jections of, ii. 636.

Montesclaros, Fuerte de, building,
etc., of 1610, i. 215-16; garrison of,'
i. 220.

' Montezuma, ' Mex. war ship, ii. 356.

Montoya, Gen'l, defeat of, ii. 331.

Montoya, P. de, exped. to Sinaloa,
1583, i. 113-14; death of, i. 114.

Moore, J. W., mention of, ii. 171.

Moore, Commodore, disobedience of,
1842, ii. 352; defeats 'Moutezuma,'
and ' Guadalupe, ' ii. 356.

Moore, congressman, mention of, ii.
401.

Moore, Chief Justice G. F., election
of, 1878, ii. 522.

Moore Col John H., defeats Casta-
neda, ii. 166; defeats Comaiiches,
1840, ii. 326.

Moore, R. F., mention of, ii. 545.
Moquis, requests of for missionaries,
1711-23, i. 509-10; proposed subju
gation of, 1742-4, i. 536; exped.
against, 1747, i. 539-40; independ
ence of, i. 603.

Mora, Comandante, peace negotia
tions of, 1834, ii. 654.

800

INDEX.

Morales, Col, at battle of the Alamo,
ii. 210; advance upon Goliad, ii.
226-7; battle of Colito, ii. 229.

Morales, Gov., resignation of, etc.,
1864, ii. 696; battles with the
French, 1865, ii. 697.

Morales, J. F. de, comandante of
Sonora, 1650, i. 233.

Morales, Capt. M. G., the Tarahu-
mere revolt, 1649-51, i. 356-7;
comisario in Baja Cal., 1678, i. 488.

Moranget, with La Salle'a exped.,
i. 400-7; murder of, i. 408.

Moreno, J. M., sub jefe politico, ii.
725.

Moret, M., gov. Durango, 1852, ii.
617.

Morn, Father J. A., death of, 1783, i.
664; works of, i. 664.

Morfit, Henry M., report on Texas,
ii. 285.

Morgan, Col, assent to Moore's oper
ations, ii. 352-3.

* Morning Light,' surrender of, ii.
459.

Morrell, Rev. Z. N., mention of, ii.
547.

Morris, constable, murder of, ii. 444.

Morris, Capt. R. C., mention of, ii.
179.

Morris, Major, battle of San Antonio,
ii. 182.

Morrison, Lieut-col., battle at Pal
metto rancho, ii. 475.

.Mortimer, Serg. E. C., death of, ii.
520.

Mota, Bishop, the Acaxce revolt,
1601-2, i. 315.

Motheral, W. E., Indian massacre of,
ii. 410.

Mott, W. F., biog. of, ii. 765.

Mugazabal, Brother, death of, 1761,
i. 472.

Mulege mission, founding, etc., of,
1705, i. 432-3.

Murrah, Gov., Pendleton, inaugura
tion of, 1863, ii. 465-6; message,
etc., 1864, ii. 468-73; flight of, ii.
478.

Musquiz, Ramon, polit. chief, ii. 116;
vice-governor. 1835, ii. 146; propo
sals of, ii. 157.

Mussina, ^Simon, mention of, ii. 550.

N

Nachitoches, Fort, Ramon's visit to,
1716, i. 615-16; site of transferred,
1735, i. 636.

Nacocrdoches, resolutions of. 1835, ii.
167; rebellion, 1838, ii. 320.

Naglee, Capt. H. M., campaign of

L. Cal., 1847, ii. 718.
Napoli, Father I. M., mention of. i.

453.
Narvaez, P. de, exped., etc., of, i.

11-12; 1527-8, i. 60-1, 380; gov.

of LasPalmas, i. 60; fate of, i.61-2.
Narvona, Capt., gov. Sonora and Sin.,

1821, ii. 630; Apache campaigns of,

1813-14, ii. 633.
Nava, replaced, ii. 582.
Nava, Gen. P. de, comandante gen.

of Provincias Internas, 1790, i. 675.
Nava, Priest D. de, with Ortega's

exped., 1632, i. 171-3.
Navarette, A. M., gov. of Coahuila,

1756, i. 604.
Navarette, Pedro, jefe politico, 1863,

ii. 726.

Navarro, Ant., signs declaration in
dependence, ii. 216.
Navarro, J. A., Tex. Santa Fe exped.,

ii. 334; escape and biog. of, ii. 307.
Navarro, Juan, succeeds Corral, ii.

586.
Navarro, Don P. G., auditor de

guerraof Provincias Internas, 1777,

i. 672.
Navarro, Gov. R., election of, etc.,

1858-60, ii. 725.
Navigation, Texas, ii. 568; N. Mex.

states, ii. 763-4.
Navy, Texas, battles, etc., of, ii.

283-4; appropriations for, 18.^9, ii.

317; operations of, 1842, ii. 350 et

seq.; authorized sale of, ii. 352;

repeal of act, ii. 353.
Mayarit, location, i. 518; conquest of,

1721-2, i. 518-19.
Neal, murder of, ii. 444.
Negrete, L. del C., captures Durango,

1821, ii. 585-6; sub jefe politico,

1842, ii. 711; arrest of, ii. 720.
Negroes (see also Freedmen); con
spiracy of, Texas, 1856, ii. 416-17.
Neighbors, R. S., Ind. agent, ii. 411;

death of, ii. 412.

Neill, ColJ. C., battle of San Anto
nio, ii. 182; Alamo commander, ii.

196; btter to Houston, ii. 201.
'Nelson,' schooner, ii. 118.
Nentvig, Father, escapes from Pimas,

1751, i. 544.
Neve, F. de, comandante-gen., etc.,

of Provincias Internas, 1782, i. 673;

gov. of Cal., 1774-9, i. 738-42, 745;

in Alta Cal., 1777, i. 768-9.
Neville, Capt. C. L., biog., ii. 578.
Nevome mission, description of, 1658,
I i. 242-3.

INDEX.

801

Nevomes, Sinaloan tribe, missionary
labors among, 1615, i. 223-4; con
versions among, i. 226; revolt of,
^ 1 526-7, i. 227.

New map of Sonora, ii. 666.

New Mexico, annals of, 1540-1600, i.
127-9; church affairs in, 1601-30, i.
374; revolts in, 1680-96, i. 374;
boundary with Texas, ii. 398;
Texas boundary bill, ii. 400-1.

New Orleans Grays, organization of,
ii. 170-1; arrival at S. Antonio, ii.
^179.

New York volunteer campaign in L.
Cal., ii. 713.

Newcomb, J., mention of, ii. 427-8.

Newspapers, Texas, ii. 548-50; The
Cotton Plant, ii. 548; The Texas
Republican, ii. 549; Texas Gazette
and Brazoria, ii. 549; Constitutional
Advocate and Texas Public Adver
tiser, ii. 549; Texas Republican, ii.
549; Telegraph, ii. 549; Houston,
Telegraph, ii. 549; Texas Planter,
ii. 549; Civilian, ii. 549: Austin
City Gazette, ii. 549; Morning
Star, ii. 550; Texas Sentinel, ii.
550; Times, ii. 550; Advocate, ii.
550; Gazette, ii. 550.

Nieto, Miguel, capture of, etc., ii.
120.

Nira y Quiroga, G., gov. of Nueva
Vizcaya, 1685, i. 338.

Niza, Friar M. de, exped. of, 1539, i.
74-7.

Nolan, Philip, expdti. of, ii. 5; death
of, ii. 7.

Nombro de Dios, Durango, founding
of, 1563, i. 101-2, 104; progress of,
1553-1600, i. 111-12.

Nombre de Jesus, mission, founded,
1688, i. 378; refounded, 1698, i.
^379.

Noriega, Gen'l, vessels of, seized, ii.
724.

Norris, Nathaniel, Nacogdoches re
bellion, ii. 320.

Nueces, river, name, i. 385.

Nuestra Senora de los Dolores mis
sion, founding of, 1687, i. 252; 1721,
i. 452.

Nuestra Senora de los Dolores de los
Tejas. presidio, founded, 1716, i.
614-15; reestabl'd, 1721, i. 625;
suppressed, 1729, i. 633-4.

Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe Mis
sion, founding of, 1719, i. 449;
location, i. 449-50.

Nueetra Senora del Pilar de la Paz
Mission, founded, 1720, i. 449.

Nueva Galicia, name, i. 39; conquest
of, 1542, i. 97; bishopric of, i. 97;
Franciscans in, i. 97; industrial
progress, i. 97.

Nueva Tlascala, founding of, i. 126.

Nueva Vizcaya, (see also Durango),
maps of, i. 101, 312, 347, 592, 677;
name, i. 102; Ibarra's province,
1561,i. 102; location, i. 102; Ibarra's
exped. i. 103-10; settlements found
ed in, 1563,i. 103-4; 1564-5, i. 108-
10; 1569-1600, i. 12; 1654-67, i.
595-601; industries of, ii. 112; gov
ernors of, i. 112-13; gov's 1600-40,
i. 306; 1640-1700, i. 337-8; 1700-68,
i. 580-1; 1768-1800, i. 676-8; Fran
ciscans in, 1554-90, i. 116-19; 1600-
45, i. 334-6; 1640-1700, i. 363;
Jesuits in, 1590, i. 119; 1602-40, i.
311-34; 1641-1700, i. 340-63, 366-
72; expulsion of, 1767, i. 688-91;
name, etc., i. 205; extent of, i. 305;
government of, i. 306-7; church
affairs in, 160J-40, i. 307-8; 1640-
1700, i. 338-9; 1769-1800, i. 684-7;
mission districts of, 309-11; 1641-
1700, i. 340; subjugation of natives
in, 1001-14, i. 313-19; the Tepe-
kuane revolt, 1616-17, i. 320-9;
tribes, etc., of upper Vizcaya, i.
332; scant annals of, i. 339-40;
Indian outbreaks in, 1644-90, i.
348-372; presidios, etc., i. 582-5,
680; mission affairs in, 1701-67, i.
585-601; 1768-1800, i. 687-911;
aProvincia luterna, 1776, i. 670;
Indian raids, etc., in, i. 679-81;
Indian policy in 1786-8, i. 682-3;
division of, ii. 586; reunited, ii. 587.

Nuri, Sinaloa, alleged miracle at, i.
243.

Oats, Texas, cultivation of, ii. 557.
' Ocean,' steamer, mention of, ii. 273.
Och, Father, at San Ignacio, etc., i.

561.
Ochiltree, TV. B., defeat election 1853,

ii. 405.
Ochoa, Gov. A., succeeds Terrazas,

1872, ii. 624.
Ochoa, Col G. de, revolt of, 1828, ii.

589.
Oconor, Col H., provis. gov. of Texas,

1767-70, i. 652; mention of, i. 714.
Ocorinis, Sinaloan tribe, revolt of,

1604, i. 213, 216.
Officials, Texas, salaries of, ii. 295;

1841, ii. 346,

802

INDEX.

Ogien, James, execution of, ii. 368.

Djinaga, Gen'l, death of, ii. 621.

Ojualo,, Father M., with Kino's ex
pel, 17J3, i. 501-2.

Olii, C. d3, expeds of, i. 5-8, 13-14.

Oliva, Pculre A., founds, convent.,
16J4, i. 33(5; labors, etc., of, i. 336.

Olivare* y Benito, G. .de, bishop of
Durango, etc., 1796-1812, i. 685.

Oliva?, Capt. M., the Tepehuane re
volt, 1616-17, i. 323.

Omitlan, Guzman at, 1530, i. 29.

Onabas, Sinaloa, alleged miracle at, i.
243.

Onate, Capt. -gen., policy of, i. 378.

Onate, C. de, with Guzman's exped.,
1529, i. 28, 30; acting gov. of
Nueva Galicia, 1538, i. 71; ex
ped. of, 1605, i. 163; 1601-1611, i.
382-4.

Onate, J. de, conquest of New Mex.,
1595-9, i. 129.

Opata?, missionaries, etc., among the,
1630-9, i. 230; outbreak of, 1820,
ii. 633-4.

' Origin and True Cause, Texas In
surrection,' ii. 159.

Orobato, Father, mission to Sinaloa,
1600, i. 209, 212.

Orobio y Basterra, P. de, gov. ad int.
of Texas, 1737-40, i. 638-9.

Orozco, Oidor, dispute with Ibarra,
1563, i. 104-5.

Orozco, Father D., death of, 1616, i.
323.

Orozco y Berra, map of, i. 310.

Orrantia, Gov., acting gov., 1838, ii.
658.

Ortega, arrest of, ii. 623.

Ortega, Gen'l, defeat of, 1859, ii. 618;
1864, ii. 620.

Ortega, Friar D., visits the Jumanas,
1632, i. 385.

Ortega, F. de, expeds. of, 1632-6, i.
171-5; 'Primera Demerccion,' i.
172; protest, etc., of, 1636, i. 178.

Ortega, F. D. de, gov. -intendent of
Durango, 1786-92, i. 678.

Ortega, H., at La Paz, 1634, i. 173.

Ortiz, Gov. C. R., flight, etc., of,
1882, ii. 703.

Osorio, Father G., labors in Nueva
Vizcaya, 1715-25, i. 591-2.

Ostimuri, Province, location, etc., i.
204; mission affairs in, 1701-30, i.
512-13.

O terrain, Gov., rule in New Mex., i.
374.

Otondo y Antillon, I., contract with
viceroy, etc., 1678, i, 186; fleet, etc.,

of, i. 187; expeds of, 1683-5, i. 187-

93; in charge at San Felipe, 1684,

i. 237.
Oviedo, with "Vaca's exped., 1528, i.

61, 65.
Owen, Lieut, Comaiiche defeat, ii.

326.

Owens, Dr S. A., biog., ii. 576.
Oyarzabal, Capt. S.. the Tepehuane

revolt, 1616-17, i. 327.

Pacheco, Capt. R. M., quarrel with

Martos, 1767, i. 652; gov. of Texas,

1789-90, i. 669.
Packenham, mediation Mex. & Texas,

ii. 340.
Padres, Lieut J. M. , deputy gov. L.

Cal., 1825, ii. 710.

Paddock, B. F., mention of, ii. 574.
Padilla, J. A., mention of, ii. 174.
Paez, Father M., death of, 1676, i.

239.

Paine, Dr J. F. Y,, biog. of, ii. 766.
Palacio, Gov. R., mention of, i. 664.
Palmerston, Lord, mediation Texas

& Mex., ii. 340.
Palou, Father, rept, etc., of, i. 729-

33; feud with Barri, 1772, i. 735-6.
Papagos, mention of, i. 508; removal

of, ordered, 1750, i. 533; the Pima

revolt, 1751-2, i. 544; missionaries

among, i. 561-&
Parades, revolt of, 1844, ii. 662.
Pardinas, J. I. de, gov. of Nueva

Vizcaya, 1690, i. 338.
Paredes, Gen., captures Mazatlan, ii.

658.
Paredes, Father A., report of, i. 389-

91.
Paredes, Friar M. S. de, protest of,

1729, i. 634.
Parker, Daniel, mention of, ii. 171,

174.
Parker, James W., mention of, ii.

172.
Farmer, Martin, mention of, ii. 172,

174.
Parra, F. de la, exped. to Sinaloa,

1810, ii. 630-1; capture of, ii.

632.
Parral, settlement of, founded, 1631,

i. 334; a presidio, i. 336; French

defeat at, 1866, ii. 622.
Parras district, Jesuit missions secu
larized in, 1645-6, i. 342; effect of

secularization, i. 343-4; ulleged

INDEX.

803

miracle in, 1669, i. 344; small-pox
in, 1682, i. 344; transferred to Coa-
huila, 1785, i. 604.

Parras mission, location, etc., of, i.
311.

Parrilla, Col D. 0., gov. of Sinaloa
and Soiiora, i. 531; rule, 1749-53,
i. 531-54; quarrel with Jesuits,
1752, i. 548-54; exped. of, 1757-8,
i. 644; the massacre at San Saba,
1758, i. 645-9; rept of, i. 648-9;
exped. against Comanches, 1759, i.
649.

Pascual, Padre J., missionary labors
of, 1027, i. 225; missions founded
by, 1526-7, i. 227; death of, 1632,
i. 229; mention of, i. 353-4.

Pa;o del Norte, presidio, site of, re
moved, i. 680.

Patoni, Gen., defeat of, 1859, ii. 618;
gov. Durango, 1861, defeat of,
1864, ii. 620; harasses the French,
1866, ii. 622; murder of, etc., ii.
623.

Patrick, George M., mention of, ii.
172.

Patton, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 185.

Patton, Capt., mention of, ii. 244.

Pavon, General, defeat of, ii. 327-8.

Pavy, Capt. F., mention of, ii. 735.

Peacock, Capt., mention of, ii. 179.

Pearce, Senator J. A., boundary and
debt of Texas, bill to solve, ii. 399.

Pease, Gov. E. M., election of, 1853,
ii. 404; reelection, 1855, ii. 405;
defeat, 1866, ii. 483; message Nov.
1857, ii. 414; Sheridan app'ts gov.,
ii. 491, 493; resignation of, ii. 498.

Pecoro, Father F., labors, etc., of, i.
248.

Pedrin, Antonio, jefe politico, 1864,
ii. 726.

Pena, Capt., mention of, ii. 330.

Penalosa, Gov. D. de, with Foute's
exped., 1640, i. 180; exped. of,
1662, i. 386-8; quarrel with the in
quisition, i. 369; proposals to French
govt, i. 393-6; death of, 1687, i.
396.

Penasco, Father F., mention of, i.
378.

Pendleton, W. S., biog. of, ii. 578.

Penitentiaries, Texas, ii 534.

Peons, Mex., position of, ii. 91.

Peralta, battle at, ii. 453.

Peralta y Mendoza, J., alcalde mayor
of San Felipe, 1644, i. 207; coman-
dante of Sonora, i. 234.

Perea, Father E., mission to the Ju-
manas, 1629, i. 385.

Perea, Capt. P. de, alcalde mayor of

San Felipe, 1626-41, i. 207; coman-

dante of Sinaloa, 1626-40, i. 227-

31; province of, divided, i. 232;

rule of, i. 232-3; death of, 1644, i.

233.
Pereda y Arce, Capt. F., with Oton-

da's exped., 1683, i. 187.
Perez, Col., enters Durango, 1866, ii.

623.

Perez, A., expeds of, 1686-7, i. 413.
Perez, J., exped. to Alta Cal., 1769,

i. 489.
Perez, Capt. J. A., defeated by

Apaches, 1730, i. 635.
Perez, Father M., mission to Sinaloa,

1600-4, i. 209, 213; missionary

labors of, 1617, i. 224; death of,

1626, i. 227.
Perry, Col, defeats Elizondo, 1813, ii.

25-6; proclamation of, 1815, ii. 34;

defeat and death of, ii. 37-8.
Perry, A. G., mention of, ii. 172, 174.
Perry, J. F., delegate conv., 1835, ii.

160; mention of, ii. 300.
Pescador, J. A., mention of, ii. 589.
Pesqueira, Gov., reelection of, 1867,

ii. 701; defeats Porfirists, etc., ii.

702.
Pfefferkorn, I., mission to Pimeria, i.

561-2.

Phelps, Orlando, release of, ii. 370.
Philippine islands, Urdaneta's exped.

to, 1564-5, i. 137-9; course, i. 138-

40.
Physical divisions, Texas, description

of, ii. 551-6.
Piastla, province, Guzman in, 1531,

i. 33.
Piatos, campaigns against the, 1768-

71, i. 695-701.
Piccolo, Father F. M. , plot to murder,

1701, i. 423; at Loreto, i. 425; re
port of, i 425-6; exped. of, 1702, i.

426-7; explors of, 1703, i. 427-8;

1716, i. 437; death of, 1729, i.

454-5.

Piccolo, Father M., Salvatierra's ex
ped. to Cal., 1697-1700, i. 283,

289-301.
Piedras, Col., mention of, ii. 116;

releases citizens, ii. 123; settlers'

defeat of, ii. 127-8.
Pierson, Capt., mutiny of, ii. 360.
Pierson, J. G. W., mention of, ii.

172.

Pike, Maj. Z. M., explor. of, ii. 3.
Pilar, presidio, founded, 1721, i, 626-

7; abandoned, 1772, i. 655-6.

804

INDEX.

Filar, G. del, with Guzman's exped.,
1530-1, i. 30, 37.

Pimas, alleged outrages of, i. 253-4;
aid the Spaniards, i. 255-6; revolt,
etc., of, 1695, i. 260-3; Apache
raids on, etc., 1698-9, i. 274; cam
paigns against the, 1768-71, i. 695-
701.

Pimeria, map of, i. 251; Kino's labors
in, i. 492-3, 502-5; Campo's labors
in, i. 507-8; mission affairs in,
1723-30, i. 510-11; 1731-51, i.
523-5; 1751-67, i. 560-4; mining
affairs, 1736^1, i. 525-8; treatment
of natives, i. 533; Jesuits in, 1750,
i. 543-4; revolt in, 1751-2, i. 544-5.

Pinadero, B. B., alcalde mayor of
San Felipe, 1674, i. 237.

Pinadero, B. P. de, exped., etc., of,
i. 184-6; petition of, 1671, i. 186.

Pindray, Charles de, death of, etc.,
ii. 675-6.

Pineda, A. A., voyage of, 1519, i. 380.

Pineda, J. de, gov. of Sonora and
Sinaloa, 1763-9, i. 710-11.

Pineda, J. C. de, gov. of Sinaloa and
Sonora, i. 564; rule, 1763-9, i. 564-
78, 694-711.

Pineda, Capt. M., campaign of, L.
Gal., 1847, ii. 713 et seq.

Pinilla y Perez, Angel, zealousy in
royal cause, ii. 584.

Pinkard, Ferdinand, mention of, ii.
550.

Pitic, presidio founded at, etc., 1741-
4, i. 528-30; removed, 1750, i. 535.

Pitic (see also Hermosillo), improve
ments, etc., at, i. 569-70; made
capital, ii. 650.

'Plan of battle-field,' San Jacinto, ii.
256.

'Plan San Antonio and environs,' ii.
181.

Pleasant Grove, federal victory at, ii.
467.

Pleasant Hill, federal victory at, ii.
467.

Plemons, Judge W. B., first judge
new constitution, ii. 578.

Plum creek, Comanches' defeat at,
1840, ii. 325.

Plummer, Capt., warning to Baylor,
ii. 411.

Population, Texas, ii. 2; increase of,
1830, ii. 76; Coahuila, 1803-10, ii.
78; Texas, 1834. ii. 148; 1836, ii.
285; 1841, ii. 346; 1844-7, ii. 360-
]-, 1860-88, ii. 529; Sonora and
Sinaloa, 1831-9, ii. 647; N. Mex.
states, ii. 745.

Porfiristas, revolt of, 1871-2 and 1875,

ii. 624, 701.
Politics (see also Elections and party

names); Texas, 1825, ii. 190 et seq.;

election July 1836, ii. 291; 1857, ii.

423; 1861, ii. 451; first organization

of, ii. 419; know-nothing party, ii.

420; abolitionists, ii. 420; civil war,

ii. 427; antagonism in 1870-1, ii.

507; democratic scheme, 1872, ii.

509-10; Durango, 1824, ii. 587-9.
Porter y Ca.sanate, alcalde mayor of

San Felipe, 1650, i. 207.
Portilla, Col N. de la, butchery of

Texan s, ii. 234-5; disgust, etc., of,

ii. 236-7; battle San Jacinto, ii.

263.
Portola, Gov., exped. to Alta Cal.,

1769, i. 489-90, 766.
Portola, Don G. de, the Jesuit expul
sion, 1767-8, i.. 477-81.
Portsmouth, U. S., sloop of war, ii.

667-8; captures La Paz, ii. 712.
Potter, Robert, elected sec. of navy,

ii. 218; opposition to Santa Anna's

treaty, ii. 270-1.
Portugal, F. J. P. de, gov.-intendent

of Durango, 1792, i. 678.
Portugal, Gomez, plans exped. to

Sinaloa, 1810, ii. 630.
Powers, James, colony grant, ii. 74.
Prado, Father N., labors, etc., of, i.

247-8.

Prairie View school, ii. 547.
Presidios, Sonora and Sinaloa, 18C6,

ii. 638; decline of, 1833, ii. 651.
Price, Gen., Trias' surrender to, ii.

611-12.

Printing, Texas, first press, ii. 548.
Proano, Capt. D. de, alcalde mayor

of San Miguel, 1531, i. 37-8; trial,

etc., of, i. 59.
Protestant episcopal church, Texas,

first, ii. 548.
Provincias internas, organization,

etc., of, 1776-7, i. 670-2; name, i.

670-1; division of provinces, 1785,

i. 673-4; consolidation of provinces,

1787, 1793, i. 674-5; del Oriente, i.

674-5; del Occidente, i. 674-5; re-
division of, ii. 581.
Pujol, Lieut, murders Melendez, ii.

725.
Purisima mission, founded, 1787, i.

770.
Purisima Concepcion mission founded,

1718, i. 438; battle at, ii. 175-7.

Q

Queretaro, conquest of, i. 13.

INDEX.

805

Quezala, province, Guzman in, 1531,

i. 32-3. '

Quihue, P., revolt of, 1G96, i. 273.
Quijada, J. L. de, exped. to Sinaloa,

1584, i. 114.
Q liutero, Col Cayetano, defeats the

Lipans, ii. 32.
Quivira, city, discovery, etc., of,

1632, i. 380-7.
Quivira, province, Coronado's exped.

in, 1541, i. 85-6.
Quiviras, Spaniards defend, etc.,

1001, i. 383-4.

R

Rabago y Teran, F. de, capt. of San

Javier mission, 1751, i. 042.
Rabago y Terau, P., gov. of Coahuila

and Texas, i. 370, 604.
Races, N. Mex. states, ii. 743-4.
Rafael, Ind. chief, ii. 595.
Railroads, Texas, ii. 570-6; state aid

to. ii. 575; strike, 1880, ii. 575-0.
Rainwater, E. R., mention of, ii.

260.
Ramirez, Father G., labors of, i.

124-5.
Ramirez, Friar J. B., with Lucenilla's

exped., 1668, i. 184.
Ramirez, Jesus, defeat and deatn of,

ii. 703.

Ramon, Capt., murder of, i. 631.
Ramon, Capt. D., exped. of, 1716, i.

612-16.
Ramon, Capt. J., exped. of, 1721, i.

623-4.
Rangel, Col J. M., quells revolt, 1880,

ii. 739.
Rehollar, M. de, gov. of Nueva Viz-

caya, 1674-6, i. 338.
Reconstruction, Texas, ii. 476, et seq.
Reddick, J. A., mention of, ii. 558.
•Redondo, Gov., elected sub. -gov.,

1848, ii. 671-2.

Reese, Capt., mutiny of, ii. 360.
Reeve, Col, capture of, ii. 437.
Reeves, Demnore, mention of, ii. 260.
Refugio, Nuestra Senora del, mission,

founded, 1791, i. 668; attack on, ii.

222-4; capture of, 1842, ii. 348.
Regulators and moderators, war of,

ii. 354.

Religion, Texas, ii. 96, 547-8.
Remedios, town, founding of, i. 253.
Rengel, J. , comandante gen. ad int.

of Provincias Internas, 1784-5, i.

673; comandante inspector, i. 674.
Reiishaw, Commander, surrender of

Galvestonto, ii.454; death of, ii.456.
TEXAS. 51

Renter! a, M. de, with Ibarra's exped.,
1563, i. 105.

Representatives, Texas, list of, 1846-
01, ii. 449.

Republic of the Rio Grande, organi
zation and defeat of, ii. 329 et seq.

Republic of Soiiora, Walker's, ii. 723.

Republicans, Texa.), defeat of, election,
1872 a:ul 1873, ii. 508; 1870, ii. 515.

Retz, Father J., mention of, i. 409;
labors, etc., of, i. 470-2; the Jesuit
expulsion, 1707-8, i. 479.

Revenue (see also finance), Texas,
collection of customs, 1831, ii. 117;
1852-58, ii. 415; N. Mex. states, ii.
741-2.

Revolution against royalty, 1811, ii.
17 et seq.; of Texas, events lead
ing to, ii. 152 et seq.; peace and
war parties, ii. 100; of Diaz, 1871-
2 and 1875-7, ii. 623-5; federalists
Soiiora and Sinaloa, 1837-8, ii. 656;
Gandara's revolt, 1843, ii. 601;
Sonera and Sinaloa, 1852-8, ii. 695;
Sonora Porfirists, 1871, ii. 701; Por-
firists, Sinaloa, 1876, ii. 702; of
Marquez de Leon, 1879, ii. 703, 738.

Reyes, Father A. de los, rept. of,
1772, i. 709; bishop of Sonora, etc.,
1782-7, i. 712-13.

Reymershoffer, G., biog. of, ii. 766.

Reynolds, Gen'l, succeeds Hancock, ii.
494.

Rezabal, Capt. A., comandante at
San Felipe, 1701, i. 516.

Rhuen, Father E., at Sonoita, 1750,
i. 543; murder of, 1751, i. 544.

Ribas, Father A. P. de, mission to
Sinaloa, 1604, i. 212-15; provincial
of Mex., 1620, i. 225; 'Triumphs
of the Faith, ' i. 535-6.

Rickett, Capt. , operations again: t
Cortina, ii. 447.

Rio, Father M. del, labors of, i. 242.

Rio Grande City, Cortina captures,
ii. 448.

Rio y Loza, Capt. R. del, mining ex-
peds of, 1503, i. 100; gov. of Nue.ra
Vizcaya, 1589-90, i. 113; gov. of
Sinaloa, 1591, i. 115.

Ripperda, Baron de, gov. of Texas, i.
052; rule, 1707-78, i. 652-60.

Rivera, Capt., with Consag's exped.,
1753, i. 470; exped. to Alta Cal.,
1769, i. 489; death of, i. 1781.

Rivera, Visitador-general P., de, rept
of, 1730, i. 512-13; ' Diario,' etc,,
i. 583-4; rept. on Texan affairs,
1729, i. 633-4.

Rivera y Moucada, Don F., in charge

806

INDEX.

at Loreto, 1752, i. 469-70; lieut-

gov. of Baja CaL, etc., 1776, i. 742;

in Alta CaL, 1774, i. 768.
Robards, W. L., lexas comptroller,

1366, ii. 483.

Roberts, C. M., execution of, ii. 368.
Roberts, Gov. O. M., election of,

1878, ii, 522; inaugural address, ii.

523; special message, ii. 523-4.
Robertson, J. B., mention of, ii. 518.
Robinson, Capt. A., mention of, ii.

296.
Robinson, James W., mention of, ii.

171. 197; app't'd lieut-gov., ii. 173;

ruse of, ii. 372-3.
Robinson, Joel N., captures Santa

Anna, ii. 264.

Robinson, T., mention of, ii. 550.
Rodriguez, Father A., exped. of, 1581,

i. 127.
Rodriguez, Lieut N., defeat of, ii.

188-9.

Rogers, C. H., mention of, ii. 563.
Rogers, John D., biog. of, ii. 766.
Rogers, Capt. W., voyage, etc., of,

1708-10, i. 197-200.
Romano, Father, mention of, i. 444.
Romero, Capt., with Salvatierra's

exped., 1697, i. 284.
Romero, T., Tellez defeats, 1846, ii.

669.
Romeu, J. A., gov. of Alta Cal., 1791,

i. 750, 772.

Roods, <rLexas,'ii. 568-9.
Rosales, surrender of, ii. 611-12.
Rosales, Gov. A., appointment of,

1864, ii. 696; resignation of, ii. 698.
Ro.?ales, P. A. de, with Cardona's

exped., 1614, i. 164.
Rosenburg, mention of, ii. 334; death

of, ii. 335.

Rosillo, battle of, 1813, ii. 22-3.
Ross, Col Reuben, battle of Alcantro,

ii. 327-8; abandons federalists, ii.

328.
Rouset, F. de J., bishop of Sonora,

1796, i. 713.
'R-outes of armies,' Houston and Santa

Anna's, plan, ii. 252.
Rowan, Win, execution of, ii. 368.
Royalists, revolt against, 1811-14, ii.

17 et seq. ; defeat on Salitre prairie,

1812, ii. 20; siege at La Balna, ii.

21-2; battle of Rosillo, 1813, ii, 23;

assassination of, 1813, ii. 24; de
feat of Elizondo, ii. 25-6; victory

of, ii. 26 et seq.; surrender of at

Rosario, 1810, ii. 631.
Royall, R. R., pres. San Felipe coun
cil, ii, 168; mention of, ii. 170.

Royston, Treas, M. H., election of,

1866, ii. 483.
Rubi, Gov., election of denounced,

1868, ii. 700.
Rubi, Marques de, tour of, 1766-7, i.

585, 651; rept. of, i. 651-2.
Ruiz, Alcalde, mention of, ii. 214.
Ruiz, Father A., labors in Topia, i.

313, 317; revolt of the Acaxees,

1601-2, i. 314.

Ruiz, F., signs declaration of inde
pendence, ii. 216.
Ruiz, J. M., jefe politico, succeeds

Argiiello, 1822, ii. 70S.
Runnels, Gov. H. R., election of,

1857, ii. 423; secession message,

1858, ii. 424; defeat election, 1859,
ii. 426.

Rusk, Gen. T. J., biog. of, ii. 167,
421; elected sec. of war, ii. 218;
arrival at Houston's camp, ii. 251 ;
speech of, ii. 253; at battle San
Jacinto, ii. 258; appt'dcommander-
in-chief, ii. 269; mention of, ii.
272; force of, July 1836, ii. 289;
reapp't'd sec. of war, ii. 294; Cher
okee battle, 1839, ii. 323; Indian
war debt, ii. 413; death of, ii. 421.

Ryan, Capt., mutiny of, ii. 360.

Ryan, A. P., biog., ii. 574-5

Ryerson, Gov. Geo., biog. of, ii. 732.

Saavedra, A. de, voyage of, 1527, i.
23.

Sabaibos, revolt of the, 1602, i. 316.

'Sabine,' schooner, ii. 118.

Sabine City, union capture of, ii.
454-5.

Sabine cross-roads, confederate vic
tory at, ii. 467.

3ac:*amento, presidio Coahuila found
ed, 1736, i. 607.

Sacta, Father F. J., mission to
Pimeria, 1695, i. 259; martyrdom
of, i. 260.

Salado creek, battle at, 1813, ii. 22-3.

Salas, Father J. de, exped. of, etc., i.
384-5.

Salazar, Texans surrender to, ii. 335.

Salazar, Friar D. de, mention of, i.
379.

Salcedo, F., voyage of, 1565, i. 138.

Salcedo, J. G., gov. of Nueva Viz-
caya, 1670-3, i. 337-8.

Salcedo, Manuel de, gov. of Texas,
1810, ii. 17; siege of La Bahia,
1812-13, ii. 21-2; battle at Salado
creek, ii, 22-3.

INDEX.

807

Salceclo y Salced, Brig. Nemesio, re
call of, ii. 582; executes Hidalgo,
11. 584.
Salduendo, Friar A., labors in Coa-

huila, 1(303-0, i. 330, 375.
Sales, Father L., 'Noticias,' i. 750.

Salgado, Father, mention of, i. 500.

Salmeros, raids of the, 1045, i. 350-1.

Salitre prairie, battle at, 1812, ii. 20.

Salt war, Texas, ii. 519-22.

Saltillo, revolt at, i. 120; villa of,
founded, 15SG, i. 120; faction fight
at, 1832, ii. 143; centralists defeat
at, ii. 330-1.

Saltillo district, transferred to Coa-
huila, 1785, i. 004.

Salvador, Capt. F. 8., representations
to the king, 1751, i. 541-3.

Salvatierra, Father J. M., labors, etc.,
of, i. 248-50, 254, 280-91, 372, 511;
biog., etc., i. 278; proposed mission
to Cal., i. 278; discouragements of,
i. 276-9; aid, etc., to, i. 279-80;
license granted to, 1097, i. 280;
preparations, etc., of, i. 281-3; voy.
of, i. 284; founds Loreto, i. 284-0;
works of, i. 289-90; expeds of, i.
294-5, 299, 301, 433, 437, 493-8;
appeals of, rejected, i. 301-2; com
plaints against, i. 302-3; removal
of, i. 303-4; explor. of, 1701, i. 421;
1703, i. 427; intercourse with Kino,
i. 421-2; at Loreto, i. 422-4, 429-
32; provincial, i. 430; report of, i.
430-1; death of, 1717, i. 438.

Sam Houston Normal institute, ii.545.

Samaniego, L. de, with Guzman's ex-
ped., 1530, i. 30, 30; death of, i. 83.

San Agustin de Ahumada, presidio,
establ'd, 1755, i. 043; presidio,
abandoned, 1772, i. 055-0.

San Andres, attacked by Acaxees,
1001-2, i. 314.

San Antonio mission, founded, 1771,
i. 707.

' San Antonio, ' war schooner, mutiny
on, ii. 351.

* San Antonio and environs,' map, ii.
181.

San Antonio de Bejar (see also Bejar);
society of, ii. 3; siege of, ii. 177 et
seq. ; capitulation of, ii. 188; cap
tured by Vasquez, 1842, ii. 348.

San Antonio del Parral, custodia of,
created, 1714, i. 591.

San Antonio de Velero mission,
founded, 1718, i. 018.

San Augustin, municipality created,
ii. 144.

San Bernabe, mission of, founded,

1074, i. 303; the Manila galleon at
1734, i. 457; 1735, i. 400.
'San Bernard,' war schooner, ii. 351.
San Bernardo, Bahia de, opened as a

port, ii. 2.
San Bernardino de Canuela mission,

founding of, 1090, i. 378.
San Bruno, settlement, founding of,
1083, i. 190; affairs at, i. lliO-3;
abandoned, 1085, i. 193.
San Buenaventura, founded 1782 i

770.

San Buenaventura, mission, reestab
lished, 1092, i. 378; presidio, site
removed, i. 080.

San Carlos, custodia of, organized,
1783, i. 719; mission of, founded,
1770, i. 707.
San Carlos de Bnenavista, presidio

establ'd at, i. 507.

San Diego, Cal., Cabrillo at, 1542, i.
135; Vizcaino's exped. at, 1002, i.
158; Arillaga at, 1790, i. 753; first
mission founded at, 1709, i. 760;
destruction of 1775, i. 708.
'San Felipe' war vessel, def eats Correo,

ii. 101-2.
San Felipe, missions, etc., of, 1045, i.

230; burning of, 1830, ii. 247.
San Felipe de Real de Chihuahua,
founding of, i. 599-000; declared a
villa, 1718, i. COO; prosperity of, i.
000-1.

San Felipe y Santiago de Carapoa,
villa, founded, 1583, i. 113; aban
doned, i. 114; reestablished, 1584,
i. 114; presidio establ'd at, 1590, i.
115; missionaries at, i. 122-3; gar
rison of, i. 207; alcalde may ores,
1000-50, i. 207; population, i. 207;
Jesuits at, i. 207; population of,
1078, i. 238.
San Fernando, name changed, ii. 110-

11.
San Fernando mission, founded, 1797,

i. 771.
San Fernando de Velicata mission,

founding of, 1709, i. 490-1.
San Fraiici&cobay, discovery, etc., of,

1709, i. 700-7.
San Francisco mission, founded, 1770,

i. 708.

San Francisco Borja mission, mention
of, i. 244-5; Spaniards massacred
at, 1048, i. 353-4; mission, found
ing, etc., of, 1759-62, i. 471-2.
San Francisco de Comayaus, convent

founded at, 1604, i. 330.
San Francisco de la Espada mission,
descript. of, 1778, i. 658-9.

INDEX.

San Francisco Javier, mission district,
founding of, 1639, i. 230; mission,
etc., of, 1646, i. 235-6; towns, etc.,
of, 1653, i. 242.

San Francisco Javier de Najera mis
sion, founded, 1122, i. 627.

San Francisco Javier de Soiiora mis
sion, mention of, i. 244-5.

San Francisco de los Tejas mission,
founded, 1690, i. 415; 1716, i. 614;
sickness at, i. 417; location, i. 418;
abandoned, i. 419.

San Gabriel mission, founded, 1771,
i. 767.

San Gabriel, pueblo, founding of,
1631, i. 331.

Saa Gerdnimo, settlement, founding
of, 1540, i. 87; hostility of native?,
i. 89; site of, changed, i. 89; de-
sarced, 1542, i. 89-90.

Saa Ignacio, missions of, 1645, i. 236;
1728, i. 454.

Sau Ignacio, town, founding of, i.
253.

Saa Igaacio de Piastla, Hermosillo's
defeat at, 1SJ1, ii. 631-2. ^

Saa Ignacio de Yaqui mission, men
tion of, i. 244.

San Ignacio Zape, see Zape.

San Ildefonso mission, establ'd, 1744,
i. 641.

S la Jacinto, battle of, ii. 255 et seq.

'Saa Jacinto," war schooner, ii. 350.

San Javier mission, founding of, 1699.
i. 299; outbreak at, 1701, i. 423;
Ugarte at, i. 423-4; prosperity of,
i. 423 -4; revolt ab, 1703, i. 428;
prosperity of, 1705, i. 433; mission
transferred, 1719, i. 450; Francis
cans at, 1768, i. 484-5; establ'd,
1744, i. 641; desertion of, i. 642.

Saa Javier del Bac, Kino's exped. to,
1700, i. 270.

San Jose, pueblo, founding of, 1777,
i. 768.

San Jose, mission, founded, 17C7, i.
771.

San Jose de Aguayo mission, descript.
of, 1778, i. 657-8.

San Jose mission, Texas, founded,
1716, i. 614.

San Jose del Cabo, mission founded
at, 1730, i. 455; presidio establ'd at,
1736, i. 461; miss, and church pil
laged, 1822, ii. 707; U. S. occupa
tion of, 1847, ii. 714; siege of, ii.
716-17.

San Jose de Guaymas, mission, men
tion of, i. 511; refounded, 1751, i.
554; attacked by Seris, i. 554.

San Jose Imuris, town, founding of,

i. 253.
San Jose Tizonazo mission, mention

of, i. 344-5.
San Jose y San Miguel de Aguayo

mission, establ'd, 1720, i. 619.
San Juan Bautista, Alta Ca.1., found
ing of, 1797, i. 771.
San Juan Bautista mission, founding

of, 1699, i. 379; 1705, i. 432; a visi-

ta, 1721, i. 453.
San Juan Capistrano mission, mention

of, i. 658: founded, 1776-7, i. 768.
San Juan de lo i Caballeros, capital of

New Mex., 1599, i. 129.
San Juan de Mazatlan, see Mazatlan.
San Juan de Sinaloa, founding of,

1563, i. 10S; Indian outbreak at, i.

113; abandoned, i. 113.
San Juan valley, Ibarra's exped. in,

1562-3, i. 103-7.
San Juan y Santa Cruz, M. de, gov.

of Nueva Vizcaya, 1714, i. 581;

measures, i. 583.

San Lorenzo mission, founding of,
^ 1761-2, i. 650.
San Luis presidio, site of, transferred,

1772, i. 608.
San Luis de las Amarillas presidio,

founding of, 1757, i. 644.
San Luis Gonzaga mission, founded,

1737, i. 461.
San Luis Obispo mission, founded,

1771, i. 767.
San Luis Rey mission, founded, 1798,

i. 771,
San Miguel, villa de, founding of,

1531, i. 37-8; site of, removed, i.

38; condition of, 1620-5, i. 206-7.
San Miguel mission, rebuilt, 1721S i.

626, founded, 1787, i. 748; founded,

1797, i. 771.

San Miguel de los Adeas, French oc
cupation of, 1719, i. 718-19.
San Miguel de Aguayo, mission,

founding of, 1675, i. 375.
San Miguel de Cuellar mission, found
ed, 1716, i. 615.

San Miguel Horcasitas, presidio es
tabl'd at, 1650, i. 538.
San Miguel port, Guzman's exped. at,

1533, i. 57-8.
San Miguel, river, Guzman's exped.

on the, 1533, i. 57-8.
San Patricio, surrender of, ii. 221-2.
San Pedro, flood a,t, 1612, i. 313.
San Pedro Martyr de Verona mission,

founded, 1794, i. 751.
San Saba mission, founding oi, 175V,

i. 644; massacre at, 1758, i. 645-8.

INDEX.

809

San Sebastian, villa, founding of,
1565, i. 110; mining at, i. 110; Viz
caino's exped. at, 159/, i. 148; min
ing, etc., in, i. 205-6.

San v'icente Ferrer mission, founded,
1780, i. 745.

Sanchez, Jose J., at battle S. Antonio,
ii. 186.

Sanchez, Pres. P., address to Sonora
and Sinaloa, 1831, ii. 047.

Saiidoval, Lieut-col, cap:u:e of, ii.
1 09.

Sandoval, M. de, gov. of Texas, i.
636; rule, 1734-6, i. 636-7; residen-
cia, etc., of, i. 638.

Sanger Brothers, success cf, ii. 568.

Salisbury, mention of, ii. 366.

Santa Anna, Gen'l, intrigues of, ii.
134 et seq.; tenders resignation, ii.
143; arbitration in Coah., ii. 145;
acts of, condemned, July, 1835, ii.
1150; decision on Texas separation,
18b4, ii. 146-7; let ter.3 of inter
cepted, ii. 192; invasion of, ii. 202;
plan of march, ii. 203; forces of,
ii. 204; battle and massacre of the
Alamo, ii. 204 et seq. ; faLe reports
of, ii. 214; butchery of Texans,
Goliad, ii. 234; pursuit of Houston,
ii. 247; orders to Urrea, ii. 248;
movements of, ii. 249-51; burns
Harrisburg, ii. 251 ; wild actions of,
ii. 254-5; battle of San Jacinto, ii.
255 et seq. ; flight and capture of,
ii. 263-4; despatch to Filisola, ii.
2o5; treaty with Texas, ii. 269;
opposition to release of, ii. 273;
terror of, ii. 274; attempted assas
sination, etc., of, ii. 275; media
tion of Hou.ton, ii. 275-6; inter
views with Pres. Jackson, ii. 277;
Filisola 's instructions concerning,
ii. 279; releases Texas Santa Fe
prisoners, ii. 336; Hamilton's pro
posal to, ii. 349; Houston's letter
to, ii. 348-50; Robinson's ruse, ii.
372-3; revolt, 1852, ii. 617; proiiun-
ciamento, 1822, effect in Sonora
and Sinaloa, ii. 636.

Santa Barbara, mission founded, 1786,
i. 770; presidio founded, 1782, i.
770.

Santa Catalina, Indian outbreak at,
1616, i. 322.

Santa Catalina Martyr, mission,
founded 1797, i. 754; progress of,
i. 756.

Santa Clara, mission, founded, 1776-
7, i. 768.

Santa Cruz, founding of, 1791, i. 771.

Santa Cruz bay, Cones at, 15S5 ,i.50-l.
Santa Cruz del C\boio, fort built,

1771, i. 65C.
Santa Eulaha, cathedral, etc., of, i.

601.
Santa Fe, founding of, i. 374; capital

of New M ex., i. 374; captured by

confederates, ii. 452.
Sauta Fe Expedition, Texas, 1841, ii.

333.
Santa Gertruclis mission, founding,

etc., of, 1751-2, i. 469.
Santa Maria mission, founding, etc.,

of, 1766-7, i. 473-4.
Santa Rosa presidio, site of trans
ferred, 1772, i. 608.
Santa Rosalia mission, founding of,

1705, i. 433.
Santaella, T. G. de, aids Salvatierra,,

1696, i. 279.
Santarem, Father H., labor; in Topia,

1599-1600, i. 123; later labors in

Topia, i. 313; revolt of the Acaxees,

1601-2, i. 314-16; death of, 1616, i'.

323-4.
Santiago de Monclova, villa, found*

ing, etc., of, 1637, i. 37o.
Santiago Papasquiaro, Spaniards mas
sacred at, 1J16, i. 323.
Santo Martires de Japon mission,

mention of, i. £45.
Santo Tomas de Aquino mission,

founded, 1791, i. 751.
Sarmiento, A. de 0., gov. of Nueva

Vizcaya, 1665-70, i. 337.
Sarrabia, Prefecto B., gov. Duraiigo,

1864, ii. 620.

Sastre, M., gov. of Sonora and Sina
loa, 1772, i. 711.

Savariego, Capt., mention c.:, ii 237.
Sayers, Lieut-gov. J. D., election of,

1878, ii. 522.

Schofield, Charles, biog. of, ii. 7.^6.
School fund, Texas, 1852-61, ii. 416,
Scrutchrield, Judge L. H., biog. of,

ii. 769.

Scurry, Col, defeat of, ii. 452.
Seal, of Texas, 1836, ii. 2C5.
Securities, Texas, 1838-9, ii. 318.
Secession, Texas, ordinance for, ii.

436; popular vote on, ii. 439.
Sedelmair, Father J., mission to

Pimeria, 1736-7, i. 524-5; exped.

of, 1744, i. 536-7; 1748, i. 540;

1750, i. 540-1; • Relacion,' etc., i.

538-9; escape from Pimas, 1751, i.

544; refutes Parrilla's charges,

1752, i. 549-51.

Segesser, Father F., mission to Pim
eria, 1731-6, i. 523-4.

810

INDEX.

Selfridge, Commander F. 0. , repulses

Mexicans at Guaymas, ii. 068;

campaign of, L. Cal., ii. 713 eb seq.
Senator.*, Texas, list of, 1845-01, ii.

449.
Seris, expeds. against, 1800, i. 275,

535-G; 1761-2, i. 505; 1768-71, i.

095-701; Jesuits among, 1690-1709,

i. 511; subjugation of ordered,

1750, i. 533; demands, etc., of,

1754, i. 554; war with, i. 554-6;

mention of, ii. 628.
Serua, F. B. de la, gov. of Nueva

Vizcaya, 1040-2, i. 337.
Serna, Gov., appointment, etc., of,

1874, ii. 702-3.
Serra, Father J., mention of, i. 766;

in Alta Cal., i. 767-8; death of,

1784, i. 770.
Sesma. General, to relieve Cos, ii.

-203; force, etc., of, ii. 244.
tfhacleford, Dr, mention of, ii .237.
Sliarpe, Capt., mention of, ii. 244.
Shaw, James B., Texas comptroller,

ii. 403.
Shelby county, Tex., vendetta in, ii.

355.
Shelvocke, Capt. G., voyage, etc., of,

1719-21, i. 200-1.
Shepherd, James L., execution of, ii.

368.
Sheridan, Gen., removal of, 1867, ii.

493.
Sherman, Col S., mention of, ii. 244;

at council of war, ii. 558; battle

San Jacinto, ii. 260-1.
Shubrick, Commodore, captures Ma-

zatlan, 1846, ii. 669-70: L. Cal.

campaign, 1847, ii. 714.
Sibley, John, mention of, ii. 48.
Sibley, Gen., capture of,.ii. 437; joins

confederates, ii. 451-2; defeats
[ Canby, ii. 452; retreat to Texas,

ii. 453.
Sibubapas, campaigns against the,

176S 71, i. 695-701.
Sierpe, P. G. de la, aids Salvatierra,

] 697-8, i. 280, 293-4.
Sierra, Father A. F. de la, labors, etc.,

of, 1670-3, i. 247.
Sierra, L. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,

1677, i. 338.

Sigler, William N., mention of, ii. 171.
Simkins, E. J., mention of, ii. 546.
Sinaloa, N. de Guzman's exped. in,

1530, i. 30; 1533, i. 56-7; annals of,

1564-C6, i. 113-16; Jesuits in, 1591-

1600, i. 119-23; location of, i. 203;

name, i. <?03; territory, i. 204-5;

map of, i. 208, 6E5, 657; and Du-

rango, map of, ii. 591; floods, etc.,
in, 1639-41, i. 231; missions of,
1645, i. 236; 1650-1700, i. 238-40;
settlements, etc., in, 1747-9, i. 546-
7; progress and events, 1800-1830,
ii. 628; revol. exped. to, 1810, ii.
630-2; and Sonora, new constitu
tion, ISlIO, ii. 635; separation from
Sonora, 1823, ii. 637; 1827-SO, ii.
644-6; revenue of, ii. 741; education
in, ii. 746.

Sinaloa y Sonora, gobernacioii of,
e-stabl'd, 1734, i. 520.

Sinnickson, Dr, battle of Mier, ii.
363-4.

Sisson, Maj. G. H., biog., etc., and
project of, ii. 734.

Sistiaga, Father S., with Bravo's ex
ped., 1718, i. 445.

Slavery, decree of emancipation, 1827,
ii. 90;' decree of, 1829, ii. 92; excep
tion favor of Texas, ii. 93; 'lexas
constitution, 1836, ii. 305; English
interference, ii. 377; legislation in
cong., ii. 423 et seq.; legislation in
Texas, ii. 423, 428; agitations in
congress, 1860, ii. 430-3.

Slaughter, Col C. C., biog. of, ii.
560-1.

Slaughter, J. B., mention of, ii. 561.

Slough, Col, defeats confederates,
Apache canon, ii. 452.

Smith, at siege of San Antonio, ii.
180.

Smith, Deaf, at battle S. Antonio, ii.
182; important capture of, ii. 253;
destroys Vince's bridge, ii. 259;
bearer Santa Anna's despatches, ii.
266.

Smith, Ashbel, minister to England,
ii. 338; Eng. evasion of neutrality,
ii. 350; pres. university regents, ii.
545.

Smith, Col B. F., commissioner to
Filisola, ii. 270.

Smith, Gov. Henry, mention of, ii.
172; appointment of, ii. 173; rup
ture with council, ii. 190 et seq.;
defeat of, ii. 291; app't'd sec. of the
treasury, ii. 294.

Smith, Gen. Kirby, suppresses insur
rection, ii. 355; surrender of, ii.
475.

Smith, Mayor J. P., biog. of, ii. 574.

Smith, Capt. J. W., at battle S. An
tonio, ii. 182; enters the Alamo, ii.
209.

Smith, M. W., mention of, ii. 171.

Smith, Capt. T. L, 'Archive war,' ii.
354.

INDEX.

811

Smuggling, Texas, 1831, ii. 117-18;
Anahuac, guard attacked, ii. 156.
Snively, Col Jacob, disaster of, ii. 371.
Snbaipuris, uprising of, 1701, i. 501.
Society, Texas, pop., 1844-7, ii. 390;
crime, ii. 3'Jl; amusements, etc., ii.
332; illiteracy, etc., ii. 393; condi
tion of, 18G4-5, ii. 472; 13G5-G, ii.
430; 1860-88, ii. 530 et seq. : hospi
tality, ii. 533; benevoleiib inotitu-
tion.s, ii. 5.37.

Soih, eastern Texa-t, ii. 551; south, ii.
552; central, ii. £,53; north, ii. 553;
western, ii. 554; ' panhandle ' of
Torrai, ii. 555.

SolJier.3, land grants to, ii. 217.
Soledal, founding of, 1/91, i. 771.
Soli s, Lieut A., outrages of, 1C95, i.

230-1; exped. of, 1696, i. 272.
Somarville, A., mention of, ii. 160.
Soinerville, murder of, ii. 443.
Somerville, Gen., mention of, ii. 253;
a t council of \var, ii. 258; operations,
etc., of, ii. 359; biog. and death of,
ii. 3J1.
Sonoita, Sedclmair visits, 1743, i. 536;

attacked by "Pimas, 1751, i. 5i4.
Sonora, name, i. 204-5, 2-41; map of,
i. 208, 555, 703; new map of, ii. COG;
mission? of, 1645,1.236; Jeruitiin,
1650-1700, i. 242-50; separ. from
Sinaloa, 1693, i. 255; Ind. revolt in,
i. 255-6; mission affairs in, 1701-30,
i. 512-16; 1767-1800, i. 704-10;
Indian raids, etc., in, i. 694-702,
714-18; govs, etc., of, 1763-1800,1
710-12; see of, establ'd, 1781, i. 712;
church affairs in, 1770-1800, i. 712-
13; progress and events, 1800-1830,
ii. 628 et seq.; new constitution,
1820, ii. 635; separation from Sina
loa, etc., 1823, ii. 637; division of,
boundaries, etc., 1827-30, ii. 644-6.
made a sub. dept, 1853, ii. 681; rev
enue of, ii. 741; education in, ii.
747; mining riches of, ii. 754.
Sosa, G. C. de, exped. of, 1590-1, i.

123; arrest of, i. 128.
Sotelo y Figueroa, Father M. M.,

mention of, i. 472.
Soto, II. de, exped. of, i. 382.
Soto, P. de, with Barriga's exped.,

1614, i. 182.
Soto La T.Iarina, capture of, 1817, ii.

ST.
South Carolina, secession resolutions,

ii. 4C9.

Spain, war with France, 1719, i. 618;
hostility to American!, ii. 11 etseq.;
loyalty to, ii. 5G5.

Spaniards, laws against, 1827-9, ii.

93; edict expelling, Son. and Sin.,

1828, ii. 643."

Spark 3, John, biog. of, ii. 561.
Spilberg, G., voyage of, 1G15, i. 166-

Staples, Stephen, mention of, ii. 97.

Stapp, W. P., release of, ii. 3/0.

State convention, Texas, 1868, ii.
494-5.

State troops, Texas, conscription of,
ii. 470-1.

St Denis, L., exped. of, 1705, i. 609;
1713, i. 610-16; charges against,
etc., i. 616-17; in command at
Natchitoches, 1721, i. 625; meeting
with Aguayo, i. 625; correspond,
with Saudoval, 1736, i. 636-7.

Steele, William, mention of, ii. 518.

Steiger, Father P. G., mission to Pi-
meria, 1733, i. 524.

Steiner, Dr, mention of, ii. 538.

Stephens, Samuel, death of, ii. 410.

Stewart, C. B., mention of, ii. 160.

Stiles, Washington, testimony of, ii.
161.

Stockdale, Lieut-gov. F. S., inaugu
ration of, 1SG3, ii. 4C6.

Stock-raising, Texas, ii. 559-64; cat
tle, ii. 560; diseases, ii. 5G2; quar
antines, ii. 562-3; sheep, horses,
etc., 563-4; N. Mex. states, ii.
750-1.

Stone, C. P., organizes Jecker's sur
veying exped., ii. CC5.

Street, J. K., biog. of, ii. 578,

Stuart, Dr 1). F., biog. of, ii. 7G7-8.

Stuart, Hamilton, mention ^f, ii. 549.

Suaquis, Sinaloan tribe, sublimation
of, 1GOO-1, i. 210-12; outbreak, etc.,
1766, i. 5G7-8.

Suarez, Capt., the Tepehuane revolt,
1613-17, i. 3_i.

Supreme court, Sonora and Sinaloa.
1826, ii. 6C8.

Surveys, geol. and agric., ii. 564.

Swain, J. W., biog. of, ii. 577.

Swan, Capt., voyage of, 1685, i. 194.

Sweitzer's regiment, annihilation of,
ii. 467.

Swisher, at battle S. Antonio, ii. 185.
Swisher, John M., Texas auditor, ii.

403.

Sylvester, capture of Santa Anna, ii.
264.

T

Tabasco, revolt of, ii. 351.

gle, P. A. S. de, bishop of Durango,
1749-57, i. 594.

812

INDEX.

Tajo mine, discovery of, 1655, i. 238.
Tamarad, Father N., mention of, i.

437-8; labors in Baja Cal., 1718, i.

446; murder of, 1734, i. 458.
Tamaron, Bishop P., report, etc., of,

i. 562-4; bishop of Durango, 1758-

68, i. 594-5; report of, i. 595-8;

correspondence, etc., of, 1767-8, i.

704-5.
Tamotciiala, town, capture of, 1535,

i. 53.

Tampico, tragedy at, ii. 189.
Tapacohorea, church disaster ut, ii.

582.
Tapia, Father, missionary labors of,

1592-4, i. 121; martyrdom of, 1594,

i. 121-2.
Tapia, Genl A. L., succeeds Miranda,

etc., ii. 738.
Tapiz, P., bishop of Durango, 1713—

22, i. 594.
Tarahumara, missionary labors, etc.,

i:i, 1607-30, i. 333-4; 1639-48, i.

245-8; revolt in, 1649-51, i. 352-8;

1652, i. 358-60; mission affairs in,

i. 361-3.
Taraval, Father S., works of, i. 455;

in charge at Purisima, 1730, i. 455;

at Sanlgnacio, 1732, i. 456; explor.

of, 1732-3, i. 456; founds Las Pal-
mas mission, i. 457; escape of, 1734,

i. 458-9.

Tarda, Father, mention of, i. 366-7.
Tarltoii, Col, mention of, ii. 244.
Taxicora. Cacique, capture, etc., of,

1631, i. 211; execution of, 212.
Taylor, Geii'l, movements of, ii. 394;

battle of Monterey, ii. 395-6.
Tay?, Lieut J. B., battle against riot
ers, ii. 520.
Teal, Capt Henry, commissioner to

Filisola, ii. 270; commis. to Mexico,

ii. 282.

Tecuchuapa, disturbance in, i. 316.
Tehuecos, Sinaloan tribe, revolt of,

1611-12, i. 219-20.
Tollo, Father T., at Caborca, 1750, i.

543; murder of, 1751, i. 544.
Tollez, Col, defeats Romero, etc.,

1846, ii. 669.
Tellez, M., comandante at San Felipe,

1585, i. 114.
Temoris, Sinaloan tribe, submission

of, i. 248.
Tempis, Father A., death of, 1746, i.

462; biog., i. 462.
Tenipleton, J. D., biog. of, ii. 768.
Tenerapa, Tepehuanes defeated at,

1617, i. 326.
Tenorio, Capt., mention of, ii. 156.

Tenor.io, A. de C., with Ortega's ex-
ped., 1632, i. 171.

Tepalme, Hurdaide's exped. to, 1612-
13, i. 220-1.

Tepehuane, district, extent of, i.
309; descript. of, i. 319-20; revolt
in, 1616-17, i. 320-9; 1638, i. 331-2;
missionary labors in, i. 331; mis
sion matters in, 1644-68, i. 344-6.

Tepocas, Jesuits among, 1709, i. 511.

Teporaca, Cacique, the Tarahumare
revolts, 1649-52, ii. 356-8; execu
tion of, 1652, i. 360.

Teran, Gen., campaign, etc., of, 1695,
i. 272.

Teran, D., comandante of Santiago
de Monclova, etc., i. 376; exped.
of, 1691-2, i. 416-18; ' Descripcion.
y Diaria/ i. 416.

Terrazas, Gen'l Luis, gov. Chih, 1861,
ii. 619; reinstated, 1864, ii. 621j
rule of, 1879-84, ii. 625.

Terrenate, presidio founded at, etc.,
1741-4, i. 528-30.

Terreros, Father A. G., exped. of,
1757, i. 644; the massacre at, flan
Saba, 1758, i. 645-8.

Terreros, P. R. de, contributions of,
1756, i. 644.

Terrill, Prof. I. M., biog. of, ii. 545.

Texas, explorations, etc., of, 1528-
1693, i. 380-419; maps of, i. 381,
615; name,i. 392; govW, 1702-26,
i. 604; French claims to, 1712, i.
609-10; St Denis' exped., 1705, i.
609; Ramon's, 1716, i. 612-16;
French invasion of, 1719-20, i. 618-
22; Aguayo's exped., 1720-2, 622-9;
Gov. Almazan's rule, 1722-6, i.
630-2; Mediavilla's, 1726-CO, i.
632^; Rivera's rept. on, 1729, i.
633-4; Gov. Bustillo's rule 1730-3,
i. 634-6; Sandoval's, 1734-6, i. 636-
7; Apache raids, etc., in 1730-4, i.
635-6; 1760-1, i. 650; Gov. Fran-
quis' rule, 1736-7, i. 637-8; Oro-
bio's, 1737-40, i. 638-9; Wintuisen's,
T. F., 1741-3, i. 639; Bonco's 1743,
i. 639; Lario's, 1743-8, i. 6::9;
Junco's, 1748-50, i. 639; Barrios',
1751-60, i. 639, 643; mission affairs
in, i. 639-42, 653-69; the boundary
question, i. 636-7, 643-4; contra
band trade in, i. 643; theComanche
outbreak, etc., 1758, i. 645-9; Gov.
Martos' rule, 1760-7, i. 649, 652;
Oconnor's 1767-70, i. 652; popula
tion, i. 657, 1805-7, ii. 2; 1820, ii.
76; 1860-88, ii. 529; Gov. Cabel-
lo's rule, 1778-81, i. 660, 668; Pa-

INDEX.

813

f

checo's, 1789-90, i. GG9; claimed
by the U. S., ii. 1-10; Louisiana
boundary dispute, ii. 9-11; treaty,
IS 19, ii. 45-7; military force in
creased, ISOu, ii. 11; Salcedo made
Yov. of, 1810, ii. 17; condition of,
3*21, ii. 52; foreign colonists, 1819,
ii. 55; Austin's colony, ii. 56 et
seq.; colonization law, 1825, ii. 70;'
slavery decree.?, 1827-9, ii. 90-3;
agitation on, ii. 423 et seq. ; admin -
ijt. of justice, 1827-9, ii. 94-5; ed
ucation, 1811-30, ii. 95-6; religion,
1331, ii. 93; revolt, 1826, ii. 105 et
seq.; Mexican oppression, ii. Ill
etseq.; changes in laws for 1830,
ii. 114; military despotism, 1830,
ii. 115; martial law, 1832, ii. 119;
Coah. separation discussed, ii. 130
et seq.; colonization decree, 1832,
ii. 132; state convention, 183*2-3,
ii. 132-3; constitution, ii. 133; gov't
measures for, 1833, ii. 137; decree
for supreme court, etc., 1834, ii.
144; land frauds, 1835, ii. 149;
Coah. state authorities deposed, ii.
154-5; committees of vig. and
safety formed, ii. 155; bill of rights,
ii. 172; provis. gov't, 1835, ii. 173;
polit. affairs of, 1835, ii. 190 et seq.;
public domain, ii. 191; breach be
tween council and gov., ii. 193;
apathy of, 1836, ii. 201; finances of,
ii. 202; 1870, ii. 505; 1874-5, ii.
513; 1879, ii. 522; debt of, ii. 399;
debt, 1850, ii. 401-2; liquidation
of debt, ii. 412 etseq.; school fund,
1852-61, ii. 416; revenue, 1852-8,
ii. 415; independence declared, ii.
215 etseq.; signers of list, ii. 216;
recognized, ii. 301, 338-40; con
stitution adopted, 1836, ii. 218;
seat of gov't at Harrisburg, ii. 238;
at Galveston, ii. 268; statistics of
1836, ii. 285; elections, 1836, ii. 291;
1841, ii. 341; 1844, ii. 378; 1849, ii.
398; prospects of, 1838, ii. 310;
boundary with N. Mex., ii. 332,
398; capital moved to Austin, 1839,
ii. 337; foreign relations, 1838-42,
ii. 338-tO; navy operations, 1842,
ii. 350 et seq. ; second invasion of.
ii. 357 et seq.; annexation to U. S.,
ii. 382; volunteers of, in Mex. war,
ii. 394 et seq.; Santa Fe exped.,
IStl, ii. 333 etseq.; claims against,
1847-51, ii. 403; secession, 424 et
seq.; prosperity of, 1858-9, ii. 426;
adopts confederate constitution, ii.
439; reconstruction, 1865-6, ii. 478

etseq.; state constitution, 1866, ii.

482; restoration to statehood, ii. 501-

2; political vicissitudes of, ii. 526-7;

progress of, ii. 528-9; editorial and

press association, ii. 550.
Texas K. K. Navig. & Banking Co.,

act to incorporate, ii. 296.
Thompson, capture of Santa Anna,

ii. 264.
Thompson, Capt., desertion, etc., of,

ii. 303.

Thompson, A. P., mention of, ii. 549.
Thompson, Alexander, mention of,

ii. 172.
Thompson, J. M. N., execution of, ii.

368.
Thompson, Capt. T. M., outrages, etc.,

of, ii. 161-2.
Thrall, H. S., 'A Pictorial History

of Texas,' ii. 386.
Throckmorton, Gov. J. W., pres.

state conven., ii. 482; elected gcv.,

biog., etc., ii. 483; message of,

1866, ii. 483 et seq.; disagreement

with Gen. Griffin, ii. 4CO; removal

of, ii. 491; final report, ii. 491;

biog. of, ii. 765.
'Ticson,' schooner, ii. 118.
Tiguex, Province, Coronado's exped.,

in, 1540-1, i. 85.
Tobar, Capt., exped. to Tusayan,

15-10, i. 85; at San Gerdnimo, etc.,

i. 89.
Tobar, Father H. de, murder of, 1616,

i. 322.
Tobar, P., comandante at San Felhje,

i. 115.

Tobin, Capt., mention of, 445; opera
tions against Cortina, ii. 447-8.
Tobosos, raids of the, 1644-5, i. 348-

51.

Todd, Geo. T., mention of, ii. 565.
Todos Santos, see Ensenada.
Toledo, Jose A. de, biog., etc., of, ii.

26; defeat of, 1813, ii. 28-9.'
Tolosa, J. de, exped. to Zacatecas,

1546-8, i. 99.
Toka, General, mention of, ii. 203;

reenforces Sesma, ii. 247; ratines

Texas treaty, ii. 270.
Tonty, H. de, exped. of, 1G88-9, i.

412.
Topia, Province. Ibarra in, 15G,°>-4, i.

105-7; extent of, i. 309; subjuga
tion of, 1601-14, i. 313-19; extent

of, i. 316; conversions in, i. 316;

missions, etc., in, i. 340-1.
Torn el, Mex. sec. of war, orders to

Filisola, ii. 279-80.
Torre, D. P. de la, gov. of Nueva

814

INDEX.

Galicia, etc., 1536, i. 71; death of,

1538, i. 71.
Torre, J. de la, exped. to Nayarit,

1721, i. 518.
Torres, J. A., leader of uprising, 1810,

ii. 630.
Torres, Gov. Luis, succeeds Serna,

etc., ii. 703.
Torrey, James N., execution of, ii.

368.
Tortolero, Capt. L., Salvatierra's

exped. to Cal., 1697-9, i. 284, 288-

97.
Townley, Capt., voyage of, 1685, i.

194.
Towns, Coah. and Tex., gov't of,

1810, ii. 78-9.
Trade, see Commerce.
Trahern, mention of, ii. 366.
Travis, Col W. B., capture of, 1832,

ii. 119; release of, ii. 124; arrest

ordered, July, 1885, ii. 161; at S.

Felipe, ii. 195; reenforeeruent of,

ii. 202; carelessness of, ii. 207; ap
peal of, ii. 208; death of, ii. 211.
Treasurer, Texas, deficit of, ii. 509.
Treaty of peace, Mex. and U. S., ii.

612.
Trejo, F. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,

1577-83, i. 112-13.
' Tremont, ' Amer. brig., ii. 161.
Tresierra y Cano, A., intendente go-

bernador of Arizpe, 1793, i. 712.
Tresino, Manuel, mention of, ii. 445.
Trias, Gov. Angel, installation of, ii.

632; succeeds Irigoyen, ii. 605;

surrender of, ii. 611-12; deposes

Cordero, ii. 617; removal, etc., of,

ii. 625.
Tristan, Provincial A. F., 'Informe,'

i. 687.
Tristan, E. L. de, bishop of Durango,

etc., 1786, i. 684-5.
Troutman, Miss, mention of, ii. 296.
Tubac, presidio of founded, 1752, i.

554.
Tubares, Sinaloan tribe, revolt, etc.,

of, 1681-4, i. 248 9.
Tubutama, Indian outbreak at, 1695,

i. 26J-1.
Tuuon. y Quiros, Capt. G. A., coman-

dante at San Felipe, 1712-24, i. 516-

17; charges against, i. 516; Apache

raids, i. 516-17.
Tunstall, W. V., sec. state conv.,

1868, ii. 495.
Turnbull, James, execution of, ii.

368.
Turner, Col Amasa, mention of, ii.

244.

Turrill, C. B., mention of, ii. 735.
Tiirsch, Father I., mention of, i. 473.
Tucije, Apache chief, execution of, ii.

654.
Tutino, Padre A., mission to Topia,

1602, i. 316.
Twiggs, General, surrender, etc., of,

ii. 437.

Ugalde, J. de, gov. of Coahuila, 1778,
i. 604; comandante genlof Provin-
cias Internas del Oriente, etc.,
1787, i. 674; defeats Apaches, etc.,
1790, i. 669.

Ugarte, Commandant, removes Mon-
terde, ii. 602.

Ugarte, Father, explor. of, 1521, i.
508-9; labors of, i. 511.

Ugarte, Father J. de, aids Salvatierra,
1697-8, i. 279-80, 298; labors, etc.,
in Baja Cal., 1701-9, i. 422-35;
biog., i. 422; exped. of, 1721, i.
450-1; death, 1730, i. 456; charac
ter, i. 456.

Ugarte y Loyola, J., gov. of Coahuila,
i. 604; comandante gen. of Provin-
cias Internas, 1785, i. 673-4.

Ugartechea, Col, mention of, ii. 116;
battle at Velasco, ii. 122; address
to Texans, 1835, ii. 157; order to
alcaldes, 1835, ii. 161; demand for
cannon, ii. 165; orders to polit.
chief, ii. 171; at battle S. Antonio,
ii. 185.

Ulloa, F. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 78.

Ulloa, P. de, mission to Cortes, 1535,
i. 49-50.

' Uncle Ben,' victory of, ii. 459.

Unionists, Texas, victory of, 1859, ii.
426-7; murders of, in Texas, ii.
458; maltreatment of 18o5-6, ii.
480.

United States, claims to Texas, ii. 1-
16; boundary troubles with Spain,
1805, ii. 10 et seq.; boundary in
trigues of, ii. 88; influence in Texas
affairs, 1835, ii. 158-9; aid to Texas,
1835, ii. 170-1; neutrality, etc., of,
ii. 285; occupation of Texas terri
tory, ii. 286; recognizes independ
ence of Texas, ii. 301; annexation
of Texas rejected, ii. 342; annexa
tion, ii. 382-3; jealousy of Great
Britain, etc., 1842, ii. 374; threat of
Mex., etc., 1842, ii. 376; purchase
of Texas Santa Fe claim, ii. 400-3;
menaces the French, 1864, ii. 622.

United States volunteers, in Texan

INDEX.

815

war, disgust at inaction, at S. An
tonio, ii. 179; restlessness of, ii.
195; inducements to, ii. 294-5.

Universities, Texas, list of, ii. 546;
Texas state university, ii. 545.

Urdaneta, A. de, exped. to the Phil
ippines, 1564-5, i. 137-9; death of,
1568, i. 139.

Urdinola, G-ov. F., gov. of Niieva
Vi/caya, 1602-11, i. 306; revolt of
the Acaxees, 1601-2, i. 314-16; sub
dues the Xiximes, 1610, i. 318-19.

Ures, French capture of, ii. 697.

Urrea's campaign, map, ii. 228.

Urrea, B. de, corresp. with Gov.
Pineda, 1767, i. 569.

Urrea, Gen. Jose, mention of, ii. 204;
defeats Grant and Johnson, ii. 220-
2; defeats Fannin, ii. 227-33; Santa
Anna's orders to, ii. 248; succeeds
Filisola, ii. 281; supports Pedraza,
1832, ii. 590; promotion of, ii. 593;

Proclaims federal system, etc.,
837-8, ii. 656; defeat at Mazatlan,
ii. 658; defeats Gandara, ii. 659;
reappointment of, 1842, ii. 660; de
feat of, ii. 662-3.
Urrea, M., gefe politico, ii. 586.

Vaca, Capt. A., exped of, 1634, i.
385.

Vaca, A. N. C. de, treasurer, etc., of
Narvaez' exped., 1528, i. 6i); ad
ventures of, i. 60-70; 'Relacion,'
i. 62; map of route, i. 67; further
career, i. 70.

Vaca, C. de, crosses Texas, 1535, i.
380-1.

Vacapa, town, Niza's exped. at, 1539,
i. 75-6.

Valdes, J., revolt of suppressed, 1880,
ii. 625-6.

Valdes, L., gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,
1639-40, i. 306; 1642-8, i. 337; the
Toboso outbreak, etc., 1644-5, i.
350.

Valdez, Pedro, defeats Vega, ii. 695.

Valdivar, exploration, etc., of, 1540,
i. 83-4.

Valle, Father A. del, the Tepehuaiie
revolt, 1616-17, i. 327.

Valle, Bishop J. del, visit to Sinaloa,
1610, i. 219.

Valle, Santiago de, councillor, ii. 86.

Valle de Banderas, name, i. 15.

Valenzuela, E. C. de, with Ortega's
exped., 1632, i. 171.

Valverde, battle of, ii. 452.

Vancouver, G., voyages of, 1792-^t, i.
772.

Vandersipe, Father, death of, 1651,
i. 242.

Van Dorn, Maj. Earle, capture of
Sibley, etc., ii. 437.

Van Nostrand, J., mention of, ii. 537.

Van Zandt, Texas charge d' affaires,
ii. 374.

Van Zandt, Isaac, biog. of, ii. 576-7.

Van Zandt, K. M., mention of, ii.
577.

Van Zandt, Dr L, mention of, ii. 577.

Vara, Col, captures Miller's volun
teers, ii. 233-4.

Varohios, Sinaloan tribe, submission,
of, i. 248.

Varona, Capt G. S., exped. of, 1691,
i. 417.

Vasquez, Gen'l Pv., defeat of, ii. 331 j
capture of S. Antonio, 1842, ii.
348.

Vega, Geu'l, schemes of, 1868, ii.
70D-1.

Vega, Gov. F. de la, Valdez defeats,
ii. 695.

Vega, Father R. de, with Ortega's
exped., 1636, i. 174-5.

Vega, S. L. de la, comandante of
Sonora, 1644, i. 233; death of, i.
233.

Vehlein, Joseph, colony grant, ii. 74,
110.

Velarde, Father L., eulogy of Kino,
i. 505-6; Campos' explor., 1715, i.
507.

Velasco, Viceroy, contract with Viz
caino, 1594, i. 147.

Velasco, D. F. de, gov. of Nueva Viz
caya, 1596, i. 113.

Velasco, Fiscal, report on Texan
affairs, 1716, i. 616-17.

Velasco, H. de, gov. of Nueva Viz
caya, 1630, i. 306.

Velasco, Father, mission to Sinaloa,
1600-9, i. 209-15.

Velasco, Father J. B., labors of, i.
222; death of, 1612, i. 222; biog., L
222

Velasco, Father P., death of, 16-19, L
234.

Velasco y Altamirano, G. de L., bish
op of Guadiana, 1692-1700, i. 339.

Velasquez, F., captures Tamotchala,
1533, i. 56.

Velasquez, J. , gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,

1784-6, i. 676-8.
'Velocity,' surrender of, ii. 459.
' Vencedor del Alamo, ' capture of the
'Independence,' ii. 284.

INDEX.

Venegas, Viceroy, aid to Salcedo,

1813, ii. 22.
Venegas, Father, map of, 1757, i.

471.

Venegas, M., ' Noticia de la Califor
nia/ i. 281-2.
Ventura, Father L., at Loreto, 1757,

i. 470; mention of, i. 473.
Vera, Father F., with Urdinola's ex-

ped., 1610, i. 318.
Verastegui, A. M. de, with Otondo's

exped., 1683, i. 187.
Verdugo, Gov. P., proclaims for lib
erals, 1856, ii. 695.
Vermill ion, capture of Santa Anna,

ii. 264.
Vertiz y Ontanon, J. F. de, gov. of

Nueva Vizcaya, 1737, i. 581.
Veterans, Texas, pensions to, ii. 514.
Victoria, town, founded, ii. 110;

Comanche attack on, ii. 325.
Victoria, Tarn., state gov 't at, ii. 330.
Victoria, Gen'l, mention of, ii. 340.
Victoria, Lieut-col M., app't'd sub.

jefe politico, 1829, ii. 710?
Vidal, Lieut-col, defeat of, ii. 606-7.
Vidaurri, Francisco, decreed gov
ernor, 1834, ii. 143; overtures to

Texas, ii. 327.
Viesca, Gov. Agustin, election of,

1835, ii. 146; arrest, etc., of, ii.

154-5; address to Texans, ii. 158.
Viesca, Jose M., elected gov., ii. 86.
Vila, V., exped. toAltaCal., 1769, i.

489.
Vildosola, Don A., gov. of Sinaloa

and Sonora, i. 528; rule, 1741-8, i.

528-31.
Vildosola, Capt. G., expeds. against

Apaches, 1756, i. 557; 1758, i. 558;

1766, i. 559.
Villaescusa, Col. , surrender at Rosario,

1810, ii. 631; defeats Hermosillo,

1811, ii. 632.

Villafafie, Father, death of, 1634, i.
231; biog., i. 231.

Villagian, victory at Parral, 1864, ii.
622; sub. prefect, driven out, etc.,
ii. 738.

Villalobos, R. L. de, exped. of, 1542,
i. 137.

"Villalta, Father C. do, mission to Sin
aloa, 1604, i. 212-14; labors of,
1612, i. 221; missionary labors of,
1621, i. 225-6; death of, 1623, i.
226.

Villapuente, Marquis, donations of,
1702, i. 426.

Villa Senor y Sanchez, works cf, i.
466, 530-1.

Villavicencio, J. J., wcrks of, i. 456,
Vince's bridge, Deaf Smith destroys,

ii. 259.

Viticulture, Texas, ii. 558.
Vivero, R. de, gov. of Nueva Vizcaya,

1601-2, i. 300.
Vizcaino, S., exped. to Lower Cal.,

1597, i. 147-51; 1602-3, i. 153-60;

map of, 1603, i. 156; voyage to

Japan, i. 162-3.

W

Wagner, Father J., attempted mur
der of, i. 461; death of, 1744, i. 462.

Wainwright, Commander, death of,
ii. 456.

Walker, .Senator, resolution of, ii.
302.

Walker, S. A., battle of Monterey,
ii. 396-7.

Walker, S. H., escape of, etc., ii. 366.

Walker, W. W., mention of, ii. 48.

Walker, William, filibustering exped.
to L. Cal., ii. 682, 720 et seq.;
appearance of, ii. 721; operations
in 8. F., ii. 722, 724; reenforce-
ments of and defeat, etc., ii. 723.

Wallace, Lieut-col. J. W. E., election
of, ii. 166.

Waller, Edwin, mention of, ii. 172.

Waller, J. R., mention of, ii. 410.

Wahh, W. C., land commissioner,
1878, ii. 522.

War party, Texas, agitations of,
1835, ii. 156-9.

War of the Regulators and Modera
tors, 1842, ii. 354.

Ward, Major, elected Lieut-col, ii.
219; with King, etc., ii. 222-4;
death of, ii. 235.

Ward, Col T. W., mention of, ii. 554.

Ward, Gen'l T. N., biog. of, ii. 765.

Ward, Dewey & Co , mention of, ii.
535.

Washington, Lewis, mention of, ii.
296.

Webb, James, commiss. to Mex., ii.
340.

Webb, W. E., mention of, ii. 735.

Welle?, E. T., pres. Land Co., ii. 735.

Welles, Col T. G., mention of, ii. 735.

Wells, Major, battle San Jacinto, ii.
258.

West, Claiborne, mention of, ii. 172,
174.

Westbrook, C. A., mention of, ii. 551.

Westbrook, MrsC. A., biog. of, ii.769.

Westover, Capt., defeats Rodriguez,
ii. 188-9.

INDEX.

817

Whaling, Henry, execution of, ii.
368.

' Wharton, ' on coast of Yucatan, 1842,

ii. 352.

Wharfcon party, mention of, ii. 291.
Wharton, J. A., mention of, ii. 160,

162; draughts 'bill of rights,' ii. 172;

Texas milifc. agent, ii. 192; men
tion of, ii. 294; capture and escape

of, ii. 303; death of, ii. 313.
Wharton, W. H., chairman state

conv., 1833, ii. 133-4; app't'd em-

bassador to the U. S., ii. 173-4;

appeal of in aid of Texas, ii. 284;

return of, ii. 29 J; minister to the

U. S., ii. 294; capture and escape

of, ii. 303.

Wheat, Texas, ii. 557.
Whistler, Col., occupies Nacogdoches,

ii. 287.
Whitaker, William, mention of, ii.

171.

Whiting, Samuel, mention of, ii. §50.
Whitmore, G. W., representative

18139, ii. 498.

Wiiie, T., Indian massacre of, ii. 410.
Williams, arrest ordered, ii. 161.
Williams, equips Texas schooners, ii.

271.
Williams, S. M., commis. to Mex.,

1842, ii. 375.
Williamson, R. M., arrest ordered, ii.

161; mention of, ii. 172.
Willis, R. S., biog. of, ii. 765-6.
Wilson, Charles, mention of, ii. 172,

174.

Wilson, Robert, defeat of, ii. 313.
Wing, M. C., execution of, ii. 368.
Wmtuisen, T. F., gov. of Texas, |

1741-3, i. 639.
Woll, General, force, etc., of, ii. 244;

despatch to Houston, ii. 267; cap- |

tures 8. Antonio, ii. 357; media- i

tion Mex. & Texas, 1842, ii. 375; j

manifesto of, ii. 378.
Wocxl, Gov. Geo. T., inauguration of,

ii. 397; threat against New Mex.,

1848, ii. 39S; defeat of election,

1853, ii. 405.

Wood, W., mention of, ii. 410.
Woodbury, John L., coal mine priv- i

ileges of, ii. 97.
Wondridge, A. P., mention of, ii. !

546.

Woods, J. B., mention of, ii. 172.
Wooten, T. D., mention of, ii. 546.
Worth, Gen'l, battle of Monterey, ii.

395-6.
Wytfliet-Ptolemy, map, 1597, i. 152.

Xiximes, submission of the, 1607, i.
317; uprising of, 1610, i. 317-18;
1616, i. 324; subjugation of, 1610-
11, i. 318-19; conversion, etc., of,
1611-14, i. 319.

Yanez, Gov., appointment of, 1854,
ii. 681, 695; outwits Boulbon, ii.
686; victory of, ii. 688-9; removal,
etc., of, ii. 690.

Yaqui river, Guzman's exped. on the,
1533, i. 67; Vaca's, i. 66-8.

Yaquis, defeat, etc., of, 1533, i. 57;
war with the, 1609, i. 217-18; sub
mission of, i. 213-19; treaty with,
1610, i. 219; missionaries among,
1617-19, i. 224; conversions among,
i. 226; troubles with, 1764-7, i.
566-71; revolt of the, 1740-1, i.
521-3; 1825, ii. 639-43; 1832, ii.
652; 1867, ii. 701; 1887, ii. 704.

Yellowstone, steamboat, ii. 252.

Yoakum, H., 'History of Texas,' ii.
384.

Yorkino party, Durango, ii. 588;
arrest of prom, members, ii. 589.

Young, Col Hugh F., mention of, ii.
372.

Young, Col W. C., capture of Fort
Arbuckle, ii. 450; biog. of, ii. 561.

Yucatan, revolt, etc., of, ii. 351.

Yuma, Kino's exped. to, 1700, i. 270-

Yumas, Sedelmair among the, 1748,
i. 540; 1750, i. 541.

Zacatecas, mining in, i. 97-100; re

bellion of, ii. 153.

Zacatecas, City, founded 1548, i. 97.
Zacatula, founding of, i. 19.
Zambrano, Juan M., counter revolu

tion of, 1812, ii. 18-19; mention of,

ii. 29.
Zapata, Col Antonio, battle of Alcan-

tro, ii. 327-8.
Zapata, Father J. 0., report of, 1678,

i. 239-40.
Zapata, Father O., report of, 1678, i.

244-5.
Zape, the Tepehuane revolt, 1616-17,

i. 322; massacre at, i. 323.

Za

ppa,

Father J. B., mention of, i.

Zarate, Padre G., ' Relaciones. '

818

INDEX.

' Zavala, ' war steamship, purchase of,
ii. 317; mention of, ii. 351.

Zavala, Gov. Lorenzo de, colony
grant to, ii. 75; mention of, ii. 140;
biog., etc., ii. 158; arrest ordered,
ii. 1(50, 164; Austin's reception of,
ii. 167-8; mention of, ii. 171; signs
independence declaration, ii. 216;
elected vice-pres. Texas, ii. 218;
resignation of, ii. 292-3; death of,
ii. 298.

Zavaleta, plan of, revolt against
Sonora, 1833, ii. 655.

Zayas, A. delas C., intendente gobep

iiador of Arizpe, 1786-9, i. 712.
Zermaii, Capt, seizure of, ii. 724.
Zigarran, Father T., murder of, 1645,

i. 349.

Zubira, Bishop, banishment of, ii. 592.
Zulvaga, Gov Luis, app'tment and

removal of, ii. 602; night, etc., of,

ii. 618.
Ztiniga, Brother J. de, at La Pas,

1633, i. 172.
Zuzaraqui, Father, mention of, i. 484.

v

7Jan'59»i

W.9 W.BAM

LOAN DJEPT.

DEC 12 1958

20

LD 21-100m-6,'56
(B9311slO)476

1'30

EB 2 s

General Library

University of California

Berkeley

C < * " V. <** C v

c - ^^cw.«K

(

800077%!'

c : c C

<:«€- c

.

cx t: - c

< c : C >< v

«- V r . <. •'.